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THE   FAVOURITES   OF 
THE    FRENCH    COURT 


THE    FAVOURITES    OF 
HENRY    OF    NAVARRE 


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IIEMBY  IV.,   KINO   OF  FBANCE   AND  NAVARBE,   IN  1596. 


THE  FAVOURITES  OF 
HENRY  OF  NAVARRE 


BV 

LE    PETIT    HOMME    ROUGE 

AUTHOR  OF 
"THE  COURT  OF  THE  TUILERIES,   1852-187O  " 


WITH  SIX  PORTRAITS 


PUBLISHED  BY  RICHARD  G.  BADGER 

THE  GORHAM  PRESS,  BOSTON 

MCMX 


"  Lightly  from  fair  to  fair  he  flew, 
And  loved  to  plead,  lament,  and  sue  ; 
Suit  lightly  won,  and  short-lived  pain, — 
For  monarchs  seldom  sigh  in  vain." — Marmion. 


AU  rights  reserved 


A 
LA  DAME  DE   MES   PENSEES 


"  L'amour  est  une  passion  k  laquelle 
toutes  les  autres  doivent  ob^issance." 

Henri  IV.  a  la  Seine  Elisabeth, 

le  26  Octobre,  1596. 


PREFACE 

Three  years  ago  the  reviewers  and  the  public  gave  a  flattering 
reception  to  a  book  written  by  Le  Petit  Homme  Rouge  on  the 
Court  of  the  Tuileries  in  the  days  of  the  Second  French  Empire. 
He  now  offers  a  work  in  some  respects  similar  to  and  in  others 
different  from  his  previous  effort.  For  instance,  this  volume 
contains  no  elaborate  descriptions  of  Court  life  and  ceremonisJ, 
though  these  are  incidentally  dealt  with ;  and  while,  on  the  other 
hand,  monarchs,  nobles,  and  statesmen  again  throng  Le  Petit 
Homme  Rouge's  pages,  they  are  men  of  long  ago,  offering  fre- 
quently but  little  resemblance  to  those  about  whom  the  author 
wrote  in  his  earlier  work.  This  time,  moreover,  his  theme  is 
more  particularly  Woman  in  connection  with  Histor}'.  He 
holds  the  view  that,  although  women  have  been  debarred  by 
the  Salic  Law  from  reigning  in  France,  they  have  really  exer- 
cised more  power  and  influence  there  than  in  any  other  country. 
It  is,  indeed,  certain  that  the  fair  and  frail  creatures,  with 
whom  one  or  another  Sovereign  became  infatuated  in  the  days 
of  the  old  monarchy,  often  proved,  for  good  or  for  evil,  im- 
portant factors  in  the  national  life,  and  that  due  account  of 
them  and  their  influence  should  therefore  be  taken  by  every 
student  who  desires  to  arrive  at  a  right  understanding  of  Fi-ench 
history.  The  present  volume,  then,  treats  of  the  Favourites 
of  that  famous  monarch,  Henri  de  Navarre ;  and  although  he 
was  a  ruler  who  never  deliberately  entrusted  the  authority 
vested  in  himself  to  either  wife  or  mistress,  the  readers  of  this 
book  will  probably  recognize  that  his  personal  career  and  the 
fortunes  of  his  Kingdom  were  profoundly  influenced  by  his 
numerous  entanglements  with  women. 


viii  PREFACE 

The  author  believes  that  he  has  gathered  together  in  a 
volume  of  moderate  length  a  large  amount  of  information 
hitherto  scattered  here  and  there,  and  often  not  easily  acces- 
sible, while  at  times  it  has  only  been  conveyed  in  works  over- 
burdened with  details  that  offer  little  if  any  interest  to  the 
British  reader.  At  the  same  time,  there  have  been  hitherto 
very  few  books  limited  to  the  Favourites  of  Henri  de  Navarre, 
yet  also  professing  to  give  fairly  detailed  accounts  of  all  of 
them.  An  anonymous  volume  of  the  kind  was  issued  at 
Amsterdam  in  1743,  and  nearly  fifty  years  ago  M.  de  Lescure 
produced  in  Paris  a  more  elaborate  one,  which  is  frequently 
quoted  in  this  present  work.  It  must  be  said,  however,  that 
latter-day  research  in  many  directions  has  demonstrated  the 
inaccuracy  of  a  good  many  of  Lescure's  facts  and  a  good  many 
of  his  conclusions.  At  the  present  time  his  book  is  somewhat 
similar  to  the  curate's  egg,  that  is,  "  excellent  in  parts  ■"  only ; 
for,  since  it  was  written,  public  and  private  archives  have  dis- 
closed many  of  their  secrets,  and  documents  have  come  to  light 
invalidating  much  which  was  once  regarded  as  being  probable 
if  not  altogether  beyond  dispute. 

In  the  following  pages  the  author  has  availed  himself  of 
this  great  advance  in  our  historical  knowledge,  and  hopes  to 
have  attained  to  a  higher  degree  of  accuracy  than  was  formerly 
possible;  whilst,  by  carefully  examining  and  sifting  evidence, 
he  thinks  that  he  may  have  elucidated  certain  points  which 
had  hitherto  remained  more  or  less  obscure. 

He  has  not  forgotten  that  his  book  is  intended  for  the 
British  public,  and  although  he  has  much  to  say  about  women 
who  were  frail  as  well  as  fair,  and  claims  the  rights  to  which 
every  conscientious  historical  writer  is  entitled — for  historical 
writing  is  valueless  unless  it  adequately  sets  forth  the  truth — 
he  does  not  think  that  he  has  written  a  single  word  to  which 
any  reasonable  exception  can  be  taken.  On  the  other  hand, 
he  has  not  indulged  in  moralizing,  for  he  holds  that  the  facts 
he  recounts  speak  amply  for  themselves,  and  that  his  readers 


PREFACE  ix 

will  easily  draw  their  own  conclusions  from  them.  The  book 
makes  no  claim  whatever  to  be  a  complete  history  of  Henri 
de  NavaiTe's  career  and  rule;  but,  in  order  that  the  King's 
position  at  one  and  another  period  may  be  the  better  under- 
stood, there  are  not  infrequent  glances  at  political  and  military 
affairs.  Moreover,  the  writer  has  had  to  refer  incidentally  to 
a  very  large  number  of  characters,  with  a  good  many  of  whom 
the  English  reader  is  scarcely  familiar.  There  are  instances 
also  when  one  or  another  personage,  after  figuring  for  a  while 
under  some  particular  title,  suddenly  becomes  known  by  another  ; 
and,  further,  more  or  less  important  questions  of  relationship 
occasionally  present  themselves.  The  author  has  therefore 
been  at  some  pains  to  supply,  either  in  his  text  or  in  his 
footnotes,  a  variety  of  information  respecting  those  subordinate 
characters,  in  order  that  no  confusion  may  arise  in  the  reader's 
mind. 

That  said,  Le  Petit  Homme  Rouge  respectfully  submits  his 
work  to  the  judgment  of  the  critics  and  the  public,  in  the 
hope  that  it  may  meet  with  some  at  least  of  the  favour  which 
was  so  generously  extended  to  his  previous  volume. 

Paris^ 

Easter,  1910. 


CONTENTS 

CRAPTES  PAOB 

I.       INTRODUCTION  1 

II.       CHARLOTTE    DE    SAUVES  25 

III.  A    QUARTETTE    OF    BEAUTIES  :     TIGNONVILLE,    DAYELLE, 

REBOURS,   AND  FOSSEUX  48 

IV.  A   ROYAL   SEPARATION  71 
V.      CORISANDA  88 

VI.       LA    BELLE  GABRIELLE — WOOED  AND    WON  116 

VII.       LA   BELLE  GABRIELLE — PALMY    DAYS  145 

VIII.       LA   BELLE  GABRIELLE — DISAPPOINTMENT  AND   DEATH  173 

IX.      HENRIETPE   d'eNTBAGUES — THE  FELINE   FAVOURITE  212 

X.       HENRIETTE   d''eNTRAGUES AMBITION    AND   FALL  238 

XI.      THE    PRINCESS    DE  CONDE — THE  ASSASSINATION  OF  THE 

KING    AND  AFTERWARDS  276 

APPENDIX 

A.  WOMEN   ASSOCIATED    WITH    HENRI  DE   NAVARRE  291 

B.  NATURAL   CHILDREN    OF    HENRI    DE   NAVARRE   AND  THEIR 

DESCENDANTS  294 

C.  SONGS  ATTRIBUTED   TO  HENBI    DE   NAVARRE  301 

INDEX  307 


ILLUSTRATIONS 

HENRI   DE  NAVARRE  Frontispieee 

QUEEN  MARGUERITE  To  face  page  24 

CORISAXDA  88 

GABRIELLE  d'esTREES  128 

HENRIETTE   d'eNTRAGUES  216 

PRINCESSE  DE   CONDE  280 


THE  FAVOURITES  OF 
HENRY  OF  NAVARRE 


INTRODUCTION 

The  Popularity  of  Henri  de  Navarre — His  amorous  Nature — His  Parentage 
and  Ancestry — His  Birth,  Appearance,  Habits  and  Early  Years — His 
Marriage  with  Marguerite  de  Valois — Marguerite's  striking  Beauty — 
Marguerite  and  the  Duke  de  Guise — Wedding  of  Henri  and  Marguerite — 
The  Massacre  of  St.  Bartholomew — Marguerite  and  the  Massacre — Guise 
and  Coligny — The  suggested  Annulment  of  Marguerite's  Marriage — 
Predicament  of  Henri  and  Conde — Henri  as  "Prince  Hal"— Henri  and 
AleuQon  seek  to  Escape — They  are  foiled  by  Marguerite — A  second  Plot 
for  Escape — La  Mole  and  Coconas — Marguerite's  alleged  Love  for  La 
Mole — His  Trial  and  Execution — The  strange  Legend  of  the  Severed 
Heads— Henri  and  Alen^on  threatened — Marguerite  helps  her  Husband — 
Another  unsuccessful  Scheme  for  Escape— Death  of  King  Charles  IX. 

A  GREAT  King  is  not  necessarily  a  popular  one.  For  instance 
both  Francis  I  and  Louis  XIV  rank  among  the  most  remark- 
able men  who  ruled  France  in  her  monarchical  days,  yet  neither 
acquired  a  shred  of  popularity  among  the  millions  under  his 
sway.  But  the  same  cannot  be  said  of  the  monarch  whom  the 
French  call  "  Henri  Quatre,""  but  who  is  generally  known  to 
present-day  Englishmen  as  "  Henry  of  Navarre,"  an  appellation 
which  properly  belongs  only  to  the  earlier  part  of  his  strenuous 
career.  Macaulay  helped  to  popularize  it,  however,  and  there 
is  perhaps  a  particular  reason  why  it  should  have  prevailed 
among  us.  Broadly  speaking,  ours  is  a  Protestant  country, 
and  "  Henry  of  Navarre  "  was  the  champion  of  Protestantism  ; 
whereas  "  Henri  Quatre "'"'  was  a  Catholic  King. 

B 


2    FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE    i 

Even  in  these  republican  days  that  sovereign"'s  memory  may 
well  appeal  to  many  Frenchmen.  A  forgotten  eighteenth- 
century  writer,  Gudin  de  la  Brenellerie,  wrote  of  him  that 
he  was 

"  Le  seal  Boi  dont  le  pauvre  ait  gard^  la  m^moiro  " — 

a  famous  line,  the  authorship  of  which  is  little  known  and  which 
is  almost  always  misquoted,  the  practice  being  to  substitute 
patple  for  pauvre.  But,  as  Gudin  was  wont  to  explain  on 
occasions  when  that  error  was  perpetrated  in  his  presence,  the 
peuple  (which,  in  his  time,  meant  the  nation,  not  merely  the 
inferior  or  working  classes)  had  reason  to  remember  other 
monarchs  in  a  favourable  sense,  among  them  being  Louis  XII, 
on  whom,  as  will  be  recollected,  the  appellation  of  "  Fere  du 
Peuple,"  was  bestowed.  When,  however,  Gudin  penned  the 
line  which  alone,  of  all  his  writings,  has  survived,  he  was 
thinking,  he  said,  of  Henri's  desire  to  improve  the  lot  of  his 
lowlier  subjects,  and  introduce  plenty  into  their  homes,  a 
desire  he  expressed  by  the  wish  that  the  humblest  peasant  in 
France  might  have  a  fowl  in  his  pot  on  Sundays. 

But  it  is  not  merely  on  account  of  Henri's  kindly  thoughts 
for  the  poor  that  his  memory  has  remained  green  in  France. 
It  is  because  he  was  the  living  synthesis  of  the  French  race  in 
all  that  appeals  to  the  imagination.  He  was  a  skilful,  brave, 
victorious,  tolerant  and  clement  monarch,  a  good  King  and  a 
great  one,  and  also,  pre-eminently  a  Man.  His  passions  and 
failings  contributed  as  much  as  his  virtues  to  his  popularity. 
A  King  who  can  be  as  intrepid,  as  hardy,  as  adventurous,  as 
fond  of  women,  as  big  a  sportsman,  drinker,  gambler,  jester, 
and  railer  as  men  who  are  not  Kings,  appeals  to  the  primal 
instincts ;  and  one  can  well  understand  the  vogue  enjoyed  by 
the  song — 

'•  Vive  Henri  quatre ! 

Vive  ce  roi  vaillant, 

Ce  diabIe-4-quatre, 

Qui  eut  le  triple  talent 

De  boire,  et  de  battre, 

Et  d'etre  vert-galant  I  " 

Henri's  amorousness,  his  perpetual  worship  at  the  shrine  of 
beauty,  has  helped,  perhaps,  more  than  anything  else,  to  fix 


I  INTRODUCTION  8 

his  personality  in  the  popular  mind.  WTiat  Lescure  wrote 
many  years  ago  is  still  true  to-day.  Ask  an  average  Frenchman 
who  Sully  was,  and  the  chances  are  that  he  will  hesitate  to 
answer.  But  ask  him  who  was  "  la  belle  Gabrielle,""  and  he 
will  reply  both  immediately  and  accurately.  The  names  of 
many  of  the  greatest  ministers  of  Kings  are  forgotten,  but  the 
names  of  those  Kings'  mistresses  abide.  In  the  case  of  Henri  IV, 
it  must  be  conceded  that  he  did  not  surrender  the  reins  of 
government  to  any  woman,  however  great  might  be  his  attach- 
ment to  her.  He  was  neither  a  Louis  XIV  nor  a  Louis  XV. 
He  could  refuse  the  requests  of  Gabrielle  d'Estrees,  and  he 
placed  Henriette  d'Entragues  under  arrest. 

One  day  Henri  asked  the  ambassador  of  the  Emperor 
Rodolph  II,  whether  that  monarch  had  any  mistresses.  "  If 
he  has,"  the  envoy  replied,  "  they  are  kept  secret.*"  "  It  is  true,*" 
the  King  retorted,  "that  some  men  have  not  sufficient  great 
qualities  to  cast  over  their  failings."  After  he  had  selected 
Pierre  Mathieu  to  write  a  history  of  himself  for  his  son  (the 
future  Louis  XIII),  Mathieu  read  to  him  one  day  a  passage 
respecting  his  partiality  for  women.  *'  What  is  the  use  of 
revealing  that  weakness  ?  "  asked  Henri.  "  It  will  be  a  lesson 
for  your  son,"  said  Mathieu  ;  whereupon  the  King  after  a  pause 
replied,  "  Yes,  yes,  the  whole  truth  must  be  told.  If  you 
were  to  remain  silent  about  my  failings,  people  would  not 
believe  you  respecting  the  rest.  Well,  set  them  down,  then,  so 
that  my  son  may  know  and  avoid  them." 

Henri's  love-affairs  were  probably  more  numerous  than 
those  of  any  other  King  of  France,  not  even  excepting  Louis 
XV.  The  escapades  of  his  early  youth  are  not  worthy  of 
mention,  but  in  the  appendix  to  the  present  volume  will  be 
found  a  list  of  the  many  fair  women  who  appear  to  have 
attracted  his  attention  from  the  time  of  his  marriage  onward. 
In  the  body  of  the  work  chiefly  those  who  really  exercised  an 
influence  on  his  career  will  be  spoken  of,  and  they,  as  it 
happens,  are  numerous  enough.  It  is  not  intended  that  this 
volume  should  be  either  a  complete  biography  of  the  great 
soldier-king  or  a  full  study  of  his  times,  and  in  no  sense  will  it 
be  a  panegyric ;  but  by  the  light  of  what  will  be  set  forth — 
incidents  neglected  by  grave  historians  as  beneath  their  notice, 


4    FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE    i 

or  so  altered  or  disfigured  by  novelists,  playwrights,  and  others, 
as  to  have  little  likeness  to  the  truth — it  may  be  easier,  perhaps, 
to  understand  one  of  the  most  remarkable  and  interestin"- 
personalities  the  world  has  known,  as  well  as  some  of  the  most 
momentous  changes  which  marked  his  period. 

Henri,  Prince  of  Beam,  later  King  of  Navarre,  and  ultimately 
King  of  France,  was  born  at  the  chateau  of  Pau  on  December 
12,  1553.  His  father,  Antoine  de  Bourbon,  was  one  of  three 
brothers — first  himself,  secondly  Charles,  Cardinal  de  Bourbon, 
and  thirdly  Louis,  Prince  de  Conde — who  traced  their  line  and 
kinship  with  the  Royal  House  of  France  back  to  Robert  de 
Clermont,  youngest  son  of  St.  Louis,  and  husband  of  Beatrice 
of  Burgundy,  heiress,  through  her  mother,  of  the  old  Lords  of 
Bourbon,  who  on  their  side  were  descended  from  one  of  the 
captains  of  Pepin  le  Bref,  Charlemagne's  father.  Robert  de 
Clermont  assumed  the  name  of  Bourbon  on  his  marriage,  and 
in  1327  the  barony,  for  such  it  had  hitherto  been,  was  raised 
to  the  rank  of  a  duchy.  The  Dukes  de  Bourbon  played 
conspicuous  parts  in  national  affairs  during  the  reigns  of 
Charles  V,  Charles  VI,  and  Charles  VII,  and  at  the  time  of 
Francis  I  the  house  rose  to  univei"sal  celebrity  by  reason  of  the 
chequered  career  of  that  great  soldier,  Duke  Charles,  best 
known  as  the  Constable  de  Bourbon. 

Antoine,  the  father  of  the  Prince  who  became  Henri  IV 
of  France,  bore  the  title  of  Duke  de  Vendome,  when  in  October, 
1548,  he  espoused  Princess  Jeanne  d'Albret,  daughter  of 
Henri  II,  King  of  Navarre,  by  his  marriage  with  Marguerite 
d"'Angouleme,  sister  of  Francis  I,  and  author  of  The  Heptameron. 
Eight  years  previously,  Jeanne,  then  not  yet  in  her  teens,  had 
been  married,  almost  perforce,  to  William  III,  Duke  of  Cleves, 
with  the  object  of  cementing  an  alliance  between  that  Prince 
and  Francis  I ;  but  although  the  latter  insisted  that  the  Duke 
should  be  bedded  with  his  child-bride  in  presence  of  the 
whole  court,  in  order  that  the  marriage  might  be  reputed 
indissoluble,  it  was  never  consummated,  but  was  obligingly 
annulled  by  Pope  Paul  HI  at  the  instigation  of  Francis 
himself,  when  in  1543  the  Duke  of  Cleves  deserted  his  cause 
for   that   of    the   Emperor    Charles   V.     Jeanne's    subsequent 


I  INTRODUCTION  6 

marriage  with  Antoine  de  Bourbon  did  not  prove  a  happy 
one,  though  at  the  time  of  the  wedding  her  satisfaction  appeared 
boundless.  "  I  never  saw  so  joyous  a  bride,"  her  cousin,  the 
Dauphin,  afterwards  Henri  II  of  France,  wrote  to  Constable 
de  Montmorency,  "  she  does  naught  but  laugh.""  * 

Antoine,  then  thirty  years  of  age,  was  a  very  good-natured 
man,  easy  in  his  ways,  generous  to  a  fault,  possessed  of  great 
personal  bravery,  and  not  without  claims  to  some  little  culture 
if  he  were  indeed  the  author  of  the  various  songs  and  such 
like  which  have  been  ascribed  to  him.  But  at  the  same  time  he 
evinced  no  strength  of  character.  Unstable  in  religion, 
irresolute  in  policy,  fickle  in  his  affections,  he  became,  as  he 
advanced  in  life,  more  and  more  inclined  to  dissolute  courses, 
much  to  the  chagrin  of  his  consort.  She,  twenty  years  old  at 
the  time  of  this  second  marriage,  was  inclined  to  extravagance, 
but  her  intelligence  was  far  higher  than  her  husband"'s,  and 
her  character  was  all  energy  and  resolution,  which  she  largely 
transmitted  to  her  son. 

Henri,  however,  inherited  his  qualities  and  failings  from 
many  sources.  Personal  bravery  had  long  been  conspicuous 
among  the  Bourbons,  and  had  also  proved  a  distinguishing 
trait  of  the  Prince's  grandfather  on  the  maternal  side — Henri 
(II)  d'Albret,  King  of  Navarre.  The  literary  faculty,  tinged 
with  poetry  and  romance,  which  asserted  itself  so  often  in  his 
correspondence,  was  derived  not  only  from  his  parents,  but 
also,  and  more  particularly  perhaps,  from  his  grandmother,  the 
Marguerite  of  the  Heptameron,  I^  Myrouer  de  FAme  pecheresse, 
Les  Marguerites  de  la  Marguerite,  La  Coche,  and  many  fugitive 
pieces.  Through  her,  too,  Henri  was  a  Valois,  and  therefore 
not  deficient  in  a  sort  of  diplomatic  rotterie.  However, 
Marguerite's  brother,  Francis  I,  had  been  the  most  chivalrous 
Prince,  and  likewise  one  of  the  most  dissolute,  of  his  times, 
and  those  traits  displayed  themselves  in  her  grandson.  But  the 
amorous  side  of  Henri's  nature  was  not  derived  solely  from 
Valois  sources,  for  both  his  father,  Antoine  de  Bourbon,  and 
his  grandfather,  Henri  II  of  Navarre,  were  men  of  strong 
carnal  passions.     Briefly,  the  houses  of  Valois,  Bourbon,  and 

*  An  amusing  anecdote  of  their  honeymoon  tour  figures  in  the  Heptameron 
(Tale  66). 


6    FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE    i 

Albret,  and  also  that  of  the  superb,  daring,  and  disputatious 
Gastons  and  Phoebuses  of  Foix,*  combined  to  produce  the 
qualities  and  failings  which  distinguished  the  Prince  to  whom, 
as  we  have  said,  Jeanne  d'Albret  gave  birth  at  Pau  in  the 
winter  of  1 553.1 

She  had  repaired  thither  at  her  father's  request.  Some 
forty  years  previously  Navarre  proper  had  been  conquered  by 
Ferdinand  the  Catholic,  and  annexed  to  Spain,  and  although 
the  Albrets  still  called  themselves  Kings  of  Navarre,  they  only 
governed  the  principality  of  Beam,  a  part  of  Rigorre,  and  the 
county  of  Foix  on  the  French  side  of  the  Pyrenees.  Pau  and 
Nerac  were  their  usual  residences,  the  chateau  of  the  former 
locality  having  been  considerably  enlarged  and  embellished  by 
Henri  d'Albret  and  his  consort  Marguerite  d'Angouleme.  It 
is  not  quite  certain  in  what  room  of  this  chateau  Jeanne 
d'Albret  gave  birth  to  her  son.  Some  authorities  believe  that 
the  apartment  was  the  old  bed-chamber  of  the  Kings  of 
Navarre  on  the  first  floor,  a  room  which,  in  Napoleonic  times, 
became  known  as  the  "Chambre  de  I'Empereur";  but  the 
most  accredited  opinion  is  that  a  second-floor  room,  called  the 
"Chambre  d'Henri  IV,"  was  the  scene  of  the  accouchement. 
The  child's  cradle,  fashioned  out  of  the  carapace  of  a  tortoise,  is 
still  preserved  there. 

Henri  d'Albret,  brave  and  hardy,  whatever  his  faults  may 
have  been,  expressed  to  his  daughter  a  particular  desire  that 
she  should  not  present  him  with  any  "glum  and  tearful  grand- 
child," and  in  order  that  such  might  not  prove  the  case,  he 
))romised,  says  Favyn's  old  nan-ative,  to  give  her  both  a  will 
he  had  made  in  her  favour  and  a  gold  chain  long  enough  to 
encircle   her  neck  five-and-twenty  times,  provided  she  would 


*  Catherine  de  Foix,  the  last  heiress  of  that  house,  was  by  her  marriage 
with  Jean  d'Albret  the  great  grandmother  of  Henri  IV. 

t  He  was  her  second  son.  The  first,  third,  and  fourth,  Henri  Duke  de 
Beaumont,  Louis  Charles  Count  de  La  Marcho,  and  another  Charles,  all  died 
in  infancy,  the  two  former  from  the  effects  of  accidents.  Besides  those  four 
■ons,  on  February  7,  1668,  Jeanne  gave  birth,  in  Paris,  to  a  daughter, 
Catherine,  who  wai  reared  in  the  Huguenot  faith  and,  unlike  her  brother 
Henri,  never  departed  from  it.  On  January  30,  1699,  she  espoused  Henri  de 
Lorraine,  Duke  de  Bar,  and  died  at  Nancy  on  February  13, 1604.  She  will 
be  occasionally  referred  to  in  our  narrative. 


I  INTRODUCTION  7 

sing  a  Beaniese  air  when  the  decisive  moment  arrived.  And 
Favyn  assures  us  that  the  brave  Princess  Jeanne  complied  with 
that  request,  and  gave  birth  to  her  child  while  chanting  the 
local  Canticle  of  Our  Lady  at  the  End  of  the  Bridge,*  a  canticle 
which  began  as  follows  : — 

"  Nouste  Damo  deii  cap  deu  poun, 

Adyudat  me  a  d'aquest'  hore  ! 
Pregats  ail  Diu  deii  ceu, 

Qu'em  bouille  bie'  delioura  leii  I 
D'un  maynat  qu'am  hassie  lou  doun  ; 

Tout  d'inqu'aii  haiit  dous  mounts  I'implore, 
Nouste  Dame  deu  cap  deii  poun, 

Adyudat  me  a  d'aquest'  hore !  "  f 

And  as  the  child  came  into  the  world,  says  Favyn,  "  the 
good  Henri,  full  of  indescribable  delight,  placed  the  gold  chain 
about  the  neck  of  the  Princess,  his  daughter,  and  in  her  hand 
the  box  in  which  was  his  will,  saying  to  her  the  while,  '  These 
are  yours,  my  daughter ;  but  this  belongs  to  me.'  Whereupon, 
taking  up  the  new-born  babe  in  his  long  robes,  he  carried  it  to 
his  own  chamber,  where  he  had  it  attended  to.  This  little 
Prince  came  into  the  world  without  wailing  or  weeping,  and 
the  first  sustenance  he  received  'was  from  the  hand  of  the 
King,  his  grandfather,  who,  taking  a  clove  of  garlic,  rubbed 
it  on  his  little  lips,  which  sucked  the  juice  of  that  theriac  of 
Gascony ;  after  which  the  King,  taking  his  gold  cup,  poured  a 
drop  of  wine  into  his  mouth,  and  he  swallowed  it  right  well. 
Whereupon  the  good  King,  being  full  of  delight,  began  to  say, 
in  presence  of  all  the  noblemen  and  ladies  who  were  in  his 
chamber,  *  Thou  wilt  be  a  real  Bearnese  ! ' "" 

Little  Henri  was  reared  in  a  simple  and  hardy  manner, 
which  laid  the  foundation  of  a  vigorous  constitution,  though 
the  latter  was  threatened  early  in  his  youth  when  his  father 
took  him  to  the  Court  of  France,  where  Charles  IX  had 
recently  succeeded  his  brother  Francis  II.     The  lad  did  not 

*  So  called  from  an  oratory  whither  the  women  of  Pau  repaired  to  pray 
for  a  happy  accouchement. 

t  "  Our  Lady  at  the  end  of  the  bridge,  help  me  at  this  present  hour ! 
Pray  to  the  God  of  Heaven,  that  He  will  be  pleaised  to  deliver  me  speedily ! 
^lay  Ho  grant  me  the  gift  of  a  son ;  all,  to  the  very  mountain-tops,  implore 
Uim.    Our  Lady  at  the  oud  of  the  bridge,  help  me  at  this  present  hour  I " 


8    FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE    i 

grow  up  absolutely  handsome,  for  he  had  the  Valois  nose — that 
of  Francis  I  and  Marguerite  d'Angouleme,  narrower,  however, 
and  also  longer  and  more  beaklike  than  theirs.  But  his  lips 
were  red  and  his  cheeks  glowed  with  the  blood  of  health  until 
campaigning  bronzed  them  to  such  a  degree  that  periods  came 
when  he  was  as  dark  as  a  mulatto.  Beneath  an  abundant 
crop  of  black  wavy  hair,  which  was  carelessly  brushed  backward 
and  which  whitened  at  an  early  age,  the  brow  was  both  broad 
and  lofty,  the  rest  of  the  long  face  tapering  to  the  well-formed 
chin.  A  somewhat  derisive  smile,  which  at  times  became  quite 
sarcastic,  played  round  the  mouth,  and  the  young  fellow's 
nature  looked  out  from  his  somewhat  deep-set,  but  large, 
luminous,  and  liquid  eyes — eyes  as  expressive  as  any  man  ever 
possessed,  eyes  which  in  turn  sparkled  with  raillery,  flashed 
with  courage  and  ardour,  or  softened  into  tenderness  and 
fascinated  with  an  appeal  which  very  few  women  could  resist. 
It  happened,  however,  that  his  eyesight  began  to  fail  him 
before  he  was  fifty  years  old,  and  although  we  think,  no 
spectacled  portrait  of  him  exists,  we  know,  by  contemporary 
writers,  that  he  was  compelled  to  wear  glasses. 

Quick  and  vivacious  in  his  movements,  Henri  loved  every 
form  of  exercise,  and  scarcely  knew  fatigue ;  he  paid  little  if 
any  attention  to  the  laws  of  health,  was  careless  of  his  attire 
and  even  of  jiersonal  cleanliness,  and  was  very  irregular  in  his 
meals,  though  at  times  he  ate  inordinately  and  was  extremely 
fond  of  rich  dishes,  in  such  wise  that  before  many  years 
elapsed  he  was  troubled  by  digestive  complaints,  which  necessi- 
tated the  habitual  use  of  the  waters  of  Pouffues. 

His  grandfather  died  in  1555,  whereupon  Jeanne  d'Albret 
became  Queen,  and  Antoine  de  Bourbon,  King  of  Navarre. 
A  great  religious  conflict — the  struggle  between  the  Catholic 
and  Huguenot  elements  in  France — was  impending.  In  1558 
Antoine  went  over  to  the  Reformed  Religion,  which  he  subse- 
(juently  abjured.  Jeanne,  on  the  other  hand,  remained — at  all 
events,  outwardly — a  Catholic  until  her  husband  was  mortally 
wounded  at  the  siege  of  Rouen  in  1 562.  After  his  death,  assuming 
the  entire  government  of  her  states,  she,  in  her  turn,  espoused 
the  Huguenot  faith,  closed  the  Catholic  convents,  forbade 
Catholic  processions,  and  prescribed  compulsory  and  gratuitous 


I  INTRODUCTION  9 

elementary  education  wherever  she  held  sway.  A  bitter  contest 
ensued,  the  Catholic  lords  of  Bigorre,  Beam,  and  Foix  called  in 
Catholic  forces  under  Montluc  and  Terride ;  but  Jeanne, 
helped  by  Elizabeth  of  England  and  her  late  husband's  brother, 
the  Prince  de  Conde,  got  an  army  together  and  placed  it  under 
the  command  of  that  same  Gabriel  de  Lorges,  Count  de  Mont- 
gomery, who  had  mortally  wounded  Henri  II  of  France  at  a 
tournament.  Montgomery  drove  the  Catholics  from  Jeanne's 
possessions,  and  virtually  all  the  lords  who  had  risen  against 
her  were  massacred  at  the  Chateau  of  Pau. 

She  had  previously  recovered  possession  of  her  young  son, 
Henri,  who  as  already  mentioned  had  been  sent  to  the  French 
court,  and  she  reared  him  in  the  Reformed  faith,  selecting  as 
his  tutor  one  Florent  Chretien,  a  native  of  Orleans,  who  was 
both  a  zealous  Huguenot  and  a  poet,  one  whose  chief  gift  was 
irony,  which  he  employed  skilfully  enough  in  satirizing  his  con- 
temporary Ronsard.  Whatever  may  have  been  young  Henri's 
natural  predisposition  to  wit  and  raillery  it  is  allowable  to 
believe  that  it  was  fostered  by  Florent  Chretien.  The  Prince 
acquired  a  good  knowledge  of  history  and  took  considerable 
interest  in  literature.  We  know  that  he  read  Arnadis  de  Gaule 
and  became  acquainted  in  later  years  with  Honore  d'Urfe's 
Astree.  In  Beam  he  gleaned  a  knowledge  of  the  Spanish 
language,  and  in  Paris,  among  the  entourage  of  Catherine  de* 
Medici,  he  learnt  to  speak  Italian. 

He  was  carried  by  his  mother  to  La  Rochelle  when  that 
port  became  the  headquarters  and  chief  stronghold  of  the 
Huguenots.  Louis  de  Conde,  Admiral  Coligny,  and  Count 
Francois  III  de  la  Rochefoucauld  were  there  at  the  time,  and 
the  young  Prince  received  his  first  lessons  in  the  art  of  war. 
At  last,  however,  by  the  crafty  diplomacy  of  Catherine  de' 
Medici,  who  so  largely  governed  her  son  Charles  IX,  a  pacifica- 
tion was  arrived  at,  and  many  of  the  Huguenot  leaders  were 
attracted  to  Paris,  among  them  being  the  young  Prince  of 
Beam,  to  whom  Charles,  at  his  mother's  instigation,  proposed 
to  give  his  sister,  the  Princess  Marguerite  de  Valois,  in 
marriage. 

That  was  not  easily  accomplished  for  the  Pope  was  at  first 
strongly  opposed  to  the  union  of  a  Catholic  Princess  with  a 


10   FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE     i 

Huguenot.  Jeanne  d'Albret,  who  repaii*ed  to  Paris  to  con- 
duct in  part  the  negotiations  for  the  match,  was  not  opposed 
to  it,  but  she  was  anxious  that,  directly  the  ceremony  was  over, 
her  son  should  flee  in  all  haste  from  "that  pestilential  court"" 
of  the  Louvre — "  where,"  said  she,  "  the  women  so  shamelessly 
make  advances  to  the  men," — and  carry  his  young  bride  into 
tlie  salutary  atmosphere  of  Beam.  "  She  [Marguerite]  is 
beautiful  and  very  intelligent  and  passing  graceful,"  Jeanne 
wrote  to  her  son,  "  but  she  has  been  bred  in  the  most  accursed 
and  corrupt  company  there  ever  was.  .  .  .  For  nought  in  this 
world  would  I  have  you  remain  there.  .  .  .  That  is  why  I 
desire  you  should  maiTy,  and  that  you  and  your  wife  should 
withdraw  from  that  corruption,  which  I  already  believed  to  be 
great,  and  find  to  be  greater  still." 

However,  midst  the  negotiations  and  preparations  for  the 
wedding,  Jeanne  d'Albret  died.  She  was  only  forty-four  years 
old,  and  it  was  surmised  that  her  death  had  been  brought 
about  by  means  of  some  poisoned  gloves,  which  she  had  pur- 
chased of  one  of  the  Italian  purveyors  to  the  Court ;  but  her 
early  demise  was  really  due  to  pneumonia  and  pleurisy.  How- 
ever, her  death  was  regarded  as  an  evil  omen  in  respect  to  the 
wedding  which  was  about  to  take  place. 

Both  in  Beam  and  in  Paris,  the  bridegroom,  then  only  half- 
way through  his  twentieth  year,  had  already  given  proof  of  a 
sensual  nature,  a  predisposition  to  sexual  passion  which  was  to 
last  all  his  life.  His  destined  bride,  born  May  14,  1553,  and 
thus  his  senior  by  some  seven  months,  was  ripe  for  marriage,* 
tall,  superbly  built,  and  possessed  of  great  powers  of  fascination, 
a  grace  which  was  half  proud  and  half  gentle.  She  had  the 
black  hair  of  her  father,  Henri  II  of  France,t  a  most  beautiful 
snowy  brow,  a  dazzling  complexion,  tender  languorous  eyes, 
and  a  small  inviting  mouth,  the  nose,  however,  being  somewhat 
large  and  fleshy.  Withal,  she  was  a  beautiful  woman,  one  of 
whom  a  young  Prince,  in  all  the  ardour  of  youth,  might  well 

*  An  attempt,  io  which  Sir  Francis  WalsiDgbam  was  concerned,  had 
previously  been  made  to  marry  Marguerite  to  the  ill-fated  Dom  Sebastian  of 
Portugal. 

t  Fair  hair  becoming  the  fashion,  she  ended  by  wearing  fair  wigs,  and 
kept  several  footmen  whose  long  fair  hair  was  cropped  periodically  to  supply 
the  material  for  the  wigs  in  question. 


1  INTRODUCTION  11 

have  become  enamoured.  But  it  is  asserted  that  she  had  no 
particular  attraction  for  Henri,  and  on  her  side,  though  she 
had  some  friendly  feeling  for  him,  she  had  no  love. 

It  is  difficult  to  say  what  was  the  cause  of  Henri's  alleged 
coldness,  but  it  is  virtually  certain  that  Marguerite's  dislike  for 
the  match  was  due  to  the  circumstance  that  her  heart  was 
already  given  to  Henri  de  Lorraine,  at  first  Prince  de  Joinville 
and  later  Duke  de  Guise ;  in  a  word  the  famous  "  King  of  the 
Barricades"  murdered  at  Blois  in  1588,  by  the  order  of  King 
Henri  HI.  Numerous  historians  have  written  respecting  that 
attachment,  and  the  famous  scandalous  pamphlet,  Le  Divorce 
Satyrique  asserts  that,  apart  from  Henri  de  Guise,  Marguerite 
had  other  favoured  lovers  prior  to  her  marriage  :  for  instance, 
M.  d'Entragues,*  M.  de  Charry  of  the  King's  bodyguard,  and  the 
Prince  de  Martigues.  She,  in  her  memoirs,  seeks  to  convey  the 
impression  that  her  heart  was  never  given  to  Guise ;  but,  reared 
as  she  had  been  at  a  court  where  dissimulation  was  an  habitual 
practice,  being  essential  for  the  enjoyment  of  comparative  free- 
dom and  often  indeed  for  the  preservation  of  one's  life,  she  was 
one  of  those  who,  long  before  the  days  of  Talleyrand,  held 
speech  to  be  a  vehicle  for  disguising  one's  thoughts. 

Guise,  for  his  part,  was  certainly  enamoured  of  her,  and 
secretly  aspired  to  her  hand.  Little  more  than  one-and-twenty 
years  of  age  at  this  time,  but  daring,  energetic,  unscrupulous, 
masterful,  with  handsome  face,  anxious  brow,  haughty  glance, 
saixlonic  laugh,  and  imperious  gestures,  his  hand  ever  ready  to 
grasp  the  hilt  of  his  sword,  this  ambitious  scion  of  Lorraine 
lived  at  the  Court  of  France  encompassed  by  dislike  and  dis- 
trust. Catherine  de*  Medici,  who  foresaw  his  threatening 
aspirations  to  the  royal  crown,  strove  to  thwart  them ;  and 
on  the  day  when  Guise  allowed  it  to  be  seen  that  he  loved  the 
Princess  Marguerite  and  desired  to  wed  her,  he  suddenly  found 
himself  in  such  danger  that  to  save  not  only  his  liberty  but  per- 
haps his  life  as  well,  he  had  to  renounce  his  pretensions  and 
strive  to  conciliate  his  Sovereign  and  the  Queen-mother  by 
contracting  another  marriage,  one  with  Catherine  of  Cleves, 

♦  Not  Frangoia  de  Balzac  d'Entragues  who  became  father  of  Henriotte 
d'Entragues,  Henri  IV's  so-called  "  wicked  mistress,"  but  his  younger  brother 
Charles,  called  "  le  bel  Entragues  "  and  also  •'  Entraguet." 


12       FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE  i 

widow  of  Antoine  de  Croy,  Prince  de  Porcien,  a  bold,  dip- 
lomatic, and  amorous  lady,  who  became  one  of  the  most  fruit- 
ful of  wives,  bearing  him,  indeed,  no  fewer  than  fourteen  children 
in  the  space  of  eighteen  years. 

That  union  which  seemed  destined  to  separate  Guise  fiom 
Marguerite,  tended  in  reality  to  bring  them  more  closely 
together,  for  as  a  married  man  he  was  allowed  more  opportunity 
of  approaching  the  Princess  than  he  had  hitherto  enjoyed.  She 
was  certainly  no  saint,  though  one  may  agree  with  one  of  her 
latest  biographers,  M.  Merki,  that  her  notorious  reputation  for 
unchastity,  comparable  only  to  that  of  Messalina,  has  been 
largely  due  to  the  effusions  of  her  avowed  enemies,  pamphleteers 
and  pasquinade-writers,  some  of  them  bigoted  Huguenots — and 
the  Huguenot  was  often  a  far  greater  bigot  than  the  Catholic — 
while  others  were  more  particularly  partisans  of  her  husband, 
men  whose  zeal  for  him  degenerated  at  times  into  unscrupulous- 
ness  and  mendacity.  Nevertheless,  Dupleix,  the  historian  of 
Louis  XIII,  a  writer  who  was  attached  to  Marguerite''s  house- 
hold for  some  seven  years,  speaks  openly  of  her  liaison  with 
Guise  even  before  her  marriage. 

According  to  her  own  account  she  offered  virtually  no 
resistance  to  her  union  with  the  young  Prince  of  Beam,  who 
by  his  njother"'s  death  became  King  of  Navarre. 

When  Catherine  de*  IMedici  first  spoke  to  Marguerite 
about  this  match  she  answered  that  she  could  have  no 
other  will  or  choice  than  hers  (Catherine's),  but  she  begged  her 
mother  to  remember  that  she  was  "extremely  Catholic." 
Further,  she  told  M.  de  Meru  that  it  would  greatly  displease 
her  to  have  to  marry  some  one  who  was  not  of  the  same  religion 
as  herself.  Apart,  however,  from  expressing  those  conscientious 
scruples,  she  indicates  in  her  memoirs  that  she  soon  resigned 
herself  to  the  alliance,  and  expatiates  with  evident  pleasure  on 
the  regal  splendour  of  her  attire  at  the  wedding,  and  the 
extreme  pomp  which  marked  the  whole  ceremony. 

There  is,  of  course,  a  well-known  story  to  the  effect  that 
in  the  church.  Marguerite  hesitated  at  the  supreme  moment 
of  responding  "  yes ""  to  the  question  whether  she  would  take 
Henri  to  be  her  husband.  She  remained  silent,  unable  to 
articulate,  we  are  told,  and  Charles  IX,  roughly  laying  his  hand 


I  INTRODUCTION  13 

upon  her  head,  absolutely  compelled  her  to  bow  it  in  token  of 
assent.  That  tale  will  be  found  in  Davila's  Storia  delle  Guerre 
civili  di  Francia^  first  published  at  Venice  in  1630 — that  is, 
fifty-eight  years  after  Marguerite's  marriage.  Davila,  moreover, 
was  born  four  years  subsequently  to  that  event,  of  which  he 
only  acquired  hearsay  knowledge  when,  in  his  early  teens,  he 
became  a  page  of  Catherine  de'  Medici,  then  near  her  death. 
In  no  contemporary  French  work  of  any  standing  is  there 
mention  of  any  such  incident  as  Davila  relates.  To  us  it  seems 
a  very  improbable  one,  for  the  Church  had  quieted  the  bride's 
religious  scruples,  and  "  la  Heine  Margot "  was  not  one  of  those 
shrinking  nervous  women  whom  the  thought  of  matrimony 
upsets. 

It  was  on  August  18, 1572,  that  those  fatal  nuptials  were 
celebrated.  In  spite  of  numerous  warnings  the  Huguenot  lords 
had  flocked  to  Paris  for  the  occasion.  P'ive  days  later  came 
St.  Bartholomew ;  and  thus  Perefixe  wrote  that  young  King 
Henri  was  offered  his  mother's  death  as  a  marriage  portion, 
and  the  general  massacre  of  his  friends  as  a  wedding  entertain- 
ment. 

Henri  escaped  death,  and  so  did  his  cousin,  the  Prince  de 
Conde ;  *  but  that  was  not  the  fault  of  the  actual  perpetrators 
of  the  massacre.  Although  Henri  de  Guise  had  been  virtually 
constrained  to  take  a  wife  two  years  previously,  he  had  beheld 
with  keen  jealousy  the  marriage  of  the  King  of  Navarre 
and  Marguerite  de  Valois.  Moreover,  the  death  of  Conde 
would  have  brought  him  nearer  to  the  throne  he  coveted, 
leaving,  apart  from  the  reigning  monarch,  only  the  latter's 
surviving  brothers  Alenjon  and  Anjou  *  (from  neither  of  whom 
even  at  that  date  was  offspring  anticipated)  between  him  and 
the  object  of  his  ambition.  But  though  Catherine  de'  Medici 
was  willing  to  use  Guise  as  an  instrument  she  deeply  dis- 
trusted him,  and  if  Henri  de  Navarre  and  Conde  were  spared 
it  was  precisely  because  they  were  Guise's  enemies  and  obstacles 
in  his  way,  men  who,  in  the  fullness  of  time,  might  stand  between 
him  and  the  Crown  of  France. 

It  has  been  asserted  that  the  young  King  of  Navarre  was 

•  Henri  I,  son  of  Louis  I. 

^  Afterwards  Henri  III.    Bespecting  AleD9on  see  ^st,  footnote  p.  19. 


14   FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE     i 

saved  on  this  occasion  by  his  wife.  But  that  is  quite  untnie. 
Her  mother  and  the  King  her  brother  had  kept  her  entirely 
ignorant  of  what  was  impending,  and  on  that  terrible  night 
when  murder  burst  into  the  palace  of  the  Louvre,  she  was 
virtually  abandoned  to  her  own  resources.  She  had  neither 
power  nor  influence,  and  could  do  nothing  for  the  husband 
whom  she  had  so  recently  wedded  save  wish  him  well.  Besides, 
however  great  might  be  her  natural  courage,  the  circumstances 
were  so  dreadful  that  she  became  distracted  and  terrified, 
alarmed  for  her  own  safety  by  what  she  either  witnessed  or 
experienced.     That  is  well  shown  by  her  own  narrative  : 

"  Nothing  of  all  that  was  said  to  me,"  she  writes.  "  I  saw 
everybody  in  commotion,  the  Huguenots  in  despair  at  the  wound- 
ing of  the  Admiral  [Coligny],*  and  Messieurs  de  Guise  whisper- 
ing together  in  fear  lest  the  others  should  wish  to  inflict  justice 
on  them  for  it.  The  Huguenots  held  me  in  suspicion  because 
I  was  a  Catholic,  and  the  Catholics  because  I  had  espoused  the 
King  of  Navarre  who  was  a  Huguenot.  In  such  wise  that 
nobody  said  anything  to  me  until  the  evening,  when,  being 
present  at  the  coucher  of  the  Queen,  my  mother,  and  seated  on 
a  chest  near  my  sister  of  Lorraine,  who  looked  very  sad,  the 
Queen,  my  mother,  perceived  me,  and  bade  me  go  to  bed.  As 
I  was  courtesying  to  her  my  sister  took  me  by  the  arm  and 
stopped  me,  bursting  into  tears  and  saying  to  me ;  *  Mon  Dieu, 
sister,  do  not  go  ! ' 

"  Tiiat  greatly  frightened  me.  The  Queen,  my  mother, 
perceived  it,  and  called  my  sister  to  her,  and  became  very 
angry  with  her,  forbidding  her  to  tell  me  anything.  My 
sister  replied  to  her  that  there  was  no  reason  to  send  me  to 
sacrifice  like  that,  and  that  doubtless  if  they  [i.e.  the  Huguenots] 
discovered  anything  they  would  avenge  themselves  on  me.  The 
Queen,  my  mother,  replied  that  if  it  so  pleased  God  I  should 
come  to  no  harm  ;  but  that  whatever  might  happen,  I  must 
go,  for  fear  lest  they  might  suspect  something,  which  would 
prevent  it  having  effect. 

"  I  saw  that  they  were  disputing,  but  did  not  understand 

*  He  bad  been  severely  wounded  in  tbe  forearm  by  a  shot  from  an  arquebuse 
fired  at  him  from  a  window  as  he  left  tbe  Lo^virQ  by  a  partis^  of  the  Guises, 
named  Maurevers. 


1  INTRODUCTION  15 

their  words.  The  Queen  again  roughly  bade  me  go  away  to 
bed.  My  sister,  bursting  into  tears,  said  good-night  to  me 
without  daring  to  say  aught  else,  and  I  went  away  quite  over- 
come, distracted,  without  being  able  to  imagine  what  there 
might  be  for  me  to  fear.  Directly  I  was  in  my  closet  I  began 
to  pray  God  that  it  might  please  Him  to  take  me  under  His 
protection,  and  that  He  would  keep  me,  but  without  knowing 
from  what  or  from  whom.  Thereupon  the  King,  my  husband, 
who  had  got  into  bed  sent  word  for  me  to  come  to  bed, 
which  I  did,  and  found  his  bed  surrounded  by  thirty  or  forty 
Huguenots,  whom  I  did  not  yet  know,  for  it  was  only  very  few 
days  that  I  had  been  married. 

"  Throughout  the  night  they  did  but  talk  of  the  accident 
which  had  befallen  Monsieur  TAmiral  [Coligny],  resolving 
that  as  soon  as  it  should  be  daylight  they  would  ask  the  King 
for  justice  against  Monsieur  de  Guise  and  that  if  it  were  not 
done  they  would  do  it  themselves.  I,  for  my  part,  had  always 
in  my  heart  [the  recollection  ofj  my  sisters  tears,  and  could 
not  sleep  by  reason  of  the  apprehension  into  which  she  had 
thrown  me,  though  of  what  I  knew  not.  The  night  went  by 
in  that  fashion  without  my  closing  my  eyes.  At  daybreak  the 
King,  my  husband,  said  that  he  would  go  to  play  at  tennis 
until  King  Charles  should  awaken,  resolving  that  he  would 
then  immediately  ask  him  for  justice.  He  quitted  the  room 
and  all  his  gentlemen  likewise.  I,  seeing  that  it  was  daylight, 
and  believing  that  the  danger  of  which  my  sister  had  spoken 
was  past,  overcome,  too,  by  sleepiness,  told  my  nurse  to  fasten 
the  door  so  that  I  might  sleep  at  my  ease. 

"  An  hour  later,  while  I  was  fast  asleep,  there  comes  a  man 
kicking  and  battering  the  door  and  crying  *  Navarre  !  Navarre!' 
My  nurse,  thinking  that  it  was  the  King,  my  husband,  ran 
quickly  to  the  door,  and  opened  it  for  him.  It  was  a  gentleman 
named  Monsieur  de  Lezan,  who  had  [received]  a  sword  thrust 
in  the  elbow,  and  a  cut  with  a  halberd  on  the  arm,  and  was 
even  yet  pursued  by  four  archers,  who  all  came  into  my  room 
after  him.  He,  wishing  to  protect  himself,  flung  himself  on  my 
bed.  Feeling  myself  held  by  this  man,  I  threw  myself  into  the 
ruellcy*  and  he  after  me,  still  holding  me  round  the  body. 
*  The  space  between  the  bed  and  the  wall. 


16   FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE    i 

I  did  not  know  this  man,  and  could  not  tell  if  he  had  come 
there  to  insult  me,  or  whether  the  archers  were  after  him  or 
me.  We  both  cried  out,  and  were  as  much  frightened  the  one 
as  the  other.  At  last  it  pleased  God  that  Monsieur  de  Nanpay, 
Captain  of  the  Guards,  should  come;  and  he,  finding  me  in 
that  state,  could  not  help  laughing  although  he  had  some 
compassion;  for  becoming  angry  with  the  archers  for  their 
indiscretion  he  made  them  go  out,  and  granted  me  the  life  of 
the  poor  man  who  was  holding  me,  and  whom  I  caused  to  be 
put  to  bed  and  nursed  in  my  closet  until  he  was  quite  healed. 
And  when  I  had  changed  my  chemise,  because  he  had  covered 
me  all  over  with  blood,  Monsieur  de  Nan^ay  told  me  what  was 
happening,  and  assured  me  that  the  King,  my  husband,  was  in 
the  King's  [Charles's]  chamber,  and  that  he  would  have  no 
hurt. 

"  A  manteau  de  nuit  being  thrown  over  me,  he  then  took 
me  to  the  room  of  my  sister,  Madame  de  Lorraine,  where  I 
arrived  more  dead  than  alive,  and  where,  on  entering  the  ante- 
room, all  the  doors  of  which  were  open,  a  gentleman  named 
Bourse,  while  fleeing  from  some  archere  who  pursued  him,  was 
pierced  by  the  point  of  a  halberd  three  steps  away  from  me. 
I  fell  on  the  other  side,  almost  fainting  in  the  arms  of 
Monsieur  de  Nanpay,  and  fancying  that  the  thrust  had  pierced 
us  both.  Having  recovered  slightly,  I  entered  the  little  room 
where  my  sister  slept.  While  I  was  there  Monsieur  de  Miossens, 
first  gentleman  to  the  King,  my  husband,*  and  Armagnac,  his 
first  valet-de-chambre,  came  there,  seeking  me  to  beg  me  to 
save  their  lives.  I  went  and  fell  on  my  knees  before  the  King 
[Charles]  and  the  Queen,  my  mother,  to  beg  those  lives  of  them, 
which  at  last  they  granted  me.j  ^ 

From  the  foregoing  it  will  be  seen  that  Marguerite  had  no 
hand  in  saving  her  husband.  Had  she  taken  any  part  in  doing 
so  she  would  not  have  failed  to  chronicle  it. 

There  is  no  occasion  for  us  to  review  at  length  the  causes 
and  the  horrors  of  the  St.  Bartholomew  massacre.   All  massacres 

*  Henri,  Baron  de  Miossens,  was  a  kinsman  of  Henri  of  Navarre,  being 
the  ropre«entative  of  a  junior  brancli  of  the  House  of  Albret. 

t  In  the  above  translation  some  of  Marguerite's  phraseology  has  been 
slightly  modernised,  but  the  full  sense  of  the  original  has  been  preserved. 


r  INTRODUCTION  17 

are  reprehensible  under  whatever  circumstances  they  occur.  In 
respect  to  that  of  the  Huguenots,  impartial  historians  have  long 
since  ceased  to  regard  it  as  having  been  inspired  solely  by 
religious  motives,  for  there  were  powerful  political  motives  as 
well.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  Huguenot  party  threa- 
tened the  French  monarchy  as  it  was  then  constituted,  and  that 
Catherine  de'  Medici  trembled  for  the  safety  of  the  Valois 
throne.  Hence  the  terrible  scheme  to  destroy  the  hydra  of 
rebellion,  and  possible  revolution,  at  one  fell  swoop.  The  cause 
of  Holy  Church  would  likewise  be  served  by  the  extirpation  of 
a  detestable  heresy,  but,  first  and  foremost,  the  Valois  dynasty, 
the  children  whom  she,  Catherine,  both  ruled  and  loved,  would 
be  saved. 

Let  it  not  be  forgotten  that  horrible  deeds  had  already  been 
perpetrated  by  both  parties  during  the  religious  wars.  Had  not 
three  hundred  confiding  Catholic  noblemen  been  massacred  at  a 
banquet  in  the  chateau  of  Pau  by  the  orders  of  Montgomery, 
and  with  the  connivance  of  his  patroness,  that  heroine  of 
Protestantism,  Jeanne  d'Albret,  the  mother  of  Henri  de 
Navari'e  ?  The  age  was  one  of  revenge,  of  implacable  vendettas, 
and  neither  side  recoiled  from  massacre  and  murder.  Personal 
as  well  as  religious  and  political  motives  were  often  at  work. 
The  murder  of  Admiral  Coligny  was  essentially  an  act  of 
personal  vengeance.  The  Guises  had  never  forgiven  the  death 
of  their  father,  Franpois  le  Balafre,  assassinated  in  1563  by  the 
Huguenot  Jean  Poltrot  de  Mere,  at  the  instigation,  they  held, 
of  Coligny.*  It  is  impossible  to  decide  whether  they  were  right 
or  wrong  in  their  belief.  Brantome  is  no  great  authority  in 
such  a  matter,  but  it  may  be  pointed  out  that,  according  to  him, 
the  last  words  spoken  by  Franfois  de  Guise,  "  And  you  who  are 
the  author  of  it,  I  forgive  you,''  were  addressed  directly  to 
Coligny.  Certain  it  is  that  under  the  searchlight  of  modern 
investigation,  the  Admiral  no  longer  appears  the  impeccable 
character  portrayed  by  zealous  Protestant  writers,  blind  to  the 
faults  of  all  who  fought  on  the  Huguenot  side. 

If  we  could  believe  the  statements  of  Marguerite  de  Valois 
with  respect  to  the  attitude  of  her  brother  Charles  IX,   he 

*  See  Edouard  Fournier's  VariiUs  historiques,  vol.  vii. :  "  Inter rogatoi re 
et  deposition  de  Jean  Poltrot." 

C 


18    FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE    i 

wished  Coligny  to  be  spared,  as  well  as  La  Rochefoucauld,  La 
Noue,  and  Teliguy.  But  that  was  not  to  be ;  for  if  the  Guises 
became  the  chief  instruments  of  the  massacre  in  Paris  (where, 
by  the  way,  they  received  the  greatest  help  from  the  munici- 
pality), it  was  precisely  to  have  an  opportunity  of  despatching 
the  Admiml  in  a  spirit  of  filial  vengeance. 

Henri  de  Navarre  and  the  Prince  de  Conde  were  spared,  as 
we  have  already  said.  Guise,  who  was  particularly  mortified  at 
finding  the  former  escape,  thereupon  sought  another  mode  of 
revenge.  He  wished  the  recent  marriage  of  Henri  and 
Marguerite  to  be  annulled,  and  so  far  prevailed  with  Catherine 
de""  Medici  that  she  spoke  to  her  daughter  on  the  subject,  saying 
that  she  would  have  her  "  unmarried  "  if,  as  a  woman,  she  were 
not  satisfied  with  her  husband.  Marguerite,  according  to  her 
memoii-s,  answered  that  she  did  not  know  what  her  mother 
meant.  In  any  case,  she  adds,  since  she  had  been  married  to 
Henri  she  intended  to  remain  with  him,  for  she  suspected  that 
if  the  others  wished  to  part  her  from  him  it  was  to  do  him  an 
ill  turn.  Dupleix,  whom  we  previously  quoted,  also  asserts :  "  I 
often  heard  Queen  Marguerite  declare  that  after  she  had  given 
lier  affection  to  the  King  of  Navarre,  the  Queen-mother  spoke 
to  her  of  loving  the  Duke  de  Guise  again,  to  which  advice, 
however,  she  would  not  listen,  saying  frankly  that  her  heart  was 
not  of  wax."'" 

By  her  adroitness  and  good  sense,  veiled  with  an  affectation  of 
ndivetSy  Marguerite  saved  the  situation.  The  idea  of  annulling 
her  marriage  was  abandoned.  On  the  other  hand,  at  the 
moment  of  the  massacre  Henri  de  Navarre  and  Conde  had  to 
face  a  grim  alternative,  that  is,  choose  between  death  and  the 
renunciation  of  the  religion  which  they  practised.  Charles  IX 
insultingly  declared  that  he  well  knew  what  their  choice  would 
he.  Conde  responded  by  a  timid,  and  Henri  by  a  careless, 
abjuration.  Life  (like  Paris  in  after  years)  was  well  worth  a 
mass.  Nevertheless,  the  young  Princes  found  themselves  in  a 
most  equivocal  situation.  The  suspicious  Charles  kept  them 
strictly  watched,  for,  insincere  as  he  ever  was  himself,  he  doubted 
their  sincerity.  They  were  suspected  also  by  the  Huguenots,  the 
more  austere  of  whom  blamed  them  for  recoiling  from  martyr- 
dom, while  the  more  impatient  ones  demanded  the  fulfilment  of 


1  INTRODUCTION  19 

a  sworn  promise  to  avenge  Coligny,  which  they  had  signed  after 
Maurevers"'  attempt  on  him. 

Many  men  would  have  lost  their  heads  amidst  such  a  clash 
of  duties,  requirements  and  inclinations.  But  Henri  de  Navan-e, 
who  had  Valois  blood  in  his  veins  and  thus  some  natural 
inclination  to  rouerie^  had  not  lived  at  the  Louvre  in  his 
boyhood,  and  again  of  recent  times,  without  observing  all  the 
dissimulation  which  was  practised  at  the  Court.  He  attuned 
his  nature  to  the  prevailing  custom,  he  took  the  course  which 
many  great  men  have  taken  when  they  have  been  suspected  or 
misunderstood,  and  have  been  meditating  some  important 
design  for  which  the  time  has  not  yet  been  ripe.  And  the 
attitude  he  adopted  was  the  wisest  one  under  the  circumstances. 
He  affected  complete  indifference  in  regard  to  all  political  affairs, 
and  became  a  mere  jovial,  frivolous,  jesting  man  of  pleasure,  a 
prince  of  ribauds^  hunting,  playing  tennis,  making  love,  fre- 
quenting shady  nocturnal  resorts,  condescending  to  middle-class 
entertainments,  falling  foul  of  the  watch,  and  playing  practical 
jokes  upon  wayfarers.  In  a  word,  he  became  F^staff^s  Prince 
Hal  in  his  earliest  stage. 

He  played  his  part  so  well — doubtless  because  it  appealed  to 
one  side  of  his  nature — that  the  Court  folk  soon  began  to  think 
that  little  or  no  danger  was  to  be  apprehended  from  this  prince 
who  seemed  quite  destitute  of  ambition,  and  to  prefer  a 
bacchanalian  frolic  or  the  glance  of  a  pair  of  soft  eyes  to  the 
dangers  of  conspiring  and  the  glory  of  winning  liberty  and 
independence.  It  was  with  contempt  that  the  Catholic  princes 
and  lords  treated  this  little  captive  Kinglet,  at  whom  they 
were  ever  railing,  saying,  for  instance,  that  his  nose  was  bigger 
than  his  kingdom. 

A  time  came,  however,  when  Franpois,  Duke  d'Alenpon,* 
the  youngest  brother  of  Charles  IX,  with  whom  he  had  fallen 
into  disgrace  and  by  whom  he  was  detained  (like  Henri  de 
Navarre)  in  semi-captivity,  drew  near  to  the  young  Beamese, 
and  even  offered  to  espouse  the  Huguenot  cause.    They  therefore 

*  He  was  the  fourth  son  of  King  Henri  II.  Bom  March  18, 1554,  he  bore 
the  title  of  Duke  d'AlenQon  till  after  the  accession  of  his  brother  Henri  III 
who  created  him  Duke  d'Anjou.  He  became  one  of  the  suitors  of  our  Queen 
Elizabeth.    However  he  never  married. 


20   FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE    i 

agreed  upon  an  attempt  to  make  their  escape  from  Paris.  At 
that  moment  Charles  IX  had  ah'eady  contracted  the  illness 
which  resulted  in  his  death,  and  his  brother  the  Duke  d'Anjou 
(who  succeeded  him  as  Henri  III)  had  left  for  Poland,  the 
crown  of  that  couutry  having  been  offered  him.  Thus  the 
moment  seemed  propitious  for  the  designs  of  Henri  de  Navarre 
and  Alenfon.  But  it  fell  out  that  their  secret  was  confided  to 
the  former's  wife  by  M.  de  Miossens,  whose  life  she  had  saved 
at  the  St.  Bartholomew  massacre,  and  who  had  since  become 
a  Catholic. 

Now  Marguerite,  as  was  previously  mentioned,  was  much 
attached  to  Charles  IX  ;  she  had  also  become  reconciled  to  the 
Duke  d'Anjou  before  his  departure  for  Poland,*  and  dreaded 
the  possible  results  if  her  brother  Alenfon  should  plunge  into 
the  vortex  of  civil  war.  Alenfon  was  probably  the  brother  of 
whom  she  was  most  fond  :  such  is,  at  all  events,  the  impression 
conveyed  by  her  memoirs  ;  and  it  must  be  mentioned  that  more 
than  one  writer  has  deliberately  accused  her  of  loving  him 
otherwise  than  a  sister  should  love  a  brother.!  In  any  case  she 
became  greatly  agitated  when  she  heard  of  the  designs  of  her 
husband  and  brother  Franfois.  But  la  raison  de  famille^ 
coupled  with  a  sense  of  her  personal  obligations  to  King 
Charles,  and  a  sudden  desire  to  profit  by  this  opportunity  to 
play  an  important  part,  one  that  might  lead  to  her  employ- 
ment in  politics  from  which,  to  her  chagrin  (for  she  possessed  a 
genuine  instinct  for  government),  she  had  hitherto  been  kept 
apart,  ended  by  prevailing.  She  therefore  confided  everything 
to  her  mother  and  her  brother  Charles  after  obtaining  from 
them  a  promise  that  Navarre  and  Alenjon  should  not  be  pre- 
judiced by  her  revelations.  In  the  result  their  scheme  was 
foiled,  and  their  liberty  became  more  restricted. 

Early  in  the  following  year,  1574  (n.s.),  there  was,  however, 
another  plot  for  ensuring  the  escape  of  the  Princes,  and  this 
time,  as  Marguerite  was  not  in  the  secret,  she  could  not  inter- 
fere.    This  affair  was  the  somewhat  mysterious  conspiracy  in 

*  She  and  her  husband  accompanied  Anjou  and  the  Queen-mother  as  far 
as  Nancy. 

t  The  same  charge  has  been  brought  against  her  with  respect  to  her 
brother  Anjou,  with  whom,  however,  she  had  frequently  been  embroiled. 


I  INTRODUCTION  21 

which  two  of  Franpois  d'Alenpon's  retainers,  La  Mole  and  the 
Count  de  Coconas,  were  implicated.  The  Court  was  then  stay- 
ing at  St.  Germain,  and  it  was  planned  that  a  party  of  Huguenot 
troops  should  descend  on  that  locality  and  carry  off  both 
Alenpon  and  Navarre.  But  the  design  was  revealed  to 
Catherine  de**  Medici  (by  La  Mole  himself,  according  to 
Marguerite),  and  the  Court  hurried  away  to  Vincennes  on 
the  other  side  of  Paris,  King  Charles,  whose  health  was  be- 
coming worse  and  worse,  being  carried  thither  in  a  litter,  while 
Henri  de  Navarre  and  Alenpon  were  conveyed  by  Catherine  de"" 
Medici  in  her  own  chariot^  which  was  strongly  guarded. 

Both  princes  were  for  a  time  kept  under  arrest  at  Vincennes, 
and  the  same  punishment,  says  Marguerite,  befell  Marshal 
[Arthur]  de  Cosse  [Brissac]  and  Marshal  de  Montmorency,* 
who,  it  Avas  alleged,  had  been  privy  to  the  plot  for  the  escape. 

La  Mole  and  Coconas,  for  their  part,  perished  on  the 
scaffold ;  and  in  that  connection  we  must  refer  to  a  romantic 
and  somewhat  gruesome  story,  according  to  which  La  Mole 
was  one  of  Marguerite's  innumerable  lovers.  He  certainly 
appears  to  have  been  one  of  the  lady-killers  of  the  Louvre,  one 
whose  time  was  spent  in  hearing  a  succession  of  masses  every 
morning,  and  in  worshipping  at  the  altar  of  beauty  during  the 
remainder  of  the  day.  On  account  of  La  Mole's  success  with 
certain  ladies  of  the  Court,  Charles  IX,  according  to  the 
anecdotierSy  became  inordinately  jealous  of  him,  and  repeatedly 
threatened  and,  on  one  occasion  actually  attempted,  to  put  him 
to  death  with  the  connivance  of  Henri  de  Guise.  It  is  further 
alleged  that  the  Duchess  de  Nevers,t  who  was  the  mistress  of 
the  Count  de  Coconas,  and  Marguerite's  close  friend,  persuaded 
her  to  favour  La  Mole  who  was  the  boon  companion  of  Coconas, 
and  that  it  was  on  account  of  Marguerite's  intrigue  with  La 
Mole  that  he  was  really  executed.  But  apart  from  any  com- 
plicity in  the  attempt  to  procure  the  escape  of  Henri  de  Navarre 
and  Alenfon,  the  great  charge  against  La  Mole  and  Coconas 

•  We  are  uncertain  whether  this  was  Francois,  created  Marshal  1659,  died 
1579,  or  Henri  I  de  Iilontmorency,  who  became  a  Marshal  in  1566  and 
Constable  of  France  in  1590. 

t  Not  Marguerite  de  Bourbon,  wife  of  Francis  of  Cleves,  Duke  de  Nevers, 
for  she  was  then  over  58  years  old;  but  her  daughter  Henriette,  wife  of 
Louis  Gonzaga,  who  by  marrying  her  became  Duke  de  Nevers. 


22   FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE    i 

at  their  trial  appears  to  have  been  that  of  attempting  to  bring 
about  the  death  of  the  ailing  Charles  IX  by  means  of  that 
form  of  sorcery  known  as  envoiUement.  \jB.  Mole  was  found  to 
be  in  possession  of  a  wax  image,  alleged  by  his  judges  to  repre- 
sent the  King,  and  he  was  charged  with  pricking  it  in  the 
heart  with  pins,  while  repeating  incantations,  with  the  object 
of  hastening  the  King's  death.  Lji  Mole  replied  that  the 
figure  did  not  represent  the  King,  but  a  lady  whom  he  loved 
and  wished  to  marry,  and  that  it  was  the  work  of  Cosmo 
Ruggieri,  the  Queen-mother's  astrologer,  and  that  Ruggieri 
himself  had  pricked  it  twice  in  the  heart.  The  astrologer 
having  confirmed  those  assertions,  was  sentenced  to  the  galleys, 
but  was  speedily  released  by  Catherine  de'  Medici,  whereas  the 
unfortunate  La  Mole  and  Cocontis  were  decapitated  and  quar- 
tered on  the  Place  de  Greve  *  on  April  30,  1574.  La  Mole 
was  the  first  to  suffer,  and  according  to  L'Estoille,  who  is  often 
but  not  always  truthful,  having  his  prejudices  and  being  fond 
of  effect  and  the  mot  de  lajin^  the  last  words  spoken  by  the 
condemned  man  were  these  :  "  May  God  and  the  Blessed  Virgin 
have  mercy  on  my  soul.  Recommend  me  to  the  good  graces 
of  the  Queen  of  Navarre  and  the  ladies.**' 

Now  comes  the  strangest  part  of  the  story.  It  is  asserted 
that  "  those  charitable  ladies  (Marguerite  and  the  Duchess  de 
Nevers)  did  not  long  allow  the  sorry  remains  of  their  unfortunate 
lovers  to  be  exposed  to  the  view  of  the  people  ;  they  themselves 
carried  off  their  heads  in  their  coach  to  the  chapel  of  St.  Martin 
below  Montmartre,  and,  after  bedewing  them  with  their  tears, 
interred  them  with  their  own  hands."  That  is  the  account 
given  in  I^e  Divorce  Satyrifpte  ;  and  Sauval  adds  that  Marguerite 
long  wept  for  the  handsome  La  Mole  on  whom  she  bestowe<l 
the  name  of  Hyacinthe.  Rut  there  arose  a  tradition,  fostered 
by  some  of  Marguerite's  libeller.5,  and  adopted  by  later-day 
novelists,  to  the  effect  that  she  did  not  inter  her  lover's  head, 
but  caused  it  to  be  embalmed  and  kept  it  with  her  in  a  padded 
velvet  box,  which  she  opened  at  times  in  order  that  she  might 
gaze,  through  her  tears,  at  the  lineaments  of  the  lover  whom 
she  had  so  fondly  cherishe<l ! 

Now,  beyond  chronicling  in  one  brief  lino  and  without  one 
•  Now  Place  de  THfitel  de  Ville. 


I  INTRODUCTION  23 

word  of  sympathy  and  regret,  the  fate  of  La  Mole  and  Coconas, 
she  makes  no  further  allusion  to  either  in  her  memoirs.  Of 
course  the  story  of  the  embalmed  head  (in  spite  of  the  case  of 
Ralegh''s)  is  historically  ridiculous ;  but  although  Marguerite"'s 
dissimulation  was  great,  and  although  one  cannot  expect  from 
any  woman  a  free  acknowledgment  of  an  amour^  is  it  con- 
ceivable that  if  La  Mole  had  been  Marguerite's  lover,  one 
whom  she  regretted  so  deeply  that  she  "  had  interred  his  head 
with  her  own  hands,"  she  would  not  have  penned  at  least  a 
word  expressive  of  her  pity  for  his  untimely  end  ?  For  our 
part,  we  hold  that  the  legend  of  La  Heine  Margot  and  La 
Mole  is  purely  and  simply  a  fiction.  At  the  same  time  it  is 
possible  that  there  was  some  mystery  in  the  affair,  and  that 
La  JNIole  and  Coconas  suffered  for  reasons  different  from  those 
alleged  at  their  condemnation. 

It  may  be  that  their  punishment,  so  far  as  the  reputed  sorcery 
was  concerned,  was  inflicted  to  allay  the  apprehensions  of  an 
ailing,  anxious  and  superstitious  King;  while  with  regard  to 
the  plot  for  the  escape  of  Henri  and  Alenpon,  that  punishment 
may  have  been  intended  as  a  lesson  for  the  Princes  themselves 
and  all  who  might  feel  inclined  to  abet  them.  There  was 
serious  talk  of  bringing  them  to  trial,  and  they  were  at  least 
interrogated  by  Commissaries  of  the  Parliament  of  Paris.  It 
was  at  this  juncture  that  Marguerite  (who,  if  one  adopted  the 
views  of  the  anecdotiers  would  have  been  weeping  for  her  dear 
La  Mole  and  incapable  of  exertion)  came  to  her  husband's  help 
by  drawing  up  a  firm  and  clever  memoir  on  his  behalf.  That 
document  shows  that  if  she  had  not  always  been  systematically 
banished  from  the  sphere  of  politics  she  might  have  proved 
both  a  shrewd  adviser  and  a  skilful  instrument. 

But  her  help  with  the  memoir  was  not  everything.  At  this 
same  moment  of  losing  her  reputed  lover.  La  Mole,  she  was  so 
far  won  over  to  the  cause  of  her  husband  and  her  brother 
Alenpon,  that  fearing  the  effects  of  the  royal  anger  in  regard 
to  them,  she  became  willing  to  assist  them  in  making  their 
escape,  disguised  as  women.  The  scheme  failed  because  it  was 
dangerous  for  them  to  go  out  together,  and  they  were  unable 
to  agree  which  should  go  out  first.  In  the  midst  of  this  con- 
testation, that  is  on  Sunday,  May  30,  \bl\  Charles  IX,  who 


24   FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE    i 

had  not  yet  completed  his  twenty-fourth  year,  expired  at  the 
Chateau  of  Vincennes,  carried  off,  as  scientific  writers  upon  the 
subject  now  recognize,  by  pulmonary  tuberculosis.  While  his 
death  was  certainly  in  some  degree  a  deliverance  for  France, 
it  was  a  great  loss  for  his  sister  Marguerite,  for  whatever 
might  be  her  personal  preference  for  her  brother  Franpois 
d'Alenfon,  Charles  had  been  her  best  protector  and  most  dis- 
interested friend.  A  more  and  more  agitated  life  now  lay 
before  her.  In  the  first  place,  she  was  to  be  deprived  of  what- 
ever confidence  had  hitherto  been  placed  in  her  by  the  husband 
to  whom  she  was  at  least  most  friendly  disposed,  if  not  affec- 
tionately attached.  That  w«is  largely  the  work  of  a  woman,  a 
creature  of  Catherine  de'  Medici's,  a  certain  IMadame  de  Sauves, 
of  whom  we  must  now  speak. 


MAKGUEKITE    DE   VALOIS,    QUEEN    OF    NAVARRE. 

After  a  contemporary  Paintitig, 


II 


CHARLOTTE   DE   SAITS^ES 

The  beautiful  Mme.  de  Sauves  and  her  Husband — Her  Mission  to  alienate 
Henri  de  Navarre  from  Marguerite  and  AleuQon — Henri  III  and  his 
Favourite  Du  Guast — Du  Guast's  Enmity  towards  Marguerite — Mme.  de 
Sauves  inspires  Navarre  and  Alen<;on  with  Jealousy — Henri's  Infatuation 
for  her — Danger  of  a  Duel  between  Henri  and  Alen^on — Marguerite  and 
Bussy  d'Amboise — Du  Guast  denounces  Bussy  and  seeks  to  assasMnate 
him — Navarre  and  Alen^on  draw  together  again — Dismissal  of  Margue- 
rite's confidante,  Gillone  de  Goyon  de  Thorigny — Temporary  Rupture 
between  Marguerite  and  Henri — Reconciliation — Escape  of  Alen^on  from 
the  Louvre — Henri  again  infatuated  with  Charlotte  de  Sauves — Exhorted 
by  Aubign6,  Henri  resolves  on  Escape — Henri's  Flight  from  Paris — 
Marguerite  under  Arrest — She  is  refused  Permission  to  join  Henri — 
Return  of  Alen9on  and  Bussy  d'Amboise  to  Court — The  Assassinations  of 
Du  Guast  and  Bussy — Alengon  and  Mme.  de  Sauves — She  again  meets 
Henri  de  Navarre,  marries  the  Marquis  de  Noirmoutier  and  becomes  the 
last  Mistress  of  the  Duke  de  Guise — Her  Advice  to  Henri  de  Navarre. 

Readers  of  French  history  will  readily  remember  the  famous 
superintendent  of  finances  Semblan^ay,  whom  Francis  I  sacri- 
ficed to  the  greed  and  vengeance  of  his  mother  Louise  of  Savoy. 
It  was  that  unfortunate  man's  great  granddaughter  who  became 
Henri  de  Navarre's  first  mistress  after  his  marriage  with 
Marguerite  de  Valois.  Charlotte  de  Beaune,  only  child  of 
Jacques  de  Beaune,  Knight  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  Baron  de 
Semblanfay,  Viscount  de  Tours,  and  Lord  of  La  Carte,  by  his 
marriage  with  Gabrielle  de  Sades,  was  bom  in  1550.  At  the 
age  of  seventeen  she  became  the  wife  of  a  Languedocian  "noble 
of  the  robe,''  Simon  de  Fizes,  Baron  de  Sauves,  who  after  acting 
as  secretary  to  Bertrand,  Keeper  of  the  Seals,  was  appointed 
secretary  to  the  King,  later  secretary  to  Catherine  de'  Medici, 
and,  soon  after  his  marriage  in  1567,  Secretary  of  State. 
Shrewd   and   supple,  one  of  the   few  who   prepared   the   St. 


26       FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE         ii 

Bartholomew  massacre,  Sauves  had  a  genius  for  intrigue,  and 
was  so  wrappe<l  up  in  politics  that  he  did  not  condescend  to 
allot  any  time  to  keeping  a  watch  upon  his  wife. 

She,  young,  beautiful,  witty  and  skilful,  was  one  of  the 
most  admired  of  that  charming  bevy  of  ladies  of  the  robes  and 
maids  of  honour  whom  Catherine  de'  Medici  gathered  around 
her  and  employed  to  further  her  designs.  Mezeray  tells  us, 
however,  that  Mme.  de  Sauves  made  use  of  her  charms  as  much 
for  her  own  satisfaction  as  that  of  the  Queen-mother,  and  exer- 
cised such  an  absolute  sway  over  those  who  were  dying  for  love 
of  her  that  she  never  lost  a  single  admirer,  but  was  perpetually 
i-ecruiting  new  ones.  If  her  husband  abstained  from  the  folly 
of  jealousy  it  may  have  been  because  he  was  aware  that  reasons 
of  State  lay  behind  most  of  her  love  affairs.  Moreover  there 
was  consolation  in  the  fact  that  he  had  control  of  her  wealth, 
which  was  considerable,  the  confiscation  of  the  Semblaufay 
property  having  been  revoked  in  favour  of  the  famous  financier's 
son,  ]Mme.  de  Sauves**  grandfather. 

The  mission  which  Catherine  de'  Medici  entrusted  to  the 
lady  with  regard  to  Henri  de  Navarre,  was  to  alienate  him  from 
his  wife  and  his  brother-in-law  Alen9on,  as  the  trio  were  living 
on  a  footing  of  close  intimacy  which  disquieted  the  Queen- 
mother.  Mme.  de  Sauves  acquitted  herself  wonderfully  well 
of  the  duty  assigned  to  her  ;  but,  after  all,  it  was  only  necessary 
that  she  should  make  both  Princes  fall  in  love  with  her,  and 
that  was  speedily  achieved.  She  turned  her  soft  and  tantalising 
eyes  upon  them,  and  they  became  her  slaves. 

Tlie  Duke  d'Anjou  had  no  sooner  ascended  the  throne  as 
Henri  III  than  he  associated  himself  with  this  intrigue,  which 
was  directed  against  two  men  whom  jealously  he  regarded  as 
his  enemies.  In  Marguerite's  earlier  years  her  predilection  for 
her  brother  Henri  had  been  most  marked.  But  after  the  bloody 
victories  of  Jamac  and  Moncontour,  where  Henri  displayed 
such  elegant  courage  and  such  cold  ferocity,  he  surrendered 
himself  to  a  follower  who  speedily  became  his  ame  damnce^  the 
self-seeking  Du  Guast,*  who  in  order  to  retain  his  ascenilancy 

•  LouiR  B/Tonger  du  Gaant,  bom  about  1W5.  Hi«  pride,  ambition,  and 
HaroaMtic  bent  made  him  generally  odioufl.  Brantume  wan  one  of  the  few  who 
admired  him. 


n  CHARLOTTE  DE  SAUVES  27 

over  his  patron  embroiled  him  with  many  of  his  friends  and 
relatives.  Thus,  being  particularly  jealous  of  Marguerite's 
influence  with  her  brother,  Du  Guast  became  her  declared 
enemy,  and  he  ended  by  inspiring  the  Duice  d''Anjou  with  a 
jealousy  and  animosity  equal  to  his  own.  In  the  intrigue  of 
which  Mme.  de  Sauves  became  the  willing  instrument,  Du 
Guast  stood  behind  his  master — now  Henri  IH — eager  to 
second  the  perfidious  scheme  which  had  been  designed  for  the 
purpose  of  embroiling  husband  and  wife,  between  whom  a  kind 
of  mutual  tolerance  had  hitherto  existed. 

The  royal  court  journeyed  to  Lyons  to  meet  the  new 
monarch  on  his  return  from  Poland ;  and  at  Lyons  Du  Guast 
exerted  himself  to  bring  about  Marguerite's  disgrace  by 
accusing  her  of  improperly  visiting  a  courtier  who  was  confined 
to  his  bed  by  illness.  Marguerite  victoriously  refuted  the 
accusation,  and  deeply  resented  the  affront.  And  realising 
that  it  was  but  a  part  of  the  scheme  to  stir  up  animosity 
between  herself,  her  husband,  and  her  brother  Alenfon,  she 
insisted  that  the  latter  should  swear  to  a  compact  of  eternal 
friendship.  At  the  same  time,  however,  well  knowing  that 
they  were  both  in  love  with  Mme.  de  Sauves,  she  placed  little 
reliance  on  that  device,  for,  as  she  remarked,  what  compact, 
what  oath  could  be  of  any  avail  in  the  presence  of  jealous 
love  ? 

Baffled,  and  therefore  more  hostile  than  ever,  Du  Guast  did 
not  acknowledge  himself  beaten,  but  prevailed  on  Charlotte  de 
Sauves,  who,  it  has  been  said,  was  not  indifferent  to  him,  to  do 
her  utmost  to  repair  the  mistake  caused  by  his  own  clumsy 
hastiness.  She  therefore  brought  all  her  powers  of  fascination 
to  bear  upon  young  Henri  de  Navarre  and  young  Franpois 
d'Alenfon,  fanning  their  passion  to  fever-heat  in  such  wise,  says 
Marguerite  in  her  memoirs,  that  their  minds  were  entirely 
absorbed  by  the  thought  of  winning  this  woman.  "  And  they 
came,"  she  adds,  "  to  such  great  and  such  vehement  jealousy  of 
each  other,  that  although  Monsieur  de  Guise,  Monsieur  de 
Souvray,  Du  Guast  himself,  and  many  others  sought  her  and 
were  preferred  by  her  to  them,  they  gave  that  no  heed,  but 
believed  exclusively  in  each  other's  rivalry." 

Before  long  the  artful  siren  Charlotte  persuaded  Henri  de 


28        FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE         it 

Navarre  that  his  wife  was  of  an  extremely  jealous  nature,  and 
that  he  ought  to  distrust  her  in  all  things.  Henri  had  hitherto 
spoken  freely  and  frankly  with  Marguerite,  even  acknowledging 
to  her  his  not  infi-equent  conjugal  slips,  at  which,  according  to 
her  own  account,  she  did  not  take  offence,  "  being  in  no  wise 
jealous,  and  desiring  his  contentment  only.""  But  the  young 
King  now  almost  ceased  to  speak  to  her.  He  repaired  each 
morning  to  the  Queen-mother's  levee,  where  he  met  his  mistress, 
who  attended  the  function  by  reason  of  her  position  as  a  lady 
of  the  robes,  and  he  spent  the  rest  of  the  day  in  her  company, 
only  returning  to  his  wife  very  late  at  night. 

Marguerite  tried  every  device,  every  stratagem,  for  the 
purpose  of  freeing  her  husband  and  her  brother  from  this 
entanglement,  but  they  were  under  the  spell  and  could  not 
resist  the  fascinations  of  the  sprightly  Charlotte.  A  born 
coquette,  ever  with  a  crowd  of  adorers  in  her  train,  she  skilfully 
played  off*  one  against  the  other.  There  were  times  when  she 
irritated  Henri's  passion  by  feigning  a  preference  for  Alenfon, 
and  others  when  she  treated  the  latter  contemptuously  in 
Henri's  presence.  And  the  tension  between  the  two  rivals 
became  so  great  that  it  seemed  at  last  as  if  their  claims  and 
aspirations  could  only  be  settled  sword  in  hand.  On  one 
occasion  that  almost  occurred,  as  is  related  by  Mathieu  : 

"  One  evening  when  the  Duke  d'Alenfon  was  with  Madame 
de  Sauves,  the  King  of  Navarre  devised  a  trick  worthy  of  a 
page,  whereby  the  Duke,  when  he  withdrew,  received  so  severe  a 
knock  that  one  of  his  eyes  was  quite  bruised.  On  the  following 
morning,  directly  the  King  of  Navarre  perceived  him,  though 
he  was  still  at  some  distance,  he  exclaimed  :  *  Why,  7noti  Dieic, 
what  is  the  matter  with  your  eye  ?  What  an  eye  indeed  !  what 
an  accident ! '  *  It  is  nothing,  very  little  suffices  to  astonish 
you  ! '  the  Duke  retorted  brusquely.  But  the  other  continued 
pitying  him,  whereupon  the  Duke  drew  near,  and  pretending  to 
laugh  though  he  was  really  piqued,  whispered  in  his  ear:  'If 
anybody  says  that  I  got  it  where  you  think  I  did,  I  will  make 
him  deny  it.'  Thereupon  Souvray  and  Du  Guast  had  to 
intervene  to  prevent  them  from  fighting.''  It  is  probable  that 
hatl  any  such  occasion  arisen  again  pacification  would  have  been 
impossible. 


II  CHARLOTTE  DE  SAUVES  29 

Whilst  Henri  was  thus  neglecting  his  wife,  she  began  to 
lend  ear  to  that  daring  wooer  and  splendid  swordsman — the 
foremost  of  his  age — Louis  de  Clermont  d'Amboise,  Lord  of 
Bussy,  commonly  known  as  Bussy  d'Amboise,  or  simply  as  the 
brave  Bussy.  That  doughty  knight,  so  valiant  and  generous  in 
every  war  in  which  he  found  himself — it  is  thus  that  Brantome 
speaks  of  him — had  taken  an  active  part  in  the  St.  Bartholomew 
massacre,  and,  after  sojourning  in  Poland  with  the  new  King, 
had  lately  (juitted  his  service  and  attached  himself  to  the  Duke 
d'Alenpon,  "  by  whom,"  says  Marguerite,  "  he  was  held  in  high 
esteem  as  his  valour  deserved. "  They  were  every  day  together, 
and  Bussy,  it  would  seem,  aware  of  the  instructions  which 
Alenfon  gave  all  his  retainers  "  to  honour  and  serve  his  sister 
Marguerite  as  much  as  they  did  himself,"  profited  by  them  to 
pay  his  attentions  to  her. 

This  came  to  the  knowledge  of  Da  Guast,  who,  still  bent  on 
doing  Marguerite  all  the  harm  he  could — we  think  it  possible 
that  she  may  have  rejected  his  addresses  at  some  earlier  period, 
and  that  his  enmity  may  have  been  partly  due  to  that  cause — 
sought  out  Henri  de  Navarre  and  told  him  that  Bussy  was  his 
wife's  favoured  lover.  Navarre  was  either  indifferent  or 
incredulous,  the  point  is  not  quite  clear,  but  in  either  case 
he  took  no  action,  whereupon  Du  Guast  addressed  himself  to 
his  own  master,  Henri  HL  The  latter  was  quite  ready  to 
listen  to  him,  partly  on  account  of  the  dislike  for  the  Navarre 
menage  with  which  Du  Guast  had  previously  inspired  him,  and 
partly  because  he  was  extremely  displeased  with  Bussy  d'Amboise 
for  quitting  his  service  and  entering  that  of  his  brother  Alenfon. 
Marguerite's  view  of  that  matter  and  the  sentiments  with  which 
she  regarded  Bussy  are  frankly  disclosed  in  a  passage  of  her 
memoirs,  in  which  she  says  that  the  acquisition  of  M.  de  Bussy 
"  increased  my  brother's  glory  as  much  as  it  did  the  envy  of  our 
enemies,  for  in  that  century  there  was  nobody  of  Bussy's  sex 
and  rank  at  all  comparable  to  him  in  valour,  reputation,  grace 
and  wit." 

It  follows,  then,  that  Henri  HI  tried  to  inflame  Catherine 
de'  Medici  against  Marguerite  in  order  that  the  latter  might 
be  again  rebuked  in  much  the  same  way  as  at  Lyons.  But 
Catherine  had  no  desire  to  make  a  second  mistake,  and  as, 


30        rA\OURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE         ii 

to  all  outward  semblance,  the  relations  of  Bussy  and  Marguerite 
were  irreproachable,  she  refused  to  intervene. 

The  failure  of  this  attempt  fairly  enraged  Du  Guast,  and  it 
was  then  that  he  laid  that  famous  ambush  for  Bussy  d"'Amboise, 
which  illustrates  so  vividly  the  wild,  unscrupulous  manners  of 
the  times.  He,  Du  Guast,  commanded  the  Sardinian  regiment, 
and  one  night  he  assembled  three  hundred  of  his  men,  divided 
them  into  six  detachments  led  by  nine  or  ten  courtiers,  who 
for  one  or  another  reason  were  also  desirous  of  punishing 
Bussy,  and  posted  them  here  and  there  for  the  purpose  of 
waylaying  the  great  swordsman.  In  the  narratives  of  Brantome 
and  Marguerite  you  read  how,  extinguishing  torches  and  flam- 
beaux, a  troop  of  those  spadassins  charged  down  upon  Bussy 
and  his  friends,  he  bravely  facing  and  resisting  them  though 
his  right  arm  was  in  a  sling — a  sling  formed  of  a  scarf  of 
columbine  hue,  which  served  to  identify  him.  One  of  his  sup- 
porters, who  had  been  wounded  like  himself  in  some  encounter 
a  few  days  previously,  also  carried  his  arm  in  a  sling  of  similar 
colour,  '*  though  it  was  very  different,"  says  Marguerite,  "for  it 
was  not  enriched  [embroidered  ?]  like  his  master's.""  Neverthe- 
less the  wearer  was  mistaken  for  Bussy  himself,  and  promptly 
struck  down  and  killed.  However,  one  of  the  Duke  d'Alenfon's 
Italian  retainers,  wounded  at  the  outset  of  the  fray,  hastened 
to  the  Louvre,  and,  while  the  blood  dripped  from  his  injuries 
on  to  the  palace  steps,  raised  a  loud  cry  of  alarm.  The  slumber- 
ing palace  suddenly  awoke,  all  became  bustle  and  confusion,  and 
the  Duke  d'Alenfon  was  eager  to  rush  to  his  friend''s  assistance. 
But  Marguerite  threw  her  arms  about  him,  and  a  stern  for- 
bidding glance  from  Catherine  de'  Medici  arrested  his  steps. 
As  it  happened  the  help  of  Alenpon  was  not  needed.  Bussy 
safely  reached  his  residence,  and  at  once  sent  word  to  reassure 
his  friends.  In  fact,  at  daybreak,  again  defying  his  enemies, 
he  boldly  came  to  the  Louvre,  where  he  presented  himself, 
looking  OS  gay,  as  unconcerned,  "  as  if  that  attempt  on  his  life 
had  been  a  mere  pleasure  jousf 

Once  more  foiled  in  his  designs,  Du  Guast  began  to  meditate 
other  plans,  and  the  situation  becoming  quite  perilous,  Alenpon 
and  Marguerite  at  last  prevailed  on  Bussy  to  quit  the  court  for 
a  time.     Further,  the  persecutions  and  dangers  to  which  both 


II  CHARLOTTE  DE  SAUVES  81 

were  exposed  drew  Francois  d'Alenfon  and  Henri  de  Navarre 
together  once  more,  and  Henri,  having  temporarily  shaken  off* 
the  spell  cast  over  him  by  Mme.  de  Sauves,  again  lived  on 
better  terms  with  his  wife  who  had  lately  shown  great  devotion 
to  him.  One  night,  it  appeal's,  he  fainted  away  and  remained 
unconscious  for  quite  an  hour.  "  I  had  never  known  him  to  be 
subject  to  this  before,"  writes  Marguerite,  "  but  it  was  due, 
I  think,  to  excesses  .  .  ."  Henri  felt  that  he  owed  his  life  to 
the  promptness  and  presence  of  mind  with  which  his  wife  suc- 
coured him,  and  for  a  time  he  showed  himself  grateful. 

But  Du  Guast  was  again  at  work.  He  had  become 
anxious  respecting  his  influence  with  Henri  III,  who  had  now 
(February  15,  1575)  espoused  Louise  de  Lorraine,  daughter 
of  Nicolas,  Count  de  Vaudemont.  She  had  a  coTi/idante,  a 
Mile,  de  Changy,  with  whom  Du  Guast  failed  to  ingratiate 
himself.  He  therefore  insinuated  to  the  King  that  it  was  un- 
fitting for  Princesses  to  have  female  retainers  with  whom  they 
became  unduly  familiar,  hinted  that  Mile,  de  Changy  might 
lead  Queen  Louise  astray,  and  Henri  III  accordingly  ordered 
her  dismissal  and  that  of  several  serving  maids.  Further, 
at  Du  Guast's  instigation,  and,  by  way  of  purifying  the 
household  of  the  Queen  of  Navarre,  a  command  went  forth 
for  the  dismissal  of  her  favourite  female  retainer — a  certain 
Demoiselle  Gillone  de  Goyon,  daughter  of  Jacques  de  Goyon, 
Count  de  Matignon  and  Thorigny  who,  a  few  years  later, 
became  a  Marshal  of  France.  However,  when  Henri  III  sent 
for  his  brother-in-law  of  Navarre,  and  intimated  his  orders,  the 
latter  was  loath  to  communicate  them  to  his  wife.  But  as  the 
King  of  France  insisted,  his  commands  had  to  be  obeyed. 
"I  was  so  off'ended  by  this  indignity  cast  upon  me  after  so 
many  others,"  says  Marguerite,  "and  so  unable  to  resist  the 
just  grief  which  I  felt,  and  which  banished  all  prudence  from 
me,  that  I  gave  myself  up  to  vexation,  and  could  no  longer 
constrain  myself  to  seek  the  King  my  husband ;  in  such  wise 
that  Guast  and  Mme.  de  Sauves,  estranging  him  from  me  on 
the  one  hand,  and  I  on  the  other  drawing  away  from  him,  we 
no  longer  either  slept  or  conversed  together." 

It  happened,  however,  that  this  particular  rupture  was  not 
of  long  duration.    Both  Henri  de  Navarre  and  Alenpon  realized, 


32        FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE         ii 

more  and  more  acutely,  that  they  were  very  seriously  threatened. 
Du  Guast  had  become  all  powerful  at  court,  and  it  was  through 
him  that  they  had  to  solicit  the  favours  which  were  so  often 
refused  them.  Moreover,  nobody  could  attach  himself  to  their 
service  without  incurring  enmity  and  persecution.  Thus  the 
two  Princes  again  drew  together  with  the  object  of  supporting 
each  other,  and  regaining  their  freedom.  There  was,  in  fact,  a 
general  reconciliation.  Alenfon  expressed  to  Marguerite  his 
desire  that  she  and  her  husband  should  again  live  on  good 
terms,  and  asked  her  to  forget  every  annoyance  which  had 
occurred;  while  Henri,  on  his  side,  expressed  his  deep  regret 
if  he  had  allowed  himself  to  be  drawn  away  from  her.  He 
was  now,  he  said,  resolved  to  love  her  and  to  please  her  better. 
"  And  he  begged  me,"  writes  Marguerite,  "  to  love  him  on  my 
side,  and  to  help  him  in  his  affairs  in  his  absence." 

Early  on  the  evening  of  September  15,  1575,  shortly  before 
Henri  HI  sat  down  to  supper,  Alenfon,  having  put  on  a 
retainer's  cloak  and  muffled  himself  up  to  the  nose,  quitted 
the  Louvre  with  a  single  servant,  and  managed  to  reach  the 
St.  Honore  Gate  of  Paris  without  being  recognised.  Outside 
the  gate  he  found  Seymer  (Seymour  ?)  the  master  of  his  ward- 
robe, with  a  lady's  coach  which  he  had  borrowed.  In  this 
coach  the  Duke  travelled  about  a  quarter  of  a  league  to 
a  spot  where  he  found  some  men  and  horses  waiting.  He 
then  rode  on  to  another  meeting-place,  where  between  two 
and  three  hundred  devoted  horsemen  joined  him,  and  thus 
escorted  he  arrived  at  Dreux,  one  of  the  towns  of  his  ap- 
panage, at  about  ten  o'clock  in  the  morning.  From  Dreux 
he  issued  a  manifesto  justifying  his  conduct,  and  setting  forth 
his  pretensions. 

Surprise,  anger  and  alarm  in  turn  took  possession  of  Henri 
HI  when,  at  about  nine  o'clock  on  the  evening  of  September  15, 
his  brother's  disappearance  was  at  last  discovered.  He  ordei-ed 
officers  to  mount  at  once,  he  wished  to  secure  Alenpon  dead  or 
alive.  Then,  growing  calmer,  he  took  advice,  and  conflicting 
counsels  led  to  much  loss  of  time,  in  such  wise  that  the  royal 
officers  only  started  in  pursuit  of  Alenfon  on  the  following 
morning  when  the  Duke  was  already  in  safety. 

Marguerite  succumbed  to  the  emotions  of  that  anxious 


h  CHARLOTTE  DE  SAUVES  8S 

night.  Fever  seized  hold  of  her  and  an  attack  of  erysipelas 
supervened.  Curiously  enough  her  husband  was  not  there  to 
comfort  her.  Henri's  thoughts  were  divided  between  his  own 
contemplated  escape  and  the  mistress  whom  he  had  so  recently 
promised  to  renounce.  He  hoped  that  he  would  not  have  to 
reside  much  longer  at  the  Louvre,  but  whilst  he  remained  there 
he  was  intent  on  devoting  as  much  time  as  he  could  to  the  fair 
Charlotte  de  Sauves.  On  that  occasion,  then,  he  only  returned 
to  his  wife  at  two  o'clock  in  the  morning,  and  she,  in  the  grasp 
of  fever  in  her  own  bed,  did  not  hear  him  enter.  Early  the 
following  morning,  knowing  nothing,  apparently,  of  his  wife's 
condition,  and  not  deigning  to  inquire,  he  humed  off  to  the 
Queen-mother's  levee,  all  eagerness  to  see  the  siren  who  had 
bewitched  him  once  more  !  Sad,  indeed,  are  Marguerite's  com- 
ments on  that  incident ;  and  although  we  shall  have  occasion 
hereafter  to  show  Henri  de  Navarre  under  a  far  more  favourable 
light,  it  must  be  confessed  that  he  often  cuts  a  sorry  figure  in 
his  relations  with  his  wife. 

In  some  respects  a  great  change  in  his  conduct  was  now 
impending.  The  times  were  at  hand  when  this  careless  Prince 
Hal  was  at  last  about  to  cast  oft*  his  cloak  of  indifference  and 
supineness,  and  live  laborious  days,  without,  however,  entirely 
scorning  delights.  Here  let  us  turn  to  the  pages  in  which 
Agrippa  d''Aubigne  chronicles  the  circumstances  which  preceded 
Henri's  adventurous  flight  from  Paris.  The  Queen-mother 
now  had  a  very  strict  watch  set  upon  him.  Her  son,  Francois, 
had  escaped  from  his  cage,  but  her  son-in-law,  Henri,  must  not 
be  allowed  to  do  likewise.  Nevertheless  she  felt  anxious  about 
him,  for  she  divined  to  some  extent  his  vigour  and  dexterity 
both  of  mind  and  of  body.  He,  on  his  side,  was  swayed  alter- 
nately by  his  generous  and  ambitious  instincts  and  his  taste  for 
pleasure.  There  were  times  when,  by  his  courtesy  and  agreeable 
conversation  he  won  over  the  least  favourable  of  those  who  were 
appointed  to  watch  him.  One  evening  he  would  plan  a  bold 
bid  for  freedom,  but  on  the  morrow  give  himself  to  some 
amourette  which  the  shrewd  Catherine  de'  Medici  had  insti- 
gated, well  knowing  that  his  "  tender  spot "  was  his  partiality 
for  her  sex.  At  last,  however,  a  time  came  when  Agrippa 
d'Aubigne,  who  was  one  of  his  gentlemen  of  the  chamber,  and 

D 


S4        FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE         ii 

Armagnac,  his  first  valet-de-chambre,*  both  of  whom  were 
frank,  outspoken  men,  heard  him  sighing  in  bed  and  repeating 
that  verse  of  the  88th  Psalm,  which  runs  :  "  Thou  hast  put 
away  mine  acquaintance  far  from  me;  thou  hast  made  me  an 
abomination  unto  them  ;  I  am  shut  up,  and  I  cannot  come  forth." 

Thereupon  Aubigne  and  Armagnac  combine ;  they  profit  by 
the  opportunity  to  speak  out  boldly,  they  even  threaten  to 
abandon  their  master  if  he  persists  any  longer  in  self-surrender 
and  inaction.  **  Is  it  true,  then,  sir,"  asks  Aubigne,  "  that  the 
Spirit  of  God  still  works  and  abides  in  you  ?  You  sigh  to  God 
on  account  of  the  absence  of  your  friends  and  faithful  servants, 
and  at  the  same  time  they,  all  of  them,  are  sighing  on  account 
of  yours,  and  working  for  your  freedom.  But  you  have  only  tears 
in  your  eyes,  and  they  have  weapons  in  their  hands.  They  are 
fighting  your  enemies,  but  you  are  serving  them.  They  are  filling 
them  with  real  fears,  but  you  are  courting  them  with  false  hopes. 
They  only  fear  God,  but  you  fear  a  woman  ,t  before  whom  you 
join  your  hands  when  your  friends  clench  their  fists.  They  are 
on  horseback,  you  are  on  your  knees.  There,  sir,  is  the  chief 
one  of  those  who  guarded  your  cradle  and  who  do  not  take 
much  pleasure  in  serving  under  the  auspices  of  one  whose  altai-s 
are  the  reverse  of  theirs.  In  what  spirit  of  giddy  thoughtless- 
ness have  you  elected  to  be  a  varlet  here  instead  of  being  the 
master  yonder,  the  scorn  of  those  who  are  scorned,  where  you 
should  be  the  first  of  all  those  who  are  feared .''  Are  you  not 
weary  of  hiding  behind  yourself,  if,  indeed,  hiding  were  allow- 
able for  a  prince  born  as  you  were  ?  "  { 

According  to  Aubigne's  own  account  Henri  was  spared  no 
reproaches :  neither  in  regard  to  his  jesting  with  the  ladies  of 
the  Court,  or  his  deception  respecting  a  delusive  promise  of  the 
Lieutenancy  of  the  Kingdom,  a  promise  which  had  become  a 
standing  joke  at  the  Louvre,  or  even  the  equivocal  actions  of 
his  wife.  Marguerite,  whom  Aubigne  detested,  and  who,  on  her 
side,  detested   him   in   an   equal  degree.      He  portrayed   her 

•  See  ante,  p.  16. 

t  Catherine  de'  Medici. 

t  The  speech  is  too  rhetorical  to  be  authentic,  but  we  think  it  may  well 
represent  the  sense  of  the  reproaches  and  exhortations  which  Aubigu6 
addressed  to  Henri. 


II  CHARLOTTE  DE  SAUVES  35 

preferring  her  brother  to  her  husband,  whom  she  betrayed  for 
his  benefit,  inciting  Henri  IH  also  against  her  husband,  and 
even  using  Mme.  de  Sauves  as  her  instrument — a  delusion  of 
Aubigne's,  which  we  do  not  share. 

In  any  case  Henri,  to  use  a  colloquialism,  was  "  thoroughly 
wound  up "  by  the  exhortations  of  his  friends ;  and  his  long- 
ing to  flee  and  free  himself  became  more  intense  than  it  had 
ever  been  before.  Two  of  the  Court  malcontents,  Guillaume 
de  Hautemer,  Comte  de  Fervacques,  and  Jean  de  Beaumanoir, 
Marquis  de  Lavardin,  offered  him  their  services.  To  confer 
more  freely  the  plotters  drove  about  the  streets  of  Paris  in  a 
coach  "  which  was  closed  on  both  sides."  There  was  a  meeting 
also  at  Fervacques""  abode  adjacent  to  the  "Cousture  Ste. 
Catherine,"*  where  one  and  all  who  were  in  the  secret  swore 
that  they  would  not  retreat  or  fail  whatever  inducement  might 
be  held  out  to  them,  and  would  prove  enemies  to  the  death  of 
whosoever  might  reveal  the  enterprise.  That  oath  having  been 
taken,  Henri  de  Navarre  kissed  each  of  his  companions  on  the 
cheek,  and  they  in  return  kissed  his  right  hand. 

Two  days  before  the  date  fixed  for  the  young  King's  flight 
there  was  a  rumour  at  Court  that  he  had  disappeared.  It  arose 
because  he  had  not  slept  at  the  Louvre  the  previous  night.  On 
hearing  of  the  report,  however,  he  hastened  to  the  Sainte 
Chapelle,  where  Henri  HI  and  his  Queen  were  attending  mass, 
and  accosting  them  gaily,  he  exclaimed  :  "  I  have  brought  you 
back  the  one  about  whom  you  were  feeling  worried  ! "  Then, 
on  the  day  agreed  upon  with  his  friends,  February  3,  1576 — 
the  occasion  they  had  chosen  being  a  projected  stag  hunt  in  the 
forest  of  Senlis — he  repaired  in  the  first  instance  with  Henri  de 
Guise  to  the  famous  fair  of  St.  Germain,  held  on  the  site  of  the 
present  Marche  St.  Germain  in  Paris,  and  the  annual  opening 
of  which  took  place  that  morning.  And  he  lavished  all  sorts  of 
attentions  and  marks  of  friendship  on  the  Duke,  begging  him  to 
go  hunting  with  him  and  even  threatening  to  carry  him  off  to 
Senlis  by  force.  It  was  a  skilful  manoeuvre,  for  the  suspicious 
Guise  absolutely  refused  to  go.  Thus  Henri  departed  with  a 
few  of  his  friends  and  the  two  custodians  who  had  been  attached 

*  That  is  cultivated  land  (cMWMrea)--perhap8  vegetable  gardens— belonging 
to  the  church  of  St.  Catherine. 


36        FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE         ir 

to  his  person :  M.  de  St.  Martin  and  Lieutenant  Spalungue  of 
the  royal  guai-d. 

Tlie  contemporary  accounts  of  the  escape  are  contradictory 
in  regard  to  various  details.  It  appears,  however,  that  Henri, 
starting  from  Paris  on  February  3,  spent  most  of  the  following 
day,  Saturday,  in  stag-hunting  in  the  forest  of  Senlis.  Mean- 
time, Aubigne,  who  had  momentarily  remained  behind  in  Paris, 
surprised  Fervacques,  who  had  also  lingered  there,  in  consulta- 
tion with  Henri  III.  He  immediately  suspected  treachery,  and 
setting  out  with  M.  de  Roquelaure  hastened  to  join  his  master 
before  Henri  HI  was  able  to  warn  the  Provost  of  Paris,  send 
out  estafettes,  and  close  the  city  gates  to  all  other  persons. 
Aubigne  and  Roquelaure  are  said  to  have  joined  Henri  de 
Navarre  in  the  outskirts  of  Senlis,  though  the  former  in  his 
narrative  never  mentions  that  locality,  but  says  that  the  hunt 
took  place  in  the  direction  of  liivry,  that  is,  the  forest  of 
Bondy,  which  is  very  much  nearer  to  Paris  than  Senlis.  In  any 
case,  however,  the  young  King  was  still  attended  by  St.  Martin 
and  Spalungue,  whom  his  partisans  desired  to  despatch ;  but  he 
more  prudently  decided  to  avail  himself  of  them  to  delay  any 
attempts  at  pursuit.  Completely  deceiving  St.  Martin,  he  sent 
him  back  to  Paris  with  a  letter  addressed  to  Henri  HI,  in 
which  he  offered  to  return  and  join  him  so  as  to  confound  his 
enemies.  Then,  still,  it  is  said,  in  the  outskirts  of  Senlis,  he 
sought  a  lodging  to  take  a  rest,  and  feigned  a  desire  to  witness 
the  performance  of  some  strolling  players  who  were  in  the 
neighbourhood.  Somewhat  later,  he  summoned  Spalungue  and 
succeeded  in  despatching  him  also  to  Henri  HI  with  deceptive 
assurances.  St.  Martin,  for  his  part,  reached  the  Louvre  on 
the  following  morning  *  and  succeeded  in  quieting  the  King ; 
but  Spalungue,  after  losing  his  way  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
St.  Maur,  only  arrived  in  Paris  in  the  afternoon.  Catherine 
de'  Medici  was  then  already  suspecting  the  truth,  but  when  at 
sunset  couriei-s  and  troopers  were  at  Isist  sent  forth  to  bar  and 
surround  the  roads,  it  was  too  late :  Henri  de  Navarre  was 
beyond  their  reach.     He  and  his  companions  f  made  their  way 

*  This  indicates  that  tboy  were  much  farther  away  from  Paris  than  is  the 
Tillage  of  Livry,  mentioned  by  Aubign^. 

t  Among  those  who  attended  him  were  Aubign6,  Roquelaure,  Lavardin, 


ir  CHARLOTTE  DE   SAUVES  37 

through  the  forests  during  the  dark  and  bitterly  cold  night 
At  daybreak  they  crossed  the  Seine  at  Poissy,  and  after  resting 
awhile  in  a  village  near  Montfort-rAmaury,  pushed  on  to 
Chateauneuf,  whence  they  proceeded  to  Alen9on,  L'Estoille's 
account  asserting  that  they  made  a  detour  by  way  of  Vendome, 
and  that  the  King  of  Navarre,  on  crossing  the  Loire,  "  heaved  a 
great  sigh,'"*  and  broke  the  silence  which  he  had  preserved  ever 
since  quitting  Senlis  by  saying:  "Praised  be  God  who  has 
delivered  me !  My  mother  was  brought  to  her  death  in  Paris, 
Monsieur  TAmiral  was  killed  there,  and  all  our  best  servants 
also.  They  had  no  desire  to  treat  me  any  better,  but  God 
preserved  me.  I  will  return  there  no  more  unless  it  be  that  I 
am  dragged."  Then,  jesting  in  his  usual  fashion,  he  added  : 
"  I  regret  but  two  things  which  I  left  behind  me  in  Paris,  the 
mass  and  my  wife.  Nevertheless,  as  for  the  mass,  I  will  strive 
to  do  without  it ;  but  as  for  my  wife  I  cannot,  and  I  will  have 
her  back." 

That  little  speech  is  but  a  mild  example  of  the  impro- 
babilities with  which  the  anecdotkrs  occasionally  entertain  us. 
Still  Henri  may  well  have  thought  of  his  wife,  knowing  how 
difficult  her  position  would  now  become.  She,  indeed,  was 
called  to  account  for  everything :  for  the  conduct  of  her  brother 
Alenpon,  to  whom  the  Queen-mother  was  to  be  despatched 
entreatingly,  so  great  had  become  the  alarm  of  Henri  HI ;  for 
the  conduct  also  of  her  husband,  who  had  likewise  escaped  from 
the  bonds  which  alone  seemed  to  ensure  any  stability  to  the 
throne  of  France ;  and  also  for  the  behaviour  of  Fervacques, 
who  had  succeeded  in  fleeing  before  orders  for  his  execution 
could  be  issued.  Infuriated  by  those  humiliating  escapes,  the 
last  of  the  Valois  monarchs  might  well  have  treated  his  sister 
with  real  cruelty,  had  not  his  mother,  Catherine,  restrained  him. 
At  last  the  King  contented  himself  with  setting  guards  over 
Marguerite  in  order  to  prevent  her  from  following  her  husband 
or  communicating  with  him.     Several  other  retainers,  however, 

La  Vallette,  Frontenao,  and  Fervacques,  the  last  of  whom  appears  to  have 
joined  him  because  he  feared  he  might  be  hanged  by  Henri  III.  The  point  is 
of  no  great  importance,  but  some  doubt  attaches  to  the  charge  of  treachery 
which  Aubign6  brings  against  Fervacques.  In  any  case,  the  King  of  Navarre 
received  the  latter  among  his  companions,  and  in  later  years  made  him  a 
Marshal  of  France. 


88       FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE         ii 

suffered  severely  ;  and  it  seems  that  an  outrageous  attempt  was 
made  to  seize,  and  possibly  murder,  her  former  confidante, 
Gillone  de  Goyon,  who,  after  her  dismissal  from  the  Louvre,  had 
found  a  home  with  a  cousin  of  hers,  a  M.  de  Chastellas,  residing 
in  the  environs  of  Paris.  Guards  were  despatched  there,  the 
house  was  pillaged,  and  Gillone  was  on  the  point  of  being 
carried  off,  when  two  of  the  Duke  d'Alenjon's  chamberlains, 
who  were  on  the  way  to  join  him  with  a  troop  of  two  hundred 
horse,  appeared  upon  the  scene,  having  luckily  been  met  by  an 
escaping  servant,  who  had  informed  them  of  what  was  happening. 
They  immediately  dispersed  the  kidnappers,  freed  Mile,  de 
Goyon,  and  conveyed  her  and  her  cousin,  M.  de  Chastellas,  to 
the  Duke,  their  master,  by  whom  the  refugees  were  kindly 
received. 

During  Marguerite's  captivity  her  husband  reached  his 
states,  where  several  of  his  friends  suggested  to  him  that  it  was 
desirable  for  him  to  win  her  over  to  his  cause,  as  she  was 
undoubtedly  a  very  skilful  woman.  According  to  Marguerite 
herself,  Henri  was  the  more  easily  persuaded  to  do  so  as  he  was 
now  far  from  the  snares  of  the  siren-like  Charlotte  de  Sauves. 
He  ended  by  writing  his  wife  **  a  very  honest  letter,"  in  which 
he  asked  her  to  forget  all  differences  which  had  ever  arisen 
between  them  and  to  believe  that  he  desired  to  love  her  and  to 
prove  it  more  than  he  had  ever  done  before.  He  also  desired 
her  to  keep  him  informed  respecting  affairs  in  Paris,  her  own 
position  and  Alen9on's  also.  "  I  received  that  letter,"  says 
Marguerite,  "while  I  was  still  a  captive.  It  gave  me  much 
consolation  and  relief,  and  although  the  guards  had  ordei's  not 
to  allow  me  to  write,  I  did  not  fail,  being  aided  by  necessity, 
which  is  the  mother  of  invention,  to  forward  him  lettei-s  very 
often.'' 

At  the  time  when  Marguerite  was  first  placed  in  custody, 
she  had  been  informed,  both  by  her  mother  and  by  Henri  III, 
that  this  was  done  precisely  to  prevent  her  from  corresponding 
with  her  husband  and  Alenfon.  Her  retort  had  been  that  there 
was  no  likelihood  of  any  correspondence  with  her  husband,  as 
he  had  not  spoken  to  her  for  a  long  time,  had  not  even  seen  her 
during  her  illness,  and  had  gone  off"  without  so  much  as  bidding 
her  farewell.    Catherine  de'  Medici,  however,  like  a  woman  well 


II  CHARLOTTE  DE  SAUVES  39 

acquainted  with  the  weakness  of  the  human  heart,  made 
answer:  "Those,  my  daughter,  are  but  little  tiffs  between 
husband  and  wife.  One  knows  very  well  that  with  gentle 
letters  he  will  regain  your  heart,  and  that  if  he  requests  you  to 
go  to  him  you  will  go — which  is  precisely  what  the  King  my 
son  will  not  allow/"' 

About  this  time  the  Queen-mother  started  off  alone  to  try 
to  negotiate  an  arrangement  with  her  rebellious  son  Alenfon, 
who  gave  her  a  very  unfavourable  reception,  in  such  wise  that 
she  had  to  return  to  Paris  for  Marguerite,  the  latter  being  the 
only  person  able  to  mediate  between  the  conflicting  parties.  In 
fact,  Alenjon  insisted  that  she  should  be  sent,  and  Henri  HI, 
much  to  his  mortification,  had  to  request  her  good  offices.  The 
proofs  of  disinterestedness  and  good  will  which  she  then  gave  him 
ought  to  have  overcome  his  animosity  for  ever.  But  his  narrow 
and  resentful  mind  never  knew  an  impulse  of  generosity.  By 
Marguerite''s  intervention  a  pacification — favourable  certainly 
to  the  Huguenots — was  arrived  at,  and  the  only  reward  she 
asked  was  the  permission  to  join  her  husband  in  Gascony,  he 
having  pressingly  requested  her  to  go  to  him.  She  was  assured 
that  leave  to  do  so  would  be  granted  her  provided  the  Duke 
d'Alenfon  returned  to  Court,  as  had  been  covenanted;  but 
although  that  occurred,  the  requisite  permission  was  constantly 
adjourned  on  one  or  another  pretext,  until  at  last  Henri  III, 
thinking  that  he  had  sufficiently  won  over  his  brother  Alenpon 
— whom  he  created  Duke  d'Anjou — began  to  revoke  the 
concessions  recently  granted  to  the  Huguenots,  whereupon 
preparations  for  war  began  once  more  on  both  sides. 

Henri  de  Navarre  had  despatched  in  turn  both  M.  de 
Duras  and  M.  de  Genissac  to  Paris  in  order  to  hasten  his  wife's 
departure,  but  the  first  envoy  was  got  rid  of  by  means  of  fine  pro- 
mises, and  the  second  one  was  curtly  dismissed  after  an  audience 
with  Henri  HI,  who  told  him  roughly  that  Marguerite  had  been 
given  in  marriage  to  a  Catholic  and  not  to  a  Huguenot,  and 
that  if  the  King  of  Navarre  desired  to  have  his  wife  back  he 
must  conform  to  the  Catholic  religion.  The  Bearnese,  how- 
ever, would  do  no  such  thing.  Paris  might  well  be  worth 
a  mass,  but  certainly  a  wife  was  not.  Nevertheless,  Mar- 
guerite was  now  insisting,  entreating,  even  threatening  to  rejoin 


40       FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE  ii 

her  husband  at  the  peril  of  her  life.  Deaf  both  to  prayers  and 
menaces,  Henri  HI  and  Catherine  were  not  to  be  moved ;  but 
in  order  to  rid  themselves  for  a  while  of  this  troublesome 
woman,  they  agreed  to  let  her  leave  the  court  and  go  with 
the  Princess  de  la  Roche-sur-Yon  to  Spa,  to  drink  the  waters 
for  the  benefit  of  her  health.  She  there  found  herself  in  touch 
with  her  brother  Alenfon,  who  was  now  negotiating  with  the 
Flemings  with  a  view  to  assisting  them  in  throwing  off  the 
Spanish  yoke. 

Before  that  journey  to  Spa  Marguerite  had  again  met 
Bussy  d'Amboise,  who  had  returned  to  Paris  with  Alenpon  at 
the  time  of  the  recent  pacification,  and  it  is  alleged  that  his 
presence  greatly  helped  to  console  her  for  her  husband"'s  absence. 
In  any  case,  her  enemy,  Du  Guast,  could  no  longer  interfere 
with  any  amorous  intrigue,  for  at  ten  o'clock,  on  the  night  of 
October  31, 1575,  when  ill  in  bed,  he  had  been  assassinated  by  a 
party  of  masked  men,  who  further  stabbed  his  valet  and  one  of 
his  lackeys  to  death.  That  crime,  which  remained  unpunished, 
as  did  so  many  crimes  in  those  days,  was  called  by  Marguerite 
"  the  judgment  of  God  ";  but  several  historians  have  contended 
that  the  judgment  was  her  own.  She,  doubtless,  had  good 
cause  to  complain  of  Du  Guasfs  persecutions,  and  may  have 
availed  herself  of  a  favourable  chance  to  put  him  out  of  the 
way  for  ever.*  She  was,  be  it  remembered,  both  a  Valois  ajid  a 
Medici,  and  essentially  a  woman  of  her  times.  Briefly,  it  has 
been  asserted,  though  never  conclusively  proved,  that  she 
instigated  the  murder  of  Du  Guast,  securing  the  co-operation  of 
Guillaume  du  Prat,  Baron  de  Witteaux,  the  leader  of  the 
masked  assassins,  by  a  means  which  need  not  be  specified. 
Let  us  add  here  that  however  real  may  have  been  Marguerite's 
grievances  against  Du  Guast,  he  must  not  be  judged  exclusively 
by  her  memoirs,  for  he  had  abilities  as  well  as  faults. 

With  regard  to  Marguerite's  intrigue  with  Bussy  d'Amboise, 
that  seems  to  be  better  authenticated.  There  are  many  tales 
respecting  them.  It  is  said  that  Bussy  sent  her  various  men 
whose  lives  he  spared  after  overcoming  them  in  duels,  it  being 

*  The  murder  occurred,  be  it  noted,  six  weeks  after  AleD9on'8  escape,  and 
while  Henri  de  Navarre  was  still  in  Paris.  It  rid  Henri,  as  well  as  Marguerite, 
of  a  very  watchful  enemy. 


II 


CHARLOTTE  DE  SAUVES  41 


sufficient  on  those  occasions  for  the  vanquished  adversary  to  ask 
his  life  in  the  name  of  the  woman  whom  he  most  loved. 
Brantome  assures  us  in  his  Hommes  illustres  et  grands  Capitaines 
that  Bussy  behaved  in  this  fashion  with  a  certain  Captain  Page, 
whom  he  was  about  to  despatch  when  the  other  was  inspired  to 
recommend  himself  to  the  lady  of  his  thoughts.  Suddenly 
touched  by  the  words  he  heard,  Bussy  answered  him :  "  Go, 
then,  and  seek  through  the  world  the  most  beautiful  Princess 
and  lady  of  the  universe,  and  cast  yourself  at  her  feet,  and 
thank  her;  and  tell  her  that  Bussy  granted  you  your  life  for 
love  of  her  ! "     "  And  it  was  done,"  adds  Brantome. 

However,  IVIarguerite's  intrigue  with  Bussy  was  of  no  great 
duration,  for  he  left  Paris  for  the  provinces  when  his  friend  the 
Duke  d'Alenfon,  having  been  granted  the  duchy  of  Anjou, 
appointed  him  Governor  of  Angers  and  the  surrounding  region. 
It  was  then  that  he  became  enamoured  of  the  wife  of  Jean  IV 
de  Chambes,  Lord  of  Montsoreau.  The  latter,  on  discovering 
what  was  going  on,  resolved  to  wreak  vengeance  on  his  wife's 
lover.  He  compelled  the  unhappy  woman  to  give  Bussy  an 
assignation,  not  at  the  chateau  of  Montsoreau,  as  is  so  often 
said,  but  at  the  chateau  of  La  Coutanciere,  near  Brain-sur- 
Allonne,  a  few  miles  north  of  Saumur,  for  that  castle  also 
belonged  to  him.  On  August  19,  1579,  Bussy  repaired  to  the 
appointed  spot,  and  was  speedily  attacked  by  the  men  whom 
the  Lord  of  Montsoreau  had  gathered  together.  He  defended 
himself  with  the  most  desperate  courage,  killing  or  wounding 
several  of  his  assailants,  even  when  only  the  broken  remnants  of 
a  sword  were  left  to  him  ;  and  then  employing  tables  and  stools 
as  his  weapons,  and  by  that  means  injuring  another  three  or 
four  men,  until,  at  last  overpowered  by  numbers,  he  sprang 
towards  a  window,  when  some  nail  or  fastening  catching  in  his 
doubtlet,  he  hung  there  and  was  despatched  with  repeated 
thrusts. 

Meantime  the  Duke  d'Alenpon  (now  d' Anjou)  had  again 
sought  out  Mme.  de  Sauves,  with  whom  he  seems  to  have  been 
on  the  best  of  terms,  if  we  may  judge  by  a  passage  of 
Marguerite''s  memoirs,  in  which  she  describes  a  curious  scene 
between  her  brothers  Franpois  and  Henri,  the  latter  of  whom 
was  ever  apprehensive  of  plotting  and  rebellion  on  the  other''s 


42        FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF   NAVARRE        ii 

part.  On  this  occasion  he  is  found  personally  ransacking 
Alen9on''s  boxes  and  inspecting  his  papers  in  the  hope  of 
discovering  some  proof  of  treason.  *'  He  also  searched  his 
brother's  bed,"  writes  Marguerite,  "  to  see  if  he  would  find  any 
papers  there.  My  brother  (Alenfon)  having  received  that 
evening  a  letter  from  Madame  de  Sauves,  took  it  in  his  hand 
to  prevent  it  from  being  read.  But  the  King  endeavoured  to 
take  it  from  him,  and  as  he  (Alen^on)  resisted  and  begged  him 
with  clasped  hands  not  to  read  it,  the  King's  desire  to  do  so 
became  all  the  greater,  for  he  fancied  that  this  paper  might 
suffice  to  enable  him  to  send  my  brother  for  trial.  At  last, 
when  it  had  been  opened  in  the  presence  of  the  Queen,  my 
mother,  they  became  as  confused  as  was  Cato  in  the  Senate, 
when  after  compelling  Caesar  to  show  a  paper  which  had  been 
brought  to  him — saying  that  it  was  something  concerning  the 
welfare  of  the  Republic — it  was  found  to  be  really  a  love-letter 
from  that  same  Cato's  sister,  addressed  to  Caesar."" 

After  the  scene  recorded  by  Marguerite,  which  occurred  in 
May,  1578,  the  Duke  of  Alen^on  and  Anjou  was  again  con- 
signed to  captivity,  which  his  sister  insisted  on  sharing  with  him. 
It  was  her  great  affection  and  extreme  devotion  to  his  interests 
which  inspired  the  anecdotiers  of  the  period  with  those  scan- 
dalous charges  of  undue  familiarity  which  have  come  down  to 
us.  They  have  never  been  proved,  and  one  may  well  hesitate 
to  believe  them.  It  was  by  no  means  unnatural  that  Marguerite 
should  attach  herself  almost  despairingly  to  her  brother  Francois. 
Separated  as  she  was  from  her  husband,  regarded  with  cold 
indifference  by  her  mother,  and  with  suspicion  and  dislike  by 
her  brother  Henri  III,  Fran9ois  was  the  only  friend  remaining 
to  this  unfortunate  woman.  It  is  true  that  she  writes  of  her 
feelings  towards  him  in  a  somewhat  fulsome  strain,  but  that 
was  in  keeping  with  the  manners  of  the  time,  and  for  our  part 
we  cannot  admit  that  the  charges  of  the  anecdotiers  are  proved 
by  a  little  exaggeration  of  language,  inclusive  of  a  somewhat 
indiscriminate  profusion  of  adjectives. 

The  close  captivity  of  the  Duke  d'Alenpon  was  not  of  long 
duration,  as  his  mother  inter^'ened  in  his  favour.  At  this  period 
of  her  career  Catherine  de'  Medici  strove  to  make  herself  indis- 
pensable by  constantly  embroiling  and  reconciling  her  two 


II  CHARLOTTE  DE  SAUVES  43 

surviving  sons.  Alenfon,  however,  was  profoundly  hurt  by  the 
treatment  he  had  received,  and  fully  realised  that  he  was  at  the 
mercy  of  any  fresh  Court  intrigue.  As  long  as  he  remained  a 
mere  prince  of  the  blood  he  would  not  be  safe  from  the  jealous 
rancour  of  his  brother  Henri.  To  secure  his  head  upon  his 
shoulders,  he  must  wear  a  crown,  become  a  sovereign  prince. 
It  was  with  that  object  that  he  vainly  endeavoured  to  win  the 
hand  of  Elizabeth  of  England,  and  aspired  to  reign  in  Flanders, 
where  there  were  so  many  people  eager  to  overthrow  the 
Spanish  rule.  Already  in  1577  Marguerite,  on  going  to  Spa* 
with  the  Princess  de  la  Roche-sur-Yon,  had  helped  him  to 
prepare  the  ground  among  the  Flemings,  and  he  now  resolved 
to  carry  matters  further. 

Although  Alenpon  was  no  longer  in  absolutely  close  con- 
finement he  remained  to  all  intents  and  purposes  a  prisoner,  and 
in  order  to  quiet  the  suspicions  of  Henri  and  Catherine, 
Marguerite  was  obliged  to  pledge  her  word  that  he  would  make 
no  attempt  at  flight.  Nevertheless  she  was  his  foremost 
assistant  when  on  January  14,  1578,  he  for  the  second  time 
effected  his  escape.  As  is  well  known,  he  and  two  of  his  friends, 
Simier  and  Cange,  lowered  themselves  into  the  moat  of  the 
Louvre  by  means  of  a  rope  held  and  slowly  "paid  out"  by 
Marguerite  in  conjunction  with  three  of  her  women  and  a  devoted 
valet.  The  fugitives  repaired  to  the  Abbey  of  Ste.  Genevieve, 
where  Bussy  (this  occurred  seven  months  before  his  death)  was 
awaiting  them,  after  effecting,  in  agreement  with  the  Abbot,  a 
a  breach  in  the  walls,  which  enabled  Alenfon  and  his  friends  to  pass 
out  of  Paris.  How  Alenfon  afterwards  failed  in  his  ambition 
to  marry  our  Queen  Elizabeth,  how  he  afterwards  prosecuted 
somewhat  wildly  his  designs  on  Flanders,  received  first  the  title  of 
"  Protector  of  the  Belgic  Liberties,"  was  afterwards  crowned  as 
sovereign  Duke  of  Brabant  at  Antwerp,  and  later  was  recognized 
as  Count  of  Flanders  at  Ghent  and  Bruges — those  are  matters 
beyond  the  scope  of  this  work.  We  shall  meet  him  again  at 
Nerac  in  connection  with  the  peace  by  which  the  so-called 
Lovers'  War  was  concluded.  In  regard  to  his  Flanders  enter- 
prise, suffice  it  to  say  here  that  the  Flemings  became  distrust- 
ful of  him,  and  being  ultimately  obliged  to  return  to  France, 
*  She  was  suSoring  from  erysipelas  in  one  of  her  arms. 


44        FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE         ii 

he  passed  away  at  Chateau  Thierry  in  June,  1584,  with  none  of 
his  dreams  fulfilled. 

The  year  of  Alenfon's  second  escape  from  Paris  proved  a 
bitter  one  for  Henri  HI.  Apart  from  the  flight  of  the  brother 
of  whom  he  was  so  jealous,  he  was  dealt  some  severe  blows  by 
Guise  and  his  partisans,  who,  two  years  previously  (1576)  had 
first  founded  that  famous  league,  the  apparent  object  of  which 
was  to  defend  the  Catholic  religion,  though  its  secret  aim  was 
to  place  Guise  on  the  throne.  In  the  spring  of  1578  three  of 
Guise's  partisans,  Charles  d'Entragues,  Uiberac,  and  Schomberg, 
provoked  three  of  the  royal  favourites  or  miffnons^  Quelus, 
IMaugiron  and  Livarot,  and  at  five  o'clock  on  the  morning  of 
April  27  a  desperate  duel  was  fought  between  the  two  parties 
in  the  horse  market  on  the  site  of  the  old  Palais  des  Tournelles, 
later  Place  Royale.  Only  I.ivarot  and  Entragues  survived  the 
wounds  they  received  at  that  encounter,  which  Brantome  com- 
pared to  the  classic  combat  of  the  Horatii  and  the  Curiatii. 
Maugiron  and  Schomberg  were  killed  on  the  spot,  Riberac  died 
on  the  morrow,  and  at  the  end  of  a  few  weeks  Quelus,  who  had 
received  no  fewer  than  nineteen  wounds,  expired  in  the  arms 
of  his  despairing  royal  master.  Nor  was  the  King  allowed 
much  time  to  console  himself  with  another  of  his  mignons, 
St.  Megrin,  for  on  July  21,  as  the  latter  was  leaving  the  Louvre, 
he  was  assailed  and  assassinated  at  the  instigation  of  Guise  and 
the  league. 

And  what  of  the  fair  Charlotte  de  Sauves,  it  may  be  asked  ? 
"Well,  we  learn  from  Aubigne  that  she  was  one  of  the  beautiful 
women  whom  Catherine  de""  Medici  carried  in  her  train,  when 
she  at  last  escorted  Marguerite  back  to  her  husband.  It 
may  have  been  thought  that  the  fascinating  lady  of  Sauves 
would  again  ensnare  Henri  de  Navarre.  But  on  this  occasion 
Catherine  also  had  with  her  a  younger  and  fresher  beauty,  the 
famous  Dayelle,  the  Cyprian  c/iarmcuse,  and  it  was  to  her  that 
the  fickle  Henri  tendered  his  adoration,  as  we  shall  presently 
relate.  In  later  years,  however,  we  twice  hear  of  Charlotte  de 
Sauves  in  connexion  with  the  King  of  Navarre.  The  first 
occasion  is  in  1582,  when  Marguerite  speaks  of  her  in  a  letter, 
in  which,  in  accordance  with  her  husband's  request,  she  sends 
him,  she  says,  all  sorts  of  tittle-tattle.     Referring  to  two  of 


11  CHARLOTTE  DE  SAUVES  45 

Catherine  de'  Medici's  maids  of  honour,  she  remarks  :  "  It  is 
said  that  La  Vemee  and  Setanaie  have  lost  their  lovers ;  the 
former's  lover  no  longer  cares  for  anybody  excepting  his  own 
wife,  the  latter's  now  belongs  to  Madame  de  Sauves.  He  came 
to  see  her  at  Chenonceaux,*  and  was  hidden  there  for  two  days, 
but  it  was  done  so  cleverly  that  the  Queen  knew  nothing  of  it, 
and  she  (Mme.  de  Sauves)  wished  to  make  one  believe  that  he 
came  in  reality  for  our  aunt.  Nobody  contradicted  her.  I 
leave  you  to  imagine,  however,  to  what  a  state  one  is  reduced, 
to  have  to  cover  up  such  things  as  that.  She  moves  me  to 
pity,  but,  as  for  help,  none  but  yourself  must  expect  any  of 
me.  The  day  after  he  left,t  his  mistress  pretended  to  be  ill, 
and  went  to  Paris.  She  has  promised  me  her  good  offices  on 
your  behalf,  and  Setanaie  likewise,  as  far  as  she  is  able.'' 

The  second  occasion  on  which  la  heUe  Charlotte's  name 
is  found  associated  with  that  of  Henri  de  Navarre  was  in 
1587,  when,  shortly  before  Henri's  famous  victory  at  Coutras, 
Sully  had  an  important  conversation  with  her  and  Mme. 
d'Uzes.  It  is  well  known  that  women  of  a  certain  type  often 
continue  to  take  a  friendly  interest  in  their  former  lovers. 
Thus  it  was  with  Charlotte  de  Sauves,  who  frankly  informed 
Sully  that  his  master  ought  to  place  no  reliance  whatever  on 
the  promises  of  the  Court,  which  was  only  trying  to  hoodwink 
him,  and  that  there  was  only  one  course  for  the  King  of 
Navarre  to  follow — namely  to  fight  and  achieve  victory. 

With  that  advice  the  woman,  who  in  obedience  to  the 
instructions  of  Catherine  de'  Medici,  had  first  sown  dissension 
between  Henri  and  Marguerite  passed  out  of  their  lives  though 
not  into  retirement,  for  she  now  proceeded  to  compass  the 
downfall  of  another  man.  To  her  indeed  one  might  have 
applied  the  famous  line  : — 

"  C'est  Y^nus  toute  enti^re  4  sa  proie  attachde." 

M.  de  Sauves  died — in  1579,  according  to  genealogical 
authorities — and  on   October    18,   1584,   his   widow   married 

•  At  that  time  the  property  of  Catherine  de'  Medici  by  whom  the  ch&teau 
was  greatly  embellished  and  enlarged. 

t  It  is  impossible  to  identify  this  mysterious  lover,  but  it  has  been  surmised 
that  Marguerite  may  have  referred  to  the  Duke  de  Guise. 


46       FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE    n 

Franfois  de  la  Tr^nioille,  first  Marquis  de  Noirmoutier.  Never- 
theless she  is  still  referred  to  by  the  name  of  Sauves  in  1586,  in 
which  connexion  a  curious  error  occurs  in  the  despatches  from 
the  ambassadors  of  Savoy  which  are  quoted  by  Michelet  in  his 
work  La  Ligue  et  Henri  IV.  Under  date  February  20,  1586, 
one  reads  :  "  Guise  still  goes  on  foot  amidst  his  gentlemen  on 
horseback.  M.  de  Sauves  says  that  if  Guise  ventures  to  be 
familiar  with  his  wife  he  will  put  him  to  death,  without  cere- 
mony/' Now,  as  M.  de  Sauves  had  then  been  seven  years  in  the 
grave,  the  reference  must  be  not  to  him  but  to  the  Marquis  de 
Noirmoutier,  the  error  arising,  perhaps,  from  the  circumstance 
that  the  lady  was  still  so  often  referred  to  by  her  former  name. 
Those  same  despatches  show  that  Guise  was  in  no  wise  intimi- 
dated by  any  threats  regarding  his  intercourse  with  her. 
Under  date  September  11,  1586,  it  is  said :  "  Guise  is  becoming 
reckless,  and  renewing  his  amours  with  Mme.  de  Sauves."" 

Those  amours  proved  fatal  to  him.  At  a  moment  when  in 
his  great  duel  with  Henri  III  it  was  more  than  ever  necessary 
for  him  to  retain  full  vigour  of  mind  and  body,  he  was  caught 
in  the  enervating  toils  of  an  enchantress.  As  is  well  known, 
late  in  1588,  he  repaired  to  Blois,  whither  Henri  III  had  fled, 
and  where  the  States  General  had  been  convoked.  Mme.  de 
Noirmoutier  was  there  with  him,  and  although  events  soon 
shaped  themselves  in  such  a  way  as  to  make  it  imprudent  for 
him  to  linger  there,  he  could  not  tear  himself  away  from  his 
mistress's  embraces.  As  Michelet  has  written:  "Every  day 
Guise  could  see  that  he  ought  to  go,  and  the  sooner  the  better ; 
but  every  night  he  repeated  *  Not  yet.'  .  .  .  He  had  received 
as  many  as  five  warnings,  and  others  came  even  when  he  was 
in  bed  at  his  mistress's.  '  One  would  never  finish  if  one  paid 
attention  to  all  that,'  he  exclaimed.  And  he  thrust  the  last 
billet  under  his  pillow,  and  dismissed  the  bearer  of  the  warning. 
*  Let  us  sleep,  and  you,  go  to  bed.'  He  braved  things  in  this 
wise  in  order  to  reassure  his  lady.  ...  At  supper  he  had  been 
insolently  audacious — as  one  is,  at  times,  in  the  presence  of 
women — flinging  under  the  table  one  of  the  mysterious  warning 
notes,  across  which  he  had  written  :  '  They  would  not  dare.' " 

They  did  dare,  however.  Before  eight  o'clock  on  the 
following  morning.  Guise,  quitting  his  mistress,  repaired  to  the 


n  CHARLOTTE  DE  SAUVES  47 

chateau  of  Blois  with  his  brother  Cardinal  Louis,  Archbishop 
of  Reims,  for  the  purpose  of  taking  part  in  a  council.  On 
being  summoned  to  attend  the  King  in  his  own  chamber,  he 
fearlessly  climbed  the  stairs  to  the  second  floor  where  death 
awaited  him,  for  the  King  had  resolved  on  his  assassination. 
Nine  men  of  the  royal  guard,  the  famous  Forty  Five,  had  made 
their  way  to  the  spot  by  means  of  a  secret  staircase,  which  the 
tourist  may  still  see  hidden  within  one  of  the  castle  walls. 
Two  monks,  it  has  been  asserted,  were  praying  in  the  King's 
dressing-room  for  the  success  of  the  enterprise,  and  as  Guise 
reached  the  door  of  the  outer  closet  of  the  royal  apartments, 
his  murderers  set  upon  him.  It  was,  however,  in  the  King's 
bed  chamber  that  he  was  at  last  overpowered  and  killed. 
Henri  HI  was  awaiting  the  issue  in  his  cabinet.  When  all 
was  over  he  went  down  to  his  mother,  whose  rooms  were  on 
the  first  floor,  and  exclaimed  exultingly  ;  "  Now,  madam,  I  am 
once  more  King  of  France.""  But  he  soon  discovered  that 
the  murder  of  the  Duke,  which  was  followed  by  that  of  the 
Cardinal  his  brother,*  had  placed  him  and  his  throne  in 
greater  jeopardy  than  ever.  Little  more  than  seven  months 
afterwards  he  himself  was  assassinated.     Lex  talionis. 

Perhaps  it  was  the  fate  of  Henri  le  Balafre — which  we  have 
related  at  this  early  stage  of  our  narrative  in  order  to  complete 
the  account  of  that  instrument  of  Medici  craft  and  vengeance, 
Charlotte  de  Noirmoutier,  sometime  de  Sauves — perhaps  it 
was  that  fate  which  deterred  her  from  taking  any  further 
lovers.  As  she  was  at  this  time  thirty-eight  years  of  age,  it 
may  be,  however,  that  her  charms  were  waning.  In  any  case 
it  is  said  that  she  now  renounced  a  wanton  life  and  became 
much  attached  to  her  husband,  the  Marquis  de  Noirmoutier. 
After  all,  even  constancy  may  have  its  charms. 

*  At  first  the  Cardinal  was  merely  arrested  and  consigned  to  a  lower  room 
in  the  Tovir  des  Moulins  (where  may  be  seen  the  most  remarkable  oubliettes 
in  France).  However,  before  many  hours  had  elapsed  it  was  judged  dangerous 
to  let  the  Cardinal  live.  So  he  was  also  murdered,  his  remains,  like  those  of 
his  brother,  being  afterwards  burnt  to  ashes. 


Ill 


A    QUARTETTE   OF  BEAUTIES  I   TIGNONVII.LE,  DAYELLE, 
REBOURS,    AND    FOSSEUX 

Henri,  Aubigne  and  Jeanne  de  Tignonville — Queen  Marguerite  proceeds  to 
Beam  with  Catherine  de'  Medici — Her  splendid  Litter — Dayelle, 
Catherine's  Cyprian  Maid — Henri  III,  Turenne  and  Marguerite- 
Marguerite  and  the  Beamese — Her  Beauty  and  her  Gorgeous  Gowns — 
Dance  and  Song — Henri's  Coarseness  and  Self-Neglect — Some  of  his 
alleged  lowly  Amours — Dayelle's  Marriage — Catholicism  and  Puritan 
Pau — Henri  has  to  choose  between  Wife  and  Secretary — Mile,  de  Bebours 
and  her  Parentage — A  Sonnet  addressed  to  her — Henri  forsakes  her 
for  Mile,  de  Fosseuz — Illness  of  the  King — Marguerite's  Devotion — 
Ne'rac  and  its  Castle — Marguerite's  Sketch  of  her  Life  there — Contagious 
Gallantry — Aubigne'  on  the  Court  and  the  Lovers'  War — Marguerite  denies 
fomenting  it — Historical  Causes  of  that  War — Ne'rac  and  its  Neutrality — 
Marguerite  under  Fire — Alenfon  makes  Peace  and  falls  in  Love  with 
Fosseuse — Fosscuse  becomes  enceinte  and  falls  out  with  Marguerite- 
Mile,  de  Bebours  again — Upshot  of  Henri  de  Navarre's  Love  Affair  with 
Fosseuse. 

When  Henri  de  Navarre,  after  escaping  from  Paris,  had  re- 
turned to  his  states,  which  he  had  not  seen  since  he  became 
King,  he  was  struck  by  the  beauty  of  one  of  the  maids  of 
honour  of  his  sister  Catherine,  who  had  governed  Beam  in  his 
absence,  and  who,  after  a  long  and  unhappy  attachment  to 
Jean  de  Bourbon,  Count  de  Soissons,  ended  in  1599  by  marry- 
ing Henri  de  Lorraine,  Duice  de  Bar.  The  young  person  who 
attracted  the  King's  notice  was  Jeanne  du  Montceau  de  Tignon- 
ville, daughter  of  Lancelot  du  Montceau,  Lord  of  Tignonville, 
by  his  wife,  Marguerite  de  Selves.*  Little  is  known  of  Mile. 
Jeanne  beyond  what  appears  in  the  memoirs  of  Aubigne,  who 
had  reason  to  dislike  her,  as  she  became,  involuntarily,  it  is 
true,  the  cause  of  his  loss  of  favour.     The  fact  is  the  young 

*  She  was  governess  of  the  Princess  Catherine's  household. 


ra  A  QUARTETTE  OF  BEAUTIES  49 

lady  was,  in  the  first  instance,  intent  on  matrimony,  and 
turned  a  deaf  ear  to  the  compliments  which  King  Henri 
lavished  upon  her.  In  the  hope  of  prevailing  on  her  to  listen 
to  him,  he  desired  Aubigne  to  put  in  a  word  in  his  favour,  but 
Aubigne,  who,  although  he  held  the  post  of  first  gentleman  of 
the  chamber,  was  more  fitted  for  campaigning  than  for  court 
life,  bluntly  refused  to  do  as  the  King  desired.  Requests 
proving  of  no  avail,  Henri  threatened  his  retainer,  withheld 
his  salary,  and  played  him  several  scurvy  tricks,  without,  how- 
ever, overcoming  his  virtuous  resistance.  Vainly,  too,  did  the 
King  sigh  at  the  feet  of  the  fair  Tignonville,  until  at  last,  in 
1581,  she  espoused  Franfois  Leon  Charles,  Baron  de  Pardaillan 
and  Count  de  Pangeas,  who  became  a  councillor  of  state,  a 
royal  chamberlain,  a  knight  of  the  King's  orders,  a  captain  of 
fifty  men-at-arms  of  the  royal  companies,  commander  of  the 
regiment  of  Guienne,  and  Governor  of  Armagnac,  for  several 
of  which  posts  he  was  indebted  to  his  wife,  for  she,  so  inflexible 
as  Mile,  de  Tignonville,  was  far  less  so  when  she  had  become 
Countess  de  Pangeas.  At  all  events  that  is  indicated  by  what 
Sully  says  of  her  in  his  memoirs,  from  Avhich  we  also  gather 
that  the  lady's  husband  was  so  fat,  ponderous  and  lubberly, 
that  Catherine,  King  Henri's  sister,  nicknamed  him  the  "  big 
bufTalo." 

Before  then,  however,  Queen  Marguerite  and  others  had 
appeared  upon  the  scene  ;  for  in  the  summer  of  1578,  Henri  III, 
in  the  midst  of  his  struggle  with  the  Guises,  at  last  found 
it  politic  to  allow  Marguerite  to  rejoin  her  husband  in  the  hope 
of  thereby  restraining  the  latter  who  was  in  arms  against  the 
Catholics.  Thus,  "  on  August  2,"  says  L'Estoille  in  his  Journal, 
"  the  Queen  of  Navarre  set  out  from  the  chateau  of  Olinville  * 
to  take  the  road  to  Gascony  to  meet  the  King  her  husband,t 
and  with  her  went  the  Queen  her  mother,  Cardinal  de  Bourbon, 
the  Duke  de  Montpensier  and  Messire  Gui  du  Faur,  Sieur  de 
Pybrac,  and  President  of  the  Court."  J 

*  Aulainville,  between  Ouzouer-le-marohe'  and  the  forest  of  March^noir 
(Loir-et-Cher). 

t  In  his  MS.,  it  appears,  L'Estoille,  after  the  word  "  husband  "  added : 
"  to  her  great  regret  and  reluctantly,  according  to  common  report,"  but  he 
subsequently  struck  out  that  remark. 

X  That  is,  of  the  Parliament  of  Paris.    He  was  also  Chancellor  to  Queen 

£ 


50   FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE    in 

On  parting  with  his  sister,  Henri  HI  lavished  compliments, 
good  wishes  and  presents  on  her,  so  great  was  his  desire  to 
make  her  forget  all  his  past  ill-treatment,  and  induce  her  to 
serve  his  interests  with  her  husband.  He  also  wished  to 
detach  her  completely  from  those  of  his  brother  Alenfon  ;  but 
he  only  elicited  vague  assurances  of  respect,  friendship  and 
fidelity  from  Marguerite,  and  was  unable  to  prevent  her  from 
going  to  wish  Alenfon  farewell.  That  done,  she  set  out  to  join 
her  husband,  the  royal  party  travelling  by  slow  stages  and  in 
pompous  fashion  towards  Guienne.  Elegant  in  her  tastes  as 
well  as  beautiful  in  person  and  witty  in  her  speech,  Marguerite 
journeyed  in  her  magnificent  closed  and  glazed  litter,  whose 
comer  pillars  were  covered  with  Spanish  velvet  of  carnation 
hue  while  the  lining  was  adorned  with  embroidery  of  gold  and 
shaded  silk,  worked  into  devices,  in  such  a  way  that  there  were 
fully  forty  devices  either  on  the  lining  or  the  glass,  devices  in 
the  Spanish  and  Italian  languages,  and  all  of  them  treating  of 
the  sun  and  its  powers,  as  was  indeed  appropriate,  for  did  not 
Marguerite  at  this  moment  of  her  life  typify  the  Sun  of  Beauty 
in  all  its  splendour?  In  taking  the  great  orb  of  day  as  her 
emblem  she  anticipated  Louis  XIV.  In  her  fondness  for 
devices  she  followed  the  example  of  that  other  famous 
Marguerite  de  Navarre,  her  husband's  grandmother,  whose  rare 
and  cunning  skill  in  composing  those  conceits,  had  been  the 
admiration  of  the  Court  of  her  brother,  the  first  Francis. 

Henri  de  Navarre  met  the  Queen  his  wife,  and  the  Queen 
her  mother  at  La  Reole,  south  of  Bordeaux.  Catherine  de' 
Medici  tendered  some  amusing  excuses  on  meeting  her  son-in- 
law.  She  had  merely  made  the  journey,  she  said,  to  chaperone 
her  daughter  and  admire  the  scenery  of  the  region.  She  lingered 
there,  however,  for  eighteen  months,  during  which  her  maids 
and  ladies  of  honour  were  by  no  means  idle.*     Among  them. 

Marguerite.  The  Cardinal  de  Bourbon  referred  to  above  was  the  uncle  of 
Henri  de  Navarre,  and  the  same  whom  the  League  subsequently  proclaimed 
King  as  Charles  X.  The  Duke  de  Montpensier,  Francois  de  Bourbon,  was 
another  of  the  King  of  Navarre's  kinsmen,  but  a  very  zealous  Catholic. 

*  It  was  for  the  sake  of  the  bright  eyes  of  one  of  these  beauties,  Anna 
d'Aquaviva,  that  old  Ussac,  one  of  Henri  de  Navarre's  captains,  subsequently 
surrendered  La  IWole  to  the  Catholics,  an  act  of  treason  which  Henri  avenged 
by  taking  the  towa  of  Fleuranca  one  eveoing  after  diverting  himsoU  at  a  ball. 


Ill  A  QUARTETTE  OF  BEAUTIES  61 

as  we  previously  mentioned,  was  Mme.  de  Sauves,*  but  the  fickle 
Henri  de  Navarre  paid  far  more  attention  to  the  Cyprian  beauty 
known  as  Dayelle.  She  and  her  brother,  it  appears,  were  of 
Greek  birth,  and  had  escaped  from  Cyprus,  when  in  1570  that 
island  was  wrested  by  the  Turks  from  the  Venetians.  Coming 
to  France,  the  brother  was  patronized  by  the  Duke  d'Alenpon, 
who  made  him  a  gentleman  of  his  chamber,  while  the  sister 
was  added  to  that  battalion  of  frail  fair  ones  with  whom 
Catherine  de'  Medici  loved  to  surround  herself.  Henri  de 
Navarre  had  already  met  Dayelle  in  Paris  at  the  time  of  his 
infatuation  for  Mme.  de  Sauves,  but  he  had  then  paid  little 
heed  to  her;  whereas  now  it  was  Mme.  de  Sauves  whom  he 
neglected,  reserving  all  his  glances  for  the  languorous  eastern 
beauty  of  the  almond-eyed  Cyprian. t 

All  was  love  and  gaiety,  everything  went  wonderfully  well 
during  the  eighteen  months  that  Catherine  de'  Medici  tarried 
with  the  Navarrese  menage.  Queen  Marguerite,  as  Aubigne 
indicates,  soon  fetched  the  rust  off  men''s  wits,  and  cast  it  over 
their  weapons.  Whilst  her  husband  was  paying  court  to  the 
fascinating  Dayelle,  she,  in  accordance  with  a  covenant  of  mutual 
tolerance  to  which  she  and  Henri  are  said  to  have  agreed,  was 
listening,  it  is  asserted,  either  to  an  old  suitor  of  her  Louvre 
days,  Du  Luc,  or  else  to  one  of  her  husband's  bravest  and  for 
a  long  while  most  faithful  adherents,  Henri  de  La  Tour, 
Viscount  de  Turenne,  in  later  years  Duke  de  Bouillon  and 
Marshal  of  France.  Turenne,  as  he  was  then  called,  had  at 
first  paid  his  addresses  to  one  of  Catherine  de'  Medici's  maids, 
Mile,  de  la  Vergne,J  but  he  afterwards  transferred  them  to 
Queen  Marguerite,  and  this  coming  to  the  knowledge  of  her 
brother  Henri  III,  he  wrote  to  her  husband  to  denounce 
Turenne  to  him,  hoping,  no  doubt,  to  sow  seeds  of  discord  in 
the  Huguenot  ranks  and  thereby  derive  profit  for  himself.  But, 
outwardly  at  all  events,  Henri  de  Navarre  paid  no  heed  to  the 

*  See  ante^  p.  44. 

t  She  must  not  be  confounded  with  another  of  Catherine's  maids,  Vittoria 
d'Ajala,  who  was  also  sometimes  called  d'Ayelle,  and  who  married  Camillo 
di  Feia  of  Mantua. 

X  Perhaps  the  same  whom  Marguerite,  in  one  of  her  letters,  calls  La 
Vem6e.    See  ante,  p.  45. 


52   FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE    in 

accusation,  as  he  divined,  it  is  said,  the  designs  lying  behind  it. 
At  the  same  time  others  say  that  this  affair  caused  the  Lovers'" 
AVar,  to  which  we  shall  presently  refer. 

One  need  not  attach  much  importance  to  anything  contained 
in  that  famous  pamphlet  Le  Divorce  Satf/riqiie^  a  scurrilous 
work  produced  in  support  and  defence  of  Henri  in  connexion 
with  his  ultimate  severance  from  Marguerite,  but  there  is  a 
sufficiency  of  other  evidence  to  show  that  the  King,  intent  on 
his  own  love  affairs,  evinced  great  indifference  respecting  his 
wife's  conduct.  Although  those  brief  Decameron  years  of  hers 
— to  employ  Lescure's  expression — were  not  unclouded  ones, 
they  appear  to  have  been  the  happiest  of  Marguerite's  life. 
She  had  attained,  according  to  all  accounts,  the  zenith  of  her 
beauty,  and  her  departure  from  the  Court  of  her  brother  Henri 
HI  had  been  regarded  there  as  an  irreparable  calamity.  "  The 
Court  is  shorn  of  its  beauty,  said  some  courtiers.  The  Court 
is  dim,  its  sunlight  has  departed,  said  others ;  while  yet  others 
added,  'tis  a  nice  business  that  Gascony  should  come  and 
gasconade  us  and  carry  off  our  beauty  intended  for  the 
embellishment  of  France  and  the  Court  and  Hotel  of  the 
Louvre,  Fontainebleau,  St  Germain  and  the  other  fine  places 
of  our  Kings,  to  lodge  her  at  Pau  or  Nerac,  residences,  which 
are  so  different  from  the  others.'''  * 

Marguerite,  however,  was  willing  to  face  the  change,  and 
the  simple  admiration  with  which  she  was  regarded  by  the  less 
bigoted  Bearnese  would  have  amply  solaced  her  for  any  sacrifice 
she  had  made,  had  it  not  been  for  the  jealous  intriguing  and 
rough  intolerance  of  certain  membere  of  her  husband's  Huguenot 
Court.  Crabbed,  envious  and  peevish  folk,  ambitious  and 
sanctimonious  men,  bald  bony  old  captains  withered  by  long 
years  of  civil  war,  gouty  old  dogmatising  councillors,  all,  in 
fact,  who  had  never  known  or  were  past  the  time  of  la  joie  de 
vivrCy  were  against  her.  It  must  be  acknowledged  that  the 
interests  of  Henri  de  Navarre  and  his  subjects  would  have  been 
better  served  had  his  consort  resembled  his  mother,  Jeanne 
d'Albret,  that  masculine,  military,  politic  Queen,  who  had  shown 
both  skill  in  council  and  energy  in  war.  In  lieu  thereof, 
although  Marguerite,  as  we  know,  possessed  a  real  governing 

*  Brant^me. 


Ill  A  QUARTETTE  OF  BEAUTIES  53 

instinct,  she  merely  flashed  on  patriarchal  Beam  like  some 
magnificent  idol,  arrayed  in  the  Italian  fashions  of  Paris,  that 
Babylon  of  the  age.  Therein  lay  a  text  for  much  deprecatory 
discourse,  a  motive  for  many  stern  sermons,  innumerable  pious 
ejaculations  and  heaven-directed  glances. 

Marguerite,  however,  paid  little  heed  to  the  hostility  of  the 
Puritans.  She  contented  herself  with  dazzling  them  with  the 
spectacle  of  "  her  fine  features,  her  well-planned  lineaments, 
her  limpid  and  faultless  eyes,  her  beautiful  head  set  upon  a 
beautiful  body,  with  the  most  superb  figure  that  could  be  seen, 
attended  by  the  port  of  a  goddess,  and  a  grave  majesty.''  She 
gave  balls  and  other  entertainments,  and  at  all  events  the 
peevish  old  captains  brightened  and  smiled — recalling,  perhaps, 
their  own  earlier  days — when  they  beheld  her  gorgeous  either 
in  "  white  satin,  trimmed  with  a  little  carnation-pink  and  an 
abundance  of  glittering  orichalc,"  or  else  a  robe  of  Spanish 
velvet  of  a  deeper  carnation  hue  and  laden  with  sequin 
trimmings,  while  on  her  head  was  set  "  a  cap  of  the  same  velvet, 
well  dressed  with  plumes  and  gems."  There  were  occasions,  too, 
certain  great  functions,  when  she  was  even  more  magnificently 
arrayed,  when  she  displayed  herself  in  the  most  wonderful 
robe  ever  seen  in  France,  a  robe  fashioned  out  of  fifteen  ells  of 
material,  all  fine  gold  thread,  the  gift  of  the  Great  Turk. 
Diamonds  and  feathers  then  bedecked  her  hair,  while  from  her 
neck  fell  a  matchless  rope  of  four  hundred  large  pearls.  On 
those  occasions  well  might  she  have  been  considered  a  Queen  of 
Fairyland. 

But  there  were  times  when  she  condescended  to  show  that 
she  was  a  mere  mortal,  when  she  joined  in  the  Spanish,  Italian 
and  French  dances  which  were  then  in  fashion,  the  slow  and 
stately  pavan,  the  slightly  swifter  passy-measure,  the  gliding 
Medici  courant,  the  merry  brawl  and  others.*  There  were  also 
occasions  when,  accompanying  herself  with  her  lute,  she  sang 
romances  which  she  herself  had  composed  in  the  high-flown 
language  which  was  then  known  as  the  "phoebus  style."  With 
her  beauty,  grace  and  accomplishments  she  fascinated  so  many 
men  that  it  really  seemed  as  if  she  were  the  very  goddess  of 

*  The  Spanish  pavana ;  the  Italian  passamezzo  and  corrente ;  and  the 
French  branle. 


54.        FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE         iii 

love.  "  But,""  remarked  Don  John  of  Austria  at  the  time  when 
he  met  her  in  Flanders,  "  although  her  beauty  was  more  divine 
than  human,  she  was  more  fit  to  ruin  and  damn  men  than  to 
save  them." 

Her  husband  Henri,  since  his  flight  from  the  Louvre,  had 
relapsed  into  those  simple,  rough,  coarse  Bearnese  ways  which 
more  than  once  gave  Marguerite  a  shock.  She,  who  the  better 
to  display  the  whiteness  of  her  beauty  reposed  between  sheets 
of  black  satin,  found  no  congenial  mate  in  a  husband  who,  like 
many  other  men  of  that  period,  was  so  neglectful  of  personal 
cleanliness  that,  on  one  occasion,  she  felt  it  necessary  to  ask 
permission  to  wash  his  feet,  a  request  which  he  resented  as  a 
great  affront.  But  in  those  days  the  ablutions  of  men  were  of 
the  most  summary  description ;  to  bathe  was  regarded  as  a  sign 
of  effeminacy,  fit  only  for  the  curled  and  perfumed  mignons  of 
the  Louvre,  who,  it  must  be  conceded,  at  least  preserved  the 
whiteness  of  their  skins,  however  black  may  have  been  their 
souls. 

Careless  in  regard  to  himself,  Henri  did  not  seek  refine- 
ment in  those  on  whom,  en  passanty  he  bestowed  his  wayward 
heart.  The  anecdotiers  and  popular  tradition  ascribe  to  him  at 
this  period  of  his  life  many  amourettes  in  which  the  damsel  of 
his  choice  was  of  lowly  birth  and  habits.  There  were,  inter  aHa^ 
we  are  told,  Arnaudine  of  Agen ;  Fleurette,  the  daughter  of  the 
palace  gardener  at  Nerac ;  a  certain  Demoiselle  Maroquin ; 
Xaintes,  his  wife's  Jhrnme-de-chambre ;  and  Picotine  Pancoussaire,* 
otherwise  the  Boulang&re  de  St.  Jean :  in  addition  to  all  the 
ladies  of  the  Court  whom  he  honoured  with  his  glances.  But, 
except  in  one  or  two  instances,  such  as  that  of  Xaintes,  those 
early  love  affairs  remain  vague,  shadowy,  authenticated  only  by 
the  few  passing  allusions  of  memoir-writers  and  anecdotiersy  and 
— in  regard  to  details — transmitted  to  us  only  by  popular 
report  in  the  form  of  stories,  such  as  merry  fellows  have  told  at 
evening  by  the  fireside  in  some  snug  inn  or  tavern,  when  a 
bleak  wind  from  the  Pyrenees  has  been  sweeping  across  the 
valleys  of  Beam.  Handed  down  in  this  wise  from  father  to 
son,  embellished  from  time  to  time  just  like  so  many  Church 
legends,  those  tales  undoubtedly  testify  to  the  virile  reputation 
*  Panooussairo  Is  Beftmese  for  houlangire  or  bakeross. 


Ill  A  QUARTETTE  OF  BEAUTIES  55 

which  the  most  amorous  of  Kings  left  behind  him,  but  it  is 
difficult  to  say  whether  they  are  even  in  the  smallest  degree 
founded  upon  fact.  As  with  Queen  Marguerite,  so  has  it  been 
with  Henri.  If  one  were  to  believe  some  accounts,  she  became 
the  mistress  of  every  man  with  whom  she  ever  had  the  slightest 
intercourse ;  and  in  like  way  one  might  believe  that  Henri 
became  the  favoured  lover  of  every  woman,  were  she  grande 
dame,  bourgeoises  servant  girl,  or  country  wench,  at  whom  he 
ever  glanced  or  smiled,  with  M'hom  he  ever  jested,  or  whom, 
perchance,  he  chucked  under  the  chin  and  gaily  kissed  as 
he  rode  through  some  village  on  his  way  to  battle  and 
victory. 

In  these  pages  we  prefer  to  speak  only  of  those  love  affairs 
of  Henri's  of  which  there  is  some  evidence.  Respecting  his 
infatuation  for  Dayelle  very  few  details  have  come  down  to  us. 
We  know,  however,  that  he  lost  her  when  Catherine  de' 
IVIedici,  having  established  peace  between  him  and  her  son 
Henri  HI,  at  last  returned  to  Paris.  For  Dayelle  went  thither 
with  the  Queen-mother,  and  soon  afterwards  became  the  wife 
of  a  Norman  noble,  Jean  d'Hemerits,  Sieur  de  Villers.  Henri 
and  Marguerite  accompanied  Catherine  and  her  train  as  far  as 
Castelnaudary,  whence  they  returned  to  Pau,  a  locality  which 
Marguerite  greatly  disliked,  infinitely  preferring  Nerac,  where 
she  was  encompassed  by  far  less  bigotry.  Pau  was  then  a 
miniature  Geneva,  a  centre  of  rigid  Calvinism,  amidst  which 
the  Queen  experienced  many  vexations. 

"  There  was  no  practice  of  the  Catholic  religion,"  she  writes, 
"and  I  was  only  allowed  to  have  Mass  said  in  a  little  chapel 
three  or  four  paces  long,  which,  being  so  extremely  small,  was 
full  whenever  there  were  seven  or  eight  of  us  inside.""  At  the 
times  when  Mass  was  said,  the  drawbridge  of  the  chateau  was 
raised,  for  fear  lest  the  Catholic  inhabitants,  who  were  debarred 
from  practising  their  religion,  might  attempt  to  satisfy  their 
desire  to  receive  the  Blessed  Sacrament.  One  Whit  Sunday 
that  actually  occurred,  several  Catholic  inhabitants  of  Pau 
managing  to  slip  into  the  chateau  and  enter  the  chapeL  They 
were  discovered,  arrested,  flogged — in  Marguerite''s  presence — 
and  afterwards  imprisoned  by  order  of  one  of  Henri's  most 
faithful   servants,  Jacques  Lallier,   Sieur   du    Pin,   who   was, 


56       FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE        ni 

however,at  the  same  time  a  most  bigoted  Huguenot,  and  therefore 
an  uncompromising  adversary  of  his  master's  Catholic  consort. 
She,  justly  indignant  at  the  affront  offered  to  her,  and  at  such 
a  violation  of  the  right  of  asylum  which  the  unfortunate  victims 
of  Du  Pin''s  violence  claimed  of  her  as  well  as  of  God,  speedily 
complained  to  her  husband,  requesting  that  the  imprisoned 
men  might  be  immediately  released.  Thereupon  Du  Pin  who, 
although  he  held  the  post  of  secretary  to  the  King,  was  no 
courtier,  presumed  to  rebuke  her,  and  she  retaliated  by  demand- 
ing his  dismissal.  Henri,  not  wishing  to  part  with  his  secretary, 
who  was  a  capable  and  useful  man,  endeavoured  to  temporize, 
but  Marguerite  insisted  on  her  demand,  declaring  that  her 
husband  must  choose  between  herself  and  Du  Pin.  The  latter 
then  had  to  go,  for  the  times  were  not  yet  ripe  for  an  absolute 
conjugal  rupture,  though  Henri,  by  way  of  consoling  himself 
for  the  departure  of  Dayelle,  was  already  paying  his  addresses 
to  another  young  person. 

This  was  a  certain  Mile,  de  Rebours,  whose  parentage  is 
somewhat  doubtful,  some  authorities  saying  that  she  was  the 
daughter  of  one  Montabert,  Sieur  de  Rebours,  a  Huguenot 
nobleman  of  Dauphine,  killed  at  the  St.  Bartholomew  massacre ; 
while  according  to  others  her  father  was  a  judge,  first  at  Calais, 
and  later  of  the  Parliament  of  Pans.  L'Estoille  chronicles  a 
somewhat  amusing  j'eu  de  mots  respecting  this  personage,  who 
was  in  the  capital  at  the  time  Henri  de  Navarre  besieged  it. 
His  troops  having  planted  a  couple  of  cannon  on  the  height  of 
Montmartre,  were  firing  on  the  city  when  a  ball  from  one  of 
the  guns  broke  one  of  M.  de  Rebours'  legs.  Thereupon,  as 
he  was  suspected  of  secretly  favouring  the  royal  cause,  the 
preachers  of  the  League  made  a  great  joke  of  the  affair,  declar- 
ing from  the  pulpit  that  "  the  cannon  shots  of  the  Royalists 
went  a  rebours."^ 

In  addition  to  Henri,  Mile,  de  Rebours  counted  among  her 
particular  admirers  two  of  his  companions  in  arms — the  Count 
de  Frontenac  and  Charles  de  Montmorency,  Duke  de  Damville. 
Frontenac's  passion  was  celebrated  by  Guillaume  du  Sable  in 
one  of  the  sonnets  of  his  Muse  chasseresse.  Nowadays  this 
effusion — which  may  be  quoted  as  a  specimen  of  the  amatory 
verse  of  the  period — will  doubtless  appear  ridiculous,  but  it 


m  A  QUARTETTE  OF  BEAUTIES  67 

was  then  probably  regarded  as   something  quite  tender  and 
touching. 

"  Reboubs,  n'^prouve  tant  de  Fbohtbnac  la  foi, 
Que  r^preuve  a  la  fin  ne  soit  pour  lui  mortelle, 
Je  Tois  bien  que  son  coeur  te  porta  une  amour  telle 

Qu'impossible  eat  qu'il  vive  6tant  priv6  de  toi. 

J'ose  bien  t'assurer,  si  tu  veux  croire  en  moi, 
Que  jusques  k  la  mort  11  te  sera  fiddle  ; 
Car  I'Amour  I'a  116  si  bien  &  ta  cordelle 

Qu'il  faut  qu'il  ob^isse  aux  6dits  de  sa  loi. 
N'oflense  point  ce  Dieu ;  il  a  la  mSme  fl^che, 
Qui,  en  son  coeur,  a  fait  luire  pareille  breche, 

Pergant  de  part  en  part  son  loyal  estomac. 
Done,  si  pour  I'avenir  tu  veux  etre  servie, 
Non  pas  pour  quelque  temps,  mais  pour  toute  la  vie, 

Ne  change,  s'il  te  plait,  ton  humble  Fbontenac." 

According  to  Marguerite,  Mile,  de  Rebours  was  a  very 
malicious  young  person,  who  did  not  like  her,  but  did  her  every 
possible  ill  turn.  Slight  and  slender,  however,  she  was  also 
very  delicate,  and  thus  Henri's  intrigue  with  her  was  of  short 
duration.  "  Amidst  these  contrarieties,"  writes  Marguerite 
(referring  to  the  dislike  which  the  more  zealous  Huguenots 
evinced  for  her),  "  God,  to  whom  I  always  had  recourse,  at  last 
took  pity  on  my  tears,  and  permitted  that  we  should  depart 
from  that  little  Geneva,  Pau,  where,  by  a  piece  of  good  fortune 
for  me,  Rebours  remained  lying  ill,  in  such  wise  that  the  King, 
my  husband,  losing  sight  of  her,  also  lost  his  affection  for  her, 
and  began  to  engage  with  Fosseuse,  who  was  much  prettier,  and 
at  that  time  quite  young  and  very  good-natured." 

On  the  occasion  of  this  departure  from  Pau  it  was  the 
intention  of  the  King  and  Queen  of  Navaire  to  visit  Montau- 
ban,  but  on  the  evening  when  they  reached  the  little,  though 
in  Roman  days  splendid,  town  of  Eauze,  which  Henri  some 
time  previously  had  taken  by  surprise,  almost  losing  his  life 
in  the  exploit,  he  again  found  himself  in  danger  there,  for  a 
violent  fever  seized  hold  of  him  and  did  not  abate  until  after 
seventeen  days  of  restless  suffering.  Marguerite,  often  so 
uncertain  and  variable,  at  once  became  all  devotion,  a  minister- 
ing angel,  such  as  was  pictured  by  the  poet  of  a  later  day. 
It  was  constantly  necessary  to  move  the  pain-racked  patient 
from  one  bed  to  another,  and  his  wife  assisted  in  doing  so, 


58        FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE         iii 

never  leaving  him  but  exhausting  her  strength  to  such  a  degree 
by  watching  and  nursing  that  she  at  last  fell  ill  herself.  "  I 
became  so  attentive  in  nursing  him,''  she  writes,  "  never  quitting 
him,  never  undressing,  that  he  began  to  take  pleasure  in  my 
services  and  praise  them  to  everybody,  particularly  to  his  cousin 
M.  de  Turenne,  who,  behaving  to  me  like  a  good  relation,  set 
me  on  as  good  terms  with  him  again  as  I  had  ever  been  :  a 
happiness  which  lasted  for  the  space  of  the  four  or  five  years  that 
I  remained  with  him  in  Gascony." 

Thus,  when  Henri  recovered  and  they  at  last  repaired  to 
Ne'rac,  husband  and  wife  were  again  the  best  of  friends,  dis- 
posed to  treat  each  other  with  forgiveness  and  indulgence,  an 
indulgence  which  was  the  more  necessary  as  conjugal  constancy 
was  quite  foreign  to  their  natures.  Nerac,  nowadays  renowned 
for  its  partridge  pies  and  terrinesy  is  a  pleasant  little  town  on  the 
banks  of  the  Bayse,  with  some  interesting  Gallo-Roman  ruins, 
including  remnants  of  some  baths,  of  a  palace,  and  of  a  temple, 
which  last,  it  is  said,  was  dedicated  to  the  infernal  gods. 
Few  traces  remain,  however,  of  the  castle  which,  in  the  four- 
teenth century,  Amanieu  d'Albret  first  raised  on  a  hill  over- 
looking the  river,  and  which  was  gradually  enlarged  by  his 
successors,  Jeanne  d'Albret  ultimately  completing  it,  for  which 
purpose  she  made  use  of  stones  derived  from  some  of  the  many 
Catholic  churches  and  monasteries  which  she  razed  to  the  ground. 
This  castle  of  Nerac  was  a  large  quadrilateral,  communicating 
on  the  western  side  with  the  town,  and  on  the  east,  by  means 
of  a  bridge  over  the  Rayse,  with  a  park,  which,  as  Queen 
Marguerite  tells  us,  was  laid  out  by  her  instructions.  The 
castle  remained  intact  until  the  Revolution  of  1789,  when  it 
was  gradually  destroyed,  the  remnants  of  the  particular  building 
in  which  Henri  and  Marguerite  had  their  apartments  passing 
into  the  possession  of  a  baker,  who  allowed  them  to  go  to 
ruin. 

The  most  brilliant  period  of  Nerac's  history  was  undoubtedly 
the  sixteenth  century,  when  three  famous  queens  in  tuni  held 
their  Court  there.  Under  Marguerite  d'Angoul^me,  the  author 
of  the  Heptameroriy  who  there  received  Clement  Marot  and 
many  other  writers,  that  Court  was  more  particularly  a  literary 
one ;    under  Jeanne  d'Albret,  who  transformed  Nerac  into  a 


ra  A  QUARTETTE  OF  BEAUTIES  69 

place  of  refuge  for  persecuted  partisans  of  the  Reformation,  it 
became  essentially  puritanical ;  whereas,  under  our  Marguerite 
and  her  husband  it  was  alternately  given  over  to  diplomacy, 
gallantry,  and  war.  It  was  at  Nerac — and  we  ought  to  have 
mentioned  this  previously — that  Catherine  de""  Medici,  during 
her  sojourn  there  in  1578,  initiated  the  conferences  which 
led  to  a  brief  peace  between  her  son  Henri  III  and  her 
son-in-law  of  Navarre.  That  indeed  had  been  her  real  object 
in  escorting  her  daughter  back  to  her  husband.  Never  was  the 
diplomatic  craft  of  the  astute  Catherine  better  exemplified 
than  at  the  time  of  those  negotiations,  when,  by  means  of 
one  and  another  weapon — a  most  amusing  affectation  of  Puri- 
tanism on  her  own  part,  and  a  by  no  means  edifying  display 
of  gallantry  on  the  part  of  her  maids  of  honour — she  success- 
fully jockeyed  both  the  Huguenot  military  leaders  and  the 
ministers  of  that  religion.  Virtually,  the  only  point  which 
Henri  de  Navarre  gained  in  the  negotiations  was  one  he  raised 
respecting  the  governorship  of  Guienne,  which,  at  his  request, 
was  taken  away  from  the  Marquis  de  Villars  and  given  to 
Armand  de  Gontaut,  Marshal  de  Biron,  afterwards  one  of  the 
King"'s  most  devoted  captains,  but  unfortunately  the  father  of 
another  Biron  whom  treason  brought  to  the  scaffold. 

Marguerite  has  left  us  a  pleasant  picture  of  the  Court  of 
Nerac  after  her  husband  had  recovered  from  the  illness  we 
previously  mentioned.  "  Our  Court,""  says  she,  "  was  so  fine  and 
pleasant  that  we  did  not  envy  that  of  France ;  we  had  there  the 
Princess  of  Navarre — the  King''s  sister,  who  afterwards  married 
Monsieur  le  Due  de  Bar — my  nephew,  and  myself,  together  with 
a  good  number  of  ladies  and  girls ;  and  my  husband  was  attended 
by  a  fine  troop  of  lords  and  gentlemen,  folk  as  seemly  as  the 
most  gallant  that  I  ever  met  at  Court ;  and  there  was  nothing 
to  regret  in  them  excepting  that  they  were  Huguenots.  But  of 
that  diversity  of  religion  one  heard  nobody  speak ;  the  King, 
my  husband,  and  Madame  la  Princesse,  his  sister,  going  on  one 
side  to  the  preaching,  and  I  and  my  retinue  to  mass  in  a  chapel 
which  is  in  the  park ;  after  which,  when  I  came  out,  we  all  met 
to  go  and  walk  together  either  in  a  very  fine  garden  with  very 
long  paths,  edged  with  laurels  and  cypresses,  or  in  the  park 
which  I  had  caused  to  be  laid  out,  along  paths  stretching  for 


60        FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE        iir 

three  thousand  paces  beside  the  river;  and  the  rest  of  the  day 
was  spent  in  all  sorts  of  seemly  pleasures,  the  ball  usually  taking 
place  in  the  afternoon  (apres-disiter)  and  in  the  evening."'"' 

After  that  pretty  picture,  can  one  wonder  at  gallantry 
becoming  de  rigueur  at  Nerac  ?  It  was  contagious.  Sully, 
although  still  young  at  the  time,  was  already  inclined  to 
austerity,  and  yet  even  he  is  seen  taking  not  only  dancing 
lessons  from  Henri's  sprightly  sister  the  Princess  Catherine,  who 
wishes  that  he  should  figure  in  a  ballet,  but  also — such  is  the 
force  of  example — a  mistress,  in  accordance  with  the  current 
fashion. 

Aubignd  has  also  left  us  a  picture  of  the  Court  of  Nerac, 
which  should  be  set  beside  Marguerite's.  "  The  Court  of  the 
King  of  Navarre,""  he  writes,  "  flourished  with  brave  noblemen 
and  excellent  ladies.  .  .  .  But  ease  brought  vices  there,  like 
warmth  brings  serpents.  ...  I  should  much  have  liked  to 
conceal  the  filth  of  the  house ;  but  having  taken  an  oath  to  tell 
the  truth,  I  cannot  omit  things  which  are  instructive,  principally 
on  a  point  which,  ever  since  Philip  de  Commines,  has  been  little 
known  to  writers,  because  they  have  not  made  their  beds  at  the 
feet  of  kings,  as  he  and  I  did  ;  which  point  is  that  the  greatest 
perturbations  which  arise  in  kingdoms,  and  the  tempests  which 
overthrow  them,  often  surge  first  of  all  in  the  minds  of  base 
people  of  small  account.  We  have  alluded  to  the  hatred  of  the 
Queen  of  Navarre  for  the  King,  her  brother  (Henri  III).  That 
was  the  cause  why,  in  order  to  thrust  war  upon  him  again, 
whatever  the  cost  might  be,  that  artful  woman  made  use  of  her 
husband's  love  for  Foceuse,  a  girl  of  fourteen  years,  and  of  the 
name  of  Montmorency,  to  sow  in  the  Prince's  mind  the  reso- 
lutions she  desired  to  see  in  it." 

It  is  possible  that  "Foceuse,"  as  Aubign^  calls  her,  was 
slightly  older  than  he  states.  Her  father  was  Pierre  de  Mont- 
morency, Marquis  de  Thury  and  Baron  de  Fosseux,  who  in 
January,  1553,  married  Jacqueline  d'Avaugour.  The  union 
was  a  prolific  one,  resulting  in  the  birth,  according  to  some 
authorities,  of  eleven,  and  according  to  others,  of  nine  children. 
It'  is  agreed,  however,  that  the  so-called  "  Foceuse "  or 
**  Fosseuse  "  *  of  N^rac — that  is,  to  give  her  real  name,  Franpoise 
*  "  Fosseuse  "  Is,  so  to  saj,  a  feminiae  form  of  Fosseux. 


Ill  A  QUARTETTE  OF  BEAUTIES  61 

de  Montmorency — was  the  fifth  daughter  and  the  youngest 
child.  We  prefer  to  think,  then,  that  she  may  have  been 
sixteen  or  seventeen  years  old  at  the  time  when  she  attracted 
the  attention  of  King  Henri. 

This  affair  of  his  seems  to  have  lasted  throughout  the 
so-called  Lovers'  War  of  1580,  thus  designated  because  those 
who  took  the  leading  parts  in  it  were  inamorat'i^  and  because  it 
has  been  surmised  that  their  designs  and  deeds  were  strongly 
influenced  by  their  attachments.  Briefly,  it  is  alleged  that  this 
war  originated  in  Henri  Ill's  denunciation  of  Marguerite's 
intercourse  with  M.  de  Turenne,*  those  two  fomenting  it  in  a 
spirit  of  mingled  resentment  and  anxiety,  whilst  the  King  of 
Navarre  engaged  in  it  in  order  to  curry  favour  with  the  youth- 
ful Fosseuse. 

Respecting  the  latter  Marguerite  writes  as  follows  :  "  De- 
pending in  all  things  on  me,  she  long  conducted  herself  with  so 
much  honour  and  virtue,  that  if  she  had  always  continued  in 
that  fashion  she  would  not  have  fallen  into  misfortune,  of  which 
she  afterwards  experienced  a  great  deal,  and  I  as  well."  On  the 
other  hand,  Aubignd  tells  us  that  Fosseuse,  after  at  first  acting 
as  Marguerite's  docile  instrument,  rebelled  against  her  directly 
obedience  had  ceased  to  correspond  with  her  own  ambition. 
At  the  outset,  says  Aubigne,  Fosseuse,  being  very  inexperienced, 
was  assisted  by  Marguerite's  maid  Xaintes,  who,  "  regardless  of 
all  discretion,  repeated  a  great  deal  of  news  which  the  Queen  of 
Navarre  received  from  the  [French]  Court,  or  else  invented, 
whether  it  were  contemptuous  words  which  her  brother 
[Henri  HI]  had  let  fall  in  his  cabinet,  or  mocking  laughter  on 
the  part  of  Monsieur  [Alenpon]  or  the  Duke  de  Guise,  at  the 
King  of  Navarre's  expense  and  in  presence  of  the  lady  of 
Sauves.  Moreover,  the  Queen  seduced  the  mistresses  of  those 
who  had  credit  [with  the  King],  She  herself  won  over  the 
Viscount  de  Turenne,  and  all  their  speeches  were  but  expressive 
of  their  contempt  for  peace,  and  of  their  high  hopes  in  war. 
Minds  having  been  thus  prepared,  there  arose  a  dilemma  which 
had  to  be  settled,  and  which  was,  ought  the  places  of  refuge 
[held  by  the  Huguenots]  to  be  surrendered  [to  the  Catholics] 
in  order  to  secure  peace,  or  ought  they  to  be  defended   by 

•  See  ante,  p.  51. 


62        FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE        in 

war  ?  .  .  .  The  King  of  Navarre  only  summoned  the  Viscount 
de  Turenne,  Favas,  Constant  Aubigne,  and  Marsellere,  the 
secretary,  to  his  secret  council.  He  set  out  to  them  the 
dilemma  we  have  stated,  and  did  so  in  terms  which,  in  keeping 
with  his  good  custom,  indicated  the  conclusion  [he  had  arrived 
at].  All  those  whom  he  had  summoned  to  give  their  opinion 
were  in  love,  and  therefore  full  of  the  instructions  we  have 
mentioned,*  so  that  none  of  them  could  plan  or  thirst  for  any- 
thing but  war.  ...  In  this  wise  was  war  resolved  upon,  a  war 
which,  for  the  reasons  herein  stated,  was  called  the  Lovers'  War.''* 
That  forms  an  attractively  romantic  story,  but  if  we  turn 
from  Aubigne  to  Marguerite  we  find  her  affirming  that  the 
war  was  declared  contrary  to  her  advice  and  in  spite  of  her 
efforts,  and  that  she  only  decided  to  support  her  husband's 
party  from  duty  and  gratitude  "for  the  honour  which  the 
King  her  husband  did  to  love  her.**  Moreover,  quite  apart 
from  any  resentment  which  Henri,  Marguerite  and  Turenne 
may  have  felt  with  respect  to  the  French  King's  denunciation 
of  the  alleged  love  affair  between  Henri's  wife  and  his  cousin, 
there  were  military  and  political  grounds  for  putting  an  end  to 
the  peace,  or  rather  truce,  which  Catherine  de'  Medici  had 
negotiated  during  the  previous  year.  For  instance,  Biron,  who 
at  Henri's  request  had  been  appointed  Governor  of  Guiennc, 
proved,  at  the  outset,  his  determined  adversary,  carrying 
matters  in  an  extremely  high-handed  fashion,  notably  iu 
regai-d  to  the  fortified  places  which  the  Huguenots,  according 
to  Catherine's  treaty,  were  to  surrender  to  the  forces  of  the 
French  King.  That  condition  alone  made  many  of  the 
Huguenot  leaders  angry ;  they  did  not  care  for  peace  at  such 
a  price,  but  constantly  urged  the  King  of  Navarre  to  resume 
hostilities.  In  that  respect  it  was  quite  unnecessary  for  them 
to  be  influenced  by  their  mistresses,  as  Aubigne,  in  his  anxiety 
to  traduce  Marguerite,  would  have  us  to  believe.  Thus  it  at 
last  came  to  pass  that  when  Biron  dismantled  Langon,  near 
Bordeaux,  Henri  de  Navarre,  who  regarded  that  proceeding 
as  most  arbitrary,  hesitated  no  longer,  but  resolved  on  the 
renewal  of  hostilities. 

*  The  m^njpg  U  that  they  all  had  mistrMses,  who  in  compliance  with 
Marguerite's  suggMtions  had  influenced  them  in  favour  of  war. 


in  A  QUARTETTE  OF  BEAUTIES  63 

The  so-called  Lovers"'  War  was  marked  by  numerous  dashing 
deeds  interspersed  with  foul  actions  of  cruelty.  Many  were  the 
bold,  almost  reckless  coups  de  main  which  Henri  directed  at 
'the  Catholic  strongholds  of  Guienne  and  Armagnac  ;  wonderful, 
often,  was  the  good  fortune  and  success  which  attended  his 
enterprise.  There  was  notably  that  bold  assault  of  Cahors, 
where,  as  Marguerite  says,  her  husband  "  showed  liis  worth, 
not  only  as  a  prince  of  his  rank,  but  as  a  captain  who  could  be 
both  prudent  and  venturesome." 

Meantime,  at  Marguerite's  personal  request,  the  town  and 
castle  of  Nerac  had  been  declared  neutral,  the  Catholic  party 
consenting  to  that  arrangement  on  the  condition  that  her 
husband  should  not  profit  by  such  neutrality.  Marguerite's 
comment  on  the  arrangement  is  worthy  of  Machiavelli.  "  This 
condition,''  says  she,  "  was  observed  by  one  and  the  other  party 
with  as  much  respect  as  I  could  have  desired,  but  it  did  not 
prevent  the  King  my  husband  from  often  coming  to  Nerac, 
where  Madame  his  sister  and  myself  were  ;  it  being  his  nature  to 
feel  pleased  in  the  society  of  ladies,  besides  which  he  was  then 
very  much  in  love  with  Fosseuse,  whose  servant  he  had  always 
been  since  he  had  quitted  Rebours,  and  from  whom  I  then 
received  no  ill-office ;  and  thus  it  was  that  the  King  my  husband 
did  not  cease  to  live  with  me  in  as  much  privacy  and  friendship 
as  if  I  had  been  his  sister,  seeing,  as  he  did,  that  I  only  desired 
to  content  him  in  all  things." 

It  happened,  however,  one  day,  when  Henri,  anxious  to  see 
the  bewitching  Fosseuse,  paid  one  of  his  periodical  flying  visits 
to  Nerac,  Biron  pursued  him  thither,  and  threatened  to  sub- 
ject the  town  to  a  siege  on  account  of  this  bi'each  of  its  neu- 
trality in  harbouring  the  King  of  Navarre.  As  it  happened, 
Henri  had  to  throw  a  party  of  troops  into  some  of  the  neigh- 
bouring vineyards  in  order  to  keep  Biron  s  men  in  check. 
Biron  thereupon  fired  seven  or  eight  cannon  shots,  one  of 
which  reached  the  castle,  the  projectile  striking  just  below  the 
ladies  who,  from  the  summit  of  the  ramparts,  were  inquisitively 
watching  the  evolutions  and  cavalcading  of  the  soldiery.  None 
was  wounded,  but  they  all  had  a  good  fright,  and  Marguerite, 
it  seems,  could  never  forgive  Biron  for  his  military  jest,  to  which, 
by  the  way,  he  put  a  finishing  touch  by  sending  a  trumpeter 


64        FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE        iii 

to  tender  sarcastic  apologies  to  the  frightened  beauties  of  the 
Navarrese  Court.  Henri,  however,  for  his  part,  regarded 
Biron's  action  as  fair  play  ;  and  put  in  a  good  humour  by  the 
alert,  he  remained  three  days  at  Nerac,  unable,  we  learn,  to 
tear  himself  away  from  such  an  agreeable  spot  and  company. 

In  the  following  year,  1581,  came  another  peace,  this  being 
negotiated,  curiously  enough,  by  Alen^on,  who,  with  the  view 
of  prosecuting  his  designs  on  Flanders,  wished  to  secure  the 
services  of  some  of  the  French  troops  who  were  being  employed 
in  the  war  against  the  King  of  Navarre.  He  pretended,  how- 
ever, that  his  only  motive  in  negotiating  was  his  sincere  desire 
to  re-establish  peace  and  concord.  Thus,  with  Henri  Ill's 
consent,  and  attended  by  Nicolas  de  Neufville  (fourth  of  the 
name).  Lord  of  Villeroy  and  Minister  of  State,  and  Nicolas 
Pompone  de  Bellievre,  subsequently  Chancellor  of  France,  he 
set  himself  to  the  task  of  reconciling  the  two  Kings.  His 
endeavours  were  zealously  seconded  by  Marguerite,  who  was 
always  willing  to  co-operate  in  anything  that  might  redound  to 
her  favourite  brother's  honour  and  credit,  and  before  long  peace 
was  concluded. 

It  must  be  mentioned,  however,  that  Alenpon's  sojourn  with 
his  sister  and  brother-in-law  lasted  seven  months,  which  is  suffi- 
cient proof  that  he  found  it  agreeable.  Marguerite  admits 
that  his  pleasure  in  being  with  her  considerably  softened  the 
bitteiTiess  he  felt  at  having  to  provide  for  the  relief  of  Cambray 
where  one  of  his  lieutenants,  Balagny,  was  being  besieged. 
Meantime,  however,  "  as  glory  and  honour  are  always  pursued 
by  envy,"  Henri  III  was  feeling  more  vexed  with  Alenpon  for 
succeeding  in  his  peace  negotiations  than  he  would  have  felt 
had  he  failed.  Even  as  Aubignc  was  convinced  that  Marguerite 
had  fomented  the  Lovers'  War  simply  because  her  amorous 
intercourse  with  M.  de  Turenne  had  been  interfered  with, 
so  Henri  III  was  now  persuaded  that  she  had  stirred  up  those 
hostilities  for  the  express  purpose  of  procuring  for  Alenpon  the 
honour  of  bringing  them  to  an  end.  And  thus  the  King's 
hatred  of  his  brother  and  sister  was  once  more  in  the  ascendant. 
That  may  have  been  one  of  the  reasons  why  Alenpon  prolonged 
his  sojourn  at  Nerac,  but  there  was  also  another  motive  :  hq 
had  once  again  fallen  in  love. 


ai  A  QUARTETTE  OF  BEAUTIES  66 

It  will  be  remembered  that  he  had  competed  with  his 
brother-in-law  of  Navarre  for  the  smiles  of  the  vivacious 
Mme.  de  Sauves.  At  present  he  could  not  behold  the  youthful 
Fosseuse  without  desiring  to  take  Henri's  place  in  her  affec- 
tions. It  would  really  seem  from  this  that  in  affaires  de 
femmes,  at  any  rate,  Alenpon  and  Navarre  had  very  similar 
tastes.  However,  Marguerite,  becoming  seriously  alarmed  for 
her  own  interests,  intervened  in  her  husband's  favour.  "  The 
great  misfortune  for  me,"  she  writes,  "  was  that  he  [Alenfon] 
fell  in  love  with  Fosseuse,  This  seemed  likely  to  incite  the 
King  my  husband  to  wish  me  harm,  as  he  might  imagine  that  I 
would  use  my  good  offices  for  my  brother  and  against  him ;  which, 
having  realized,  I  entreated  my  brother  so  much,  pointing  out 
to  him  the  pain  he  gave  me  by  that  suit,  that  he,  being  more 
desirous  of  pleasing  me  than  himself,  quelled  his  passion,  and 
did  not  speak  to  her  again." 

Unfortunately  another  complication  supervened.  Mile,  de 
Fosseux  became  ericeinte.  This  was,  as  Marguerite  remarks,  a 
great  misfortune  in  several  respects.  The  fact  that  the  Queen 
of  Navarre  had  borne  her  husband  no  children  was  one  of  the 
particular  grievances  of  the  Bearnese  Huguenots  against  her. 
Now,  however,  her  husband  was  expecting  a  child  by  a  mistress 
whom  he  adored.  There  is  no  doubt  that  Marguerite  was 
deeply  moved  by  the  situation,  that  she  experienced  feelings  of 
mingled  humiliation  and  resentment.  Moreover,  the  behaviour 
of  Fosseuse  towards  her  now  changed  entirely,  as  did  also  that 
of  the  King  of  Navarre.  "  She,  who  had  done  me  all  the  good 
offices  she  could  with  the  King  my  husband,  now  began  to  hide 
from  me,  and  do  me  as  many  ill  offices  as  she  had  done  good 
ones,""  says  Marguerite.  "  She  so  possessed  the  King  my  husband 
that  in  a  very  short  time  I  found  him  quite  changed.  He 
became  estranged  from  me,  hid  himself,  and  no  longer  found 
my  presence  so  agreeable  as  he  had  found  it  during  the  four  or 
live  happy  years  which  I  had  spent  with  him  in  Gaiscony,  and 
while  Fosseuse  conducted  herself  with  honour." 

Such  was  the  state  of  affairs  when,  for  one  or  another 

reason.  Mile,  de  Fosseux  persuaded  the  King  to  take  her  to 

the  waters  of  "  Aigues-Caudes,*  which  are  in  Beam."     Henri 

*  Lea  Eaux  Chaudes,  a  village  in  a  wild  Pyionean  gorge  watered  by  the 

F 


66        FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE         iii 

wished  Marguerite  also  to  make  the  journey,  but  she  stoutly 
refused  to  do  so,  and  the  King  eventually  had  to  go  off  with 
Fosseuse,  two  of  her  colleagues,  Miles,  de  Rebours  and  Ville- 
savin,  and  the  governess  of  the  maids.  "  They  left  with  him," 
Marguerite  writes  in  her  memoirs,  "  and  for  my  part  I  waited 
at  Baniere.""  * 

It  will  have  been  observed  that  Henri's  former  mistress. 
Mile,  de  Rebours,  formed  one  of  the  party  accompanying  tlie 
King.  She  appears  to  have  been  a  very  jealous  and  intriguing 
creature,  anxious  if  possible  to  regain  Henri's  affections,  and 
therefore  slandering  her  rival  Mile,  de  Fosseux  and  Marguerite 
alternately.  The  last  named  writes  of  her :  "  From  Rebours, 
who  was  the  one  he  [the  King]  had  loved,  and  who  was  a 
corrupt  and  double-faced  girl,  who  only  desired  to  oust  Fosseuse, 
hoping  to  take  her  place  in  the  good  graces  of  the  King,  I  each 
day  received  advices  that  Fosseuse  was  doing  me  the  worst 
turns  in  the  world,  usually  slandering  me,  and  persuading 
hei-self  that  if  she  should  have  a  son  and  be  able  to  get  rid  of 
me,  she  would  marry  the  King  my  husband;  with  which 
intention  she  wished  to  compel  me  to  go  to  Pau,  and  had  made 
the  King  my  husband  resolve  that  on  returning  to  Baniere  he 
would  take  me  there,  whether  I  would  go  or  not.  Those  advices 
put  me  in  great  distress,  as  may  be  imagined."  And 
Marguerite  adds :  "  I  shed  as  many  tears  as  they  drank  drops 
of  water  where  they  were."  t 

After  a  stay  of  four  or  five  weeks  at  Eaux-Chaudes  Henri 
and   his   companions   returned   to   Marguerite,  but  her  fears 

Gave  d'Ossau.  Henri's  sister  Catherine  visited  the  baths  there  on  one  occasion. 
Bully's  Memoirs  contain  some  remarkable  particulars  respecting  the  size  and 
strength  of  the  bears  which  were  then  hunted  in  the  region. 

*  Probably  Bagn^res  de  Bigorre.  Montaigne  who  visited  and  commends 
the  baths  there  writes  the  name  Banieres. 

t  To  finish  with  Mile,  de  B«bours  we  may  quote  the  following  passage 
from  Brantdme :  "  Bebours,  one  of  Queen  Marguerite's  maids,  who  died  at 
Chenonceaux,  had  given  her  great  offence,  yet  she  treated  hor  no  worse  ;  and 
the  said  Bebours  falling  extremely  ill,  she  visited  her,  and  when  she  was  about 
to  give  up  the  ghost  admonished  her  and  then  said :  '  This  poor  girl  suflers  a 
great  deal,  but  she  has  also  done  much  that  was  wrong.  May  Qod  forgive  her 
M  I  forgive  her.'  That  was  all  the  revenge  and  harm  the  Queen  did  to  her. 
Thereby  you  will  see  that  this  great  Queen,  with  her  generosity,  was  very  slow 
in  taking  rovengo,  and  altogether  good  of  heart." 


jii  A  QUARTETTE  OF  BEAUTIES  67 

respecting  an  enforced  stay  at  Pau,  which  she  calls  "  the  place 
of  penitence,^  were  not  realized,  for,  to  her  great  relief,  the 
court  proceeded  to  Nerac,  her  favourite  spot.  She  remained 
very  anxious,  however,  respecting  her  loss  of  influence  with  her 
husband,  and  after  some  meditation  resolved,  like  the  shrewd 
woman  she  was,  to  make  an  effort  to  regain  it  by  render- 
ing Henri  a  service  such  as  very  few  wives  would  be  willing 
to  render.  A  rumour  respecting  the  condition  of  Mile,  de 
Fosseux  had  arisen  and  spread  throughout  the  region.  On  the 
one  hand,  its  truth  could  not  be  acknowledged,  on  the  other, 
it  was  a  rumour  diflicult  to  dissipate.  The  course  which  Mar- 
guerite took  in  these  circumstances  may  be  judged  diversely, 
but  it  tended  to  the  suppression  of  what  was  fast  becoming  a 
public  scandal.  Briefly,  she  resolved  to  speak  to  her  rival, 
Fosseuse,  and  off*er  her  such  assistance  as  she  could  tender  in 
the  expected  emergency.  She  proposed  to  take  that  course  for 
the  sake  of  the  girl  herself  and  that  of  her  family — the  great 
house  of  Montmorency — as  well  as  for  the  sake  of  the  King  her 
husband. 

The  pages  of  Marguerite's  memoirs,  in  which  she  refers  to 
her  action  in  this  respect,  are  among  the  most  curiously  effective 
of  her  writings,  the  whole  story  being  narrated  with  a  skill  and 
for  that  period  a  delicacy  which  leave  a  deep  impression.  In 
substance  the  proposal  which  she  made  to  Mile,  de  Fosseux 
was  this :  There  was  an  outbreak  of  plague  in  the  vicinity  of 
Nerac,  which  was  an  extremely  suitable  excuse  for  quitting  that 
locality.  A  convenient  place  of  refuge  would  be  the  Mas 
d'Agenais,  a  secluded  royal  estate,  lying  between  Marmande 
and  Tonneins,  on  the  Garonne.  Marguerite  suggested,  there- 
fore, that  while  King  Henri  went  off'  hunting  in  some  other 
direction,  she,  with  Mile,  de  Fosseux,  and  such  others  only  as 
the  latter  might  be  willing  to  take,  should  quietly  repair  to  the 
Mas  d'Asccnais  and  remain  there  in  seclusion  until  all  was 
over,  thereby  putting  an  end  to  the  rumours  which  were  in 
circulation — rumoui-s  which  affected  her,  the  Queen,  almost  as 
much  as  they  affected  Fosseuse  herself. 

In  this  conjuncture  there  were  two  courses  open  to  the 
unfortunate  young  woman.  She  might  rebel  against  Mar- 
guerite's proposal,  or  she  might  fall  on  her  knees  and  gratefully 


68        FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE        iii 

accept  it.  She  preferred  the  former  course,  which,  as  Lescure 
rightly  says,  shows  that  she  was  a  true  woman,  and  a  not 
unworthy  adversary  of  Marguerite.  But  the  same  author, 
whom  we  may  here  well  follow,  also  asks  whether  Fosseuse  was 
ashamed  to  confess,  or  whether  she  remembered  that  Marguerite 
was  both  a  Valois  and  a  Medici,  and  in  that  case  whether  she 
felt  alarmed  at  the  thought  of  placing  herself  in  the  power  of 
one,  who,  whatever  her  protestations  of  solicitude  might  be,  was 
none  the  less  her  rival.  "  Did  Fosseuse,*"  asks  Lescure,  "  have 
some  rapid  vision  of  what  might  happen  with  impunity  to  a 
creature  like  herself,  in  a  mysterious  and  solitary  spot,  and  in 
the  hands  of  a  woman  who  had  cause  to  feel  offended  both  as 
a  Queen  and  as  a  wife .'' "  It  is  quite  possible  that  some  such 
apprehension  may  have  crossed  Mile,  de  Fosseux"*  mind.  But 
she  gave  no  outward  sign  of  it  The  attitude  which  she 
assumed  was  one  of  pure  bravura  and  defiance ;  and  it  was  with 
bold  effrontery  that  she  answered  that  she  would  "  make  those 
who  had  spoken  of  her  eat  their  words,  and  that  she  was  well 
aware  the  Queen  had  ceased  to  like  her  for  some  time  past,  and 
was  seeking  a  pretext  to  ruin  her." 

Such  language,  if  Marguerite^s  account  of  it  may  be  trusted, 
indicates  that  Mile,  de  Fosseux  was  by  no  means  such  a  child 
as  Aubigne  would  have  us  to  believe.  She  quitted  the  Queen 
in  a  fury,  and  went  off  to  complain  to  the  King,  who  took  her 
part,  and  for  some  time  put  on  a  very  angry  countenance 
with  his  wife.  That  was  all  very  well  in  its  way,  but  a  day 
arrived  when  the  situation  had  to  be  faced.  The  unfortunate 
Fosseuse  was  obliged  to  send  a  warning  message  to  Henri,  who. 
Marguerite  tells  us,  was  for  a  moment  sorely  perplexed,  first 
because  he  did  not  wish  the  affair  to  become  public,  and 
secondly  because  he  feared  that  unless  he  took  immediate  steps, 
Fosseuse,  "  whom  he  loved  extremely,"  might  suffer  from 
neglect.  We  learn  from  Marguerite''s  memoirs  that  she  and 
Henri  still  occupied  the  same  sleeping  apartment,  and  that  on 
the  occasion  we  refer  to  he  drew  aside  her  bed-curtains,  and 
taking,  so  to  say,  the  bull  by  the  horns,  made  a  hasty  confession 
of  the  truth,  and  begged  her  to  help  his  mistress,  assuring  her 
of  his  gratitude  if  she  would  only  do  so. 

That  appeal  succeeded,  largely  by  virtue  of  its  very  audacity. 


Ill  A  QUARTETTE  OF  BEAUTIES  69 

In  exceptional  circumstances  exceptional  courses  become  neces- 
sary. Marguerite,  moreover,  was  an  exceptional  woman.  She 
rose  to  that  trying,  that  remarkable  situation,  and  answered 
her  husband  that  she  honoured  him  too  much  to  take  any 
offence,  and  that  she  would  act  as  though  the  girl  were  her 
own  daughter.  But,  at  the  same  time,  she  asked  him  to  go  off 
hunting,  and  take  everybody  with  him,  so  that  there  might  be 
no  talk  about  the  affair.  That  was  done,  and  further  com- 
plications were  prevented  by  the  fact  that  Mile,  de  Fosseux' 
child,  a  girl,  was  stillborn. 

The  young  woman  seems  to  have  recompensed  the  Queen's 
kindness  with  no  little  ingratitude;  but  that,  of  course,  was 
merely  in  accordance  with  human  nature.  On  the  other  hand, 
however,  she  lost  the  favour  of  the  wayward  King,  on  whom 
this  adventure  had  cast  many  worries.  He  gradually  neglected 
her,  consoling  himself  with  a  variety  of  passing  amourettes  ; 
and,  at  last,  when,  early  in  1582,  Marguerite  repaired  to  Paris, 
she  took  the  fallen  queen  of  the  left  hand  with  her.  Mile,  de 
Fosseux  eventually  married,  but  there  are  conflicting  accounts 
of  her  husband.  According  to  some  authorities  he  was  a  certain 
St.  Marc,  Lord  of  Broc,  or  a  certain  De  Broc,  Lord  of  St. 
Marc  ;  but  in  Castelnau's  Memoirs,  the  Hvstoire  des  Montmorency 
and  the  Confession  de  Sancy^  we  are  told  that  he  was  the  Baron 
de  Cinq  Mars.*  There  is,  of  course — phonetically  at  any  rate — 
considerable  similarity  between  that  name  and  .S"^.  Marc,  but 
we  cannot  say  which  of  the  two  is  correct.  If,  however,  the 
husband  of  Fosseuse  was  a  Baron  de  Cinq  Mars,  we  do  not 
think  that  he  belonged  to  the  same  family  as  that  which  pro- 
duced the  Marquis  of  that  name,  who  became  the  favourite  of 
Louis  XIII,  and  was  put  to  death  with  his  friend,  Auguste  de 
Thou,  by  the  orders  of  Richelieu.  For  the  family  name  of  the 
Marquis  was  not  Broc,  but  Coiffier,  though  his  father,  the 
Marshal  d'Effiat,  was  nicknamed  Ruze,  an  appellation  by  which 
he  is  sometimes  known. 

For  the  rest,  the  whilom  Fosseuse  of  Nerac  passes  out  of 

history  after  her  marriage.    Nothing  apparently  is  known  about 

her   subsequent  life.     That   she  retained   to  the  last  a  vivid 

recollection  of  the  days  when  King  Henri  was  infatuated  with 

*  One  account,  too,  gives  the  name  as  St.  Mars. 


70         FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE        iii 

her  fresh  young  beauty,  is  probable ;  for,  as  we  know,  in  her 
first  love,  woman  always  loves  her  lover,  though  in  all  the  rest  all 
that  she  loves  is  love.  But  Henri,  on  his  side,  speedily  forgot 
the  fair  and  aspiring  Fosseuse.  He  was  now  indeed  on  the  eve 
of  what  may  be  regarded  as  the  first  serious  attachment  of  his 
life,  his  love  for  the  famous  "  Corisanda,"  Diane  d'Andouins, 
Countess  de  Gramont.  Before,  however,  we  pass  to  those  years 
when  Corisanda's  glance  and  smile  urged  him  onward  from 
victory  to  victory,  we  must  yet  say  something  more  of  his  wife. 
Marguerite,  of  a  certain  love  affair  of  hers,  of  the  circumstances 
under  which  she  quitted  Nerac  for  Paris,  and  placed  herself  yet 
once  more  in  the  power  of  her  brother,  Henri  HI,  then  of  her 
retdm  to  Beam  and  the  final  separation  which  ensued. 


IV 

A   ROYAL    SEPARATION 

Queen  Marguerite's  Return  to  Paris — Her  Love  Affair  with  Harlay  de  Champ- 
vallon — Their  Correspondence — Marguerite's  alleged  Son — Her  Sojourn  in 
Paris— Her  Quarrels  with  Henri  III — She  is  accused  of  stealing  royal 
Despatches — She  is  upbraided  by  Henri  III  for  Immorality  and  banished 
from  Court — Insulted  in  her  Flight — Henri  Ill's  Correspondence  with 
Henri  de  Navarre — Navarre  demands  Satisfaction  and  Separation — His 
Views  on  the  Charges  against  Marguerite — Henri  III  withdraws  his 
Accusations  —  Mutual  Concessions  —  Navarre  takes  his  Wife  back — 
Domestic  Unhappiness — Marguerite  accused  of  attempting  to  Poison  her 
Husband — Political  Complications — War  of  the  Three  Henrys— Excom- 
munication of  Henri  de  Navarre — Marguerite  leaves  him  and  seeks  Refuge 
at  Agen — Definite  Rupture. 

It  was  early  in  1582  when  Queen  Marguerite  departed  from 
Nerac,  going  to  Paris,  whither  she  had  been  urged  to  repair 
both  by  her  mother,  Catherine  de'  Medici,  and  by  her  brother, 
Henri  III.  She  seems  to  have  grown  weary  of  the  life  she 
led  with  her  wayward  husband,  to  have  desired  a  change,  and 
to  have  wished  also  to  acquaint  herself  with  what  was  occurring 
in  Paris,  where  the  fight  for  supremacy  between  her  brother  the 
King  and  the  ambitious  Duke  de  Guise  was  gradually  approach- 
ing a  climax.  Henri  III,  on  his  side,  appears  to  have  desired 
her  presence  at  the  Louvre  precisely  on  account  of  the  imbroglio 
in  which  the  course  of  events  was  placing  him.  One  of  the 
necessities  of  his  Kingship  was  to  play  off  Navarre  against 
Guise  and  Guise  against  Navarre,  alternately.  This  invitation 
to  his  sister  was  backed  by  a  gift  of  15,000  crowns,  and 
although  she  must  have  realized  that  he  wished  to  place  her 
more  or  less  under  his  dependence  again,  she  set  out  for  Paris 
willingly  enough.  Her  husband,  on  his  side,  was  not  to  be 
lured  thither,  for  he  placed  no  reliance  whatever  in  Henri  III. 


72        FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE        iv 

He  offered,  however,  no  opposition  to  Marguerite"'s  departure. 
He  probably  felt  that  she  might  be  useful  to  him  in  Paris  by 
keeping  him  informed,  as  for  a  time  she  did,  of  the  exact  situa- 
tion there ;  and  it  would  further  appear,  from  what  Marguerite 
herself  writes  respecting  this  journey,  that  she  and  her  husband 
had  certain  more  or  less  private  interests  in  the  capital  which 
required  attention. 

She  wished,  she  says,  to  make  a  stay  of  just  a  few  months 
at  Court,  in  order  to  settle  her  own  affairs  and  her  husband's, 
and  we  know  that  shortly  after  her  arrival  in  Paris  she  was 
selling  certain  house-property  there,  notably  the  Hdtel  d'Anjou 
near  the  Louvre,  which  was  sold,  through  her  Chancellor, 
Pibrac,  to  the  Duchess  de  Longueville  and  became  the  famous 
mansion  of  that  name.  On  the  other  hand.  Marguerite  pur- 
chased for  28,000  crowns  a  house  which  belonged  to  Cardinal 
de  Birague,  Chancellor  of  France.  But  apart  from  monetary 
matters,  her  journey,  according  to  her  o^vn  account,  had  another 
motive,  for,  as  previously  mentioned,  she  took  with  her  Mile, 
de  Fosseux,  and  she  admits  in  her  memoirs  that  she  did  so  in 
the  hope  that  her  husband,  no  longer  seeing  that  young  person, 
would  possibly  fall  in  love  with  another,  who  would  not  prove 
so  great  an  enemy  to  herself. 

Finally,  the  anecdotiers  give  yet  another  reason  for  the 
readiness  with  which  Marguerite  set  out  for  Paris.  Among 
the  gentlemen  who  had  come  southward  with  Alenjon,  when  he 
negotiated  the  peace  which  put  an  end  to  the  Lovers'  War,  was 
a  handsome  young  fellow  called  Jacques  de  Harlay,  Lord  of 
Champvallon,  whose  nobility,  says  Ghiselin  de  Busbecq,  envoy 
of  the  Emperor  Maximilian  H  in  France,  was  doubtful, 
though  he  appears  to  have  been  a  member  of  a  junior  branch 
of  the  family  of  the  famous  President  Achille  de  Harlay,  and 
was,  we  think,  in  later  years,  the  progenitor  of  Franpois  de 
Harlay  de  Champvallon,  who  became  Archbishop  of  Paris  and 
took  a  leading  part  in  the  Revocation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes. 
In  any  case  it  is  generally  admitted  that  at  the  time  when 
Jacques  de  Harlay  met  Queen  Marguerite,  he  was  "  young  and 
handsome,  with  agreeable  manners.''  And  we  are  assured  that 
at  the  period  of  Alenpon's  negotiations  to  put  an  end  to  the 
Lovers'  War,   Aubigne  sui-prised  young  M.  de  Champvallon 


IV  A  ROYAL  SEPARATION  73 

with  Marguerite  under  circumstances  which  left  him  no  doubt 
respecting  their  intimacy.  Briefly,  as  Henri  de  Navarre  devoted 
himself  to  Fosseuse,  his  wife  consoled  herself  with  another. 

That  there  was  an  intrigue  is  certain,  for  a  portion  of  the 
correspondence  exchanged  by  Marguerite  and  Champvallon  was 
discovered  in  our  own  times,  and  published  by  M.  Guessard 
in  his  edition  of  the  Queen''s  memoirs.  Only  two  of  these 
epistles  were  ^vritten  by  Champvallon,  all  the  others,  nineteen 
in  number,  being  from  Marguerite"'s  pen.  Sainte-Beuve's  opinion 
of  them  may  well  be  quoted  :  "  Here,""  says  he,  "  one  no  longer 
finds  the  agreeable,  slightly  oniate  and  naturally  polished  style 
of  the  Queen's  memoirs,  but  high  metaphysics  and  pure  phebus, 
which  is  almost  unintelligible  and  most  ridiculous.*  'Fare- 
well, my  beautiful  sun  !  farewell,  my  beautiful  angel  !  beautiful 
miracle  of  nature ! ' — such  are  the  commonest  and  least  lofty 
expressions ;  the  rest  rises  and  soars  by  degrees  till  it  is  lost 
in  the  uppermost  altitude  of  the  empyrean,"  Judging  by  the 
phraseology  of  the  letters,  Sainte-Beuve  expresses  the  opinion 
that  Marguerite's  passion  for  Champvallon  was  far  more  arti- 
ficial than  sincere,  far  more  imaginative  than  heart-felt.  There 
are,  however,  passages  which  really  seem  to  indicate  the  exist- 
ence of  a  grande  passion,  such  as  sometimes  sweeps  a  woman 
off*  her  feet.  "  Triumph,""  she  writes  on  one  occasion,  "  triumph 
in  your  knowledge  of  my  too  sincere  and  too  ardent  love ! " 
And  one  can  picture  her  feeling  almost  distressed  at  the  thought 
that  she  cannot  master  herself  and  renounce  a  man,  who  has 
won  and  retains  her  heart  in  spite  of  all  deceptions  on  her  part. 
For  jealousy  displays  itself,  and  infidelity  is  often  charged  in 
this  correspondence,  in  which,  it  would  seem,  Champvallon 
always  remained  on  the  defensive.  And  the  language  of  the 
lettei*s  is  by  no  means  empty,  ambiguous  babble,  though,  as  so 
often  happens  in  a  woman's  correspondence,  the  most  significant 
phrases  occur  in  the  postscripts :  "  I  kiss  you  a  million  times  on 
that  loving  and  beautiful  mouth."" — "  Farewell,  my  life,  I  kiss 

*  With  all  respect  for  Sainte-Beuve  it  may  be  pointed  out  that  there  was 
nothing  exceptional  in  Marguerite's  use  of  the  so-called  "  phoebus  style."  It 
was,  indeed,  the  style  of  the  period,  and  we  shall  presently  show  by  quotations 
from  Henri  de  Navarre's  correspondence  with  Corisanda  that  he  was  fully  as 
much  addicted  to  it  as  was  his  wife. 


74        FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE        iv 

those  beautiful  eyes  and  that  beautiful  hair,  my  dear,  sweet 
bonds,  a  million  times." 

There  can  be  no  doubt,  we  think,  that  Marguerite  loved 
Champvallon,  but  the  alleged  upshot  of  the  intrigue  is  some- 
what less  certain.  It  will  be  remembered  that  she  had  no 
children  by  her  husband.  It  is  asserted,  however,  that  she  had 
a  son  by  Champvallon,  a  son  who  was  first  brought  up  under 
the  name  of  Louis  de  Vaux  by  a  perfumer  named  de  Vaux, 
living  near  the  Madeleine  in  Paris.  On  attaining  manhood  this 
Louis  de  Vaux  became  a  Capuchin,  and  was  then  known, 
according  to  Dupleix,  as  Pere  Ange,  and,  according  to  Bassom- 
pierre,  as  Pere  Archange.  He  led  a  life  of  constant  intriguing, 
and  having  been  appointed  confessor  and  spiritual  director  to 
Henriette  d'Entragues,  Marchioness  de  Vemeuil,  the  so-called 
Wicked  Mistress  of  Henri  de  NavanVs  later  yeai-s,  he  served 
the  revengeful  and  ambitious  conspirators  who  aimed  at  placing 
the  crown  of  France  on  the  head  of  the  King  of  Spain. 

It  was  certainly  alleged  at  the  period,  and  at  one  moment, 
apparently,  by  no  less  a  personage  than  Mai-guerite^s  brother, 
Henri  III,  that  she  had  given  birth  to  a  child  by  Champvallon 
— which  accusation  was  the  first  of  a  series  of  incidents  leading 
up  to  another  war  between  the  Catholics  and  the  Huguenots, 
the  war  known  as  that  of  the  Three  Henrys— Henri  III  of 
France,  Henri  de  Guise,  and  Henri  de  Navarre.  The  Queen 
had  reached  Paris  on  March  8,  1582,  and,  in  spite  of  the  pressing 
character  of  the  invitations  addressed  to  her,  had  met  with  a 
somewhat  cold  reception  there.  Respecting  her  actions  and 
opinions  at  this  time,  we  no  longer  have  her  memoirs  to  guide 
lis  and  assist  us  in  checking  the  statements  of  her  enemies  ;  for 
they  end  with  the  termination  of  the  happiest  period  of  her 
life — those  years  spent  near  her  husband  in  Gascony  and  Beam, 
years  not  of  unalloyed  happiness,  for,  as  we  have  shown,  they 
were  marked  now  and  again  by  serious  tribulations ;  yet,  as 
everything  is  relative  in  this  life,  they  must  at  any  rate  be 
accounted  the  least  chequered,  the  least  painful,  of  this  remark- 
able woman's  career.  In  default,  however,  of  a  continuation 
of  her  memoirs  some  of  her  later  letters  have  come  down  to  us, 
and  thus,  soon  after  her  arrival  in  Paris,  we  find  her  sending 
Court   news  to   her   husband,  telling   him,  for  instance,  that 


IV  A  ROYAL  SEPARATION  75 

Guise  has  become  aged  and  very  thin,  whereas  Guise's  brother 
the  Duke  de  Mayenne  "  has  become  so  strangely  corpulent  that 
he  looks  quite  deformed.^ 

At  the  same  time  she  finds  her  mother,  Catherine,  and  her 
brother,  Henri  III,  irritated  with  her,  the  truth  being  that  in 
inviting  her  to  Paris  they  had  hoped  to  attract  Henri  de 
Navarre  thither  also.  Hence  their  disappointment  and 
vexation,  which  Marguerite  strove  to  overcome  by  making 
every  eflPort  to  induce  her  husband  to  join  her  in  the  capital. 
That,  no  doubt,  is  not  altogether  consistent  with  her  alleged 
secret  motive  for  making  the  journey  herself,  her  supposed 
eagerness  to  meet  the  handsome  young  Champvallon  again. 
However,  no  entreaty  could  lure  Henri  de  Navarre  back  to 
that  Court  from  which  he  had  once  had  so  much  diffi- 
culty in  escaping.  He  turned  a  deaf  ear  to  all  his  wife's 
solicitations. 

Thereupon,  neglected  at  the  Louvre,  losing  all  influence 
with  her  mother  and  her  brother  Henri  III,  railed  at,  even, 
by  him  and  his  mignons,  she  took  up  position  against  them, 
meeting  raillery  with  raillery,  for,  says  Busbecq,  she  lacked 
neither  will,  nor  malice,  nor  wit.  Briefly,  she  seems  to  have 
sided  with  that  section  of  the  Court  which  jeered  at  the  flagrant 
immorality  of  Henri  III.  Aubigne,  however,  not  only  accuses 
her  of  "  libelling  that  Prince,"  but  even  of  trying  to  pei-suade 
his  consort.  Queen  Louise,  to  dissolute  courses  with  the  Duke 
d'Alenpon,  whereat,  says  he, "  the  King  was  very  deeply  provoked 
against  her  and  his  brother." 

It  must  be  remembered,  however,  that  Aubigne's  pen  is 
now  invariably  steeped  in  gall  when  he  refers  to  Marguerite. 
Not  only  does  his  hatred  of  her  rob  him  of  all  self-restraint  but 
it  quite  deprives  him,  however  great  his  ability,  of  lucidity  of 
judgment.  He  was  not  in  Paris  at  the  time  of  these  alleged 
occurrences ;  he  simply  retails  gossip  from  the  most  scandal- 
mongering  of  courts,  never  making  the  slightest  attempt  to 
check  any  assertions  directed  against  Marguerite,  Indeed 
everything  of  that  kind  which  reaches  his  ears  is  accepted  by 
him  blindly,  wilfully,  with  a  fierce  and  violent  delight.  Such 
is  the  religious  fanatic.  Were  it  not  for  Marguerite's  love- 
letters  to  Champvallon  we  should  attach  no  credit  at  all  to  the 


76        FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE         iv 

story  that  Aubigne  positively  detected  their  passion  at  Cadillac. 
And  in  any  case  we  think  that  account  to  have  been  greatly 
exaggerated,  Aubigne,  like  many  others,  becoming  wise  after 
the  event ;  for  if  his  discovery  was  such  as  is  asserted,  it  was  the 
bounden  duty  of  one  who  depicts  himself  as  the  most  godly 
and  upright  of  men,  to  have  insisted  on  the  immediate  punish- 
ment of  the  guilty  pair  at  the  hands  of  his  King  and  master. 
AVhile,  then,  we  admit  that  there  is  evidence  of  Marguerite''s 
afl'dir  with  Champvallon,  we  hesitate  to  believe  in  its  early  and 
complete  discovery  by  Aubigne. 

It  is,  however,  certain  that  there  were  several  quarrels  and 
altercations  between  Marguerite  and  Henri  III  during  her 
stay  in  Paris,  quarrels  which  may  have  been  due  in  part  to 
Marguerite's  indiscreet  tongue,  and  in  part  to  intrigues  which 
she  fomented  or  assisted.  At  last  came  a  grave  incident  for 
which,  rightly  or  wrongly,  Henri  III  held  her  to  be  responsible. 
He  confided  to  a  courier  a  long  autograph  letter  addressed  to 
his  friend  and  whilom  mignon  Franfois  de  Joyeuse,  who, 
although  only  one  and  twenty  years  of  age,  had  already  been 
created  Archbishop  of  Narbonne  and  appointed  envoy  to  the 
Holy  See  with  the  title  of  Protector  of  French  Affairs  in  Rome. 
Now  the  royal  courier  was  attacked  by  four  horsemen,  who 
riddled  him  with  steel  and  seized  his  despatches.  Thereupon  the 
King,  ever  suspicious  of  his  sister,  imputed  the  outrage  to  her, 
the  more  particularly  as  there  was  question  of  her  in  his  letter 
to  Joyeuse,  and  she  undoubtedly  had  an  interest  in  trying  to 
discover  the  purport  of  his  communications  with  Rome,  such 
communications  often  dealing  with  the  difficulties  which  arose 
with  the  Huguenots,  of  whom  her  husband  was  the  acknow- 
ledged chief. 

Whether  Marguerite  was  in  any  way  responsible  or  not  for 
the  attack  on  the  courier,  Henri  III  made  up  his  mind  to 
revenge  it  upon  her.  On  August  7,  1583,  there  occurred  a 
scandalous  scene  between  the  King  and  his  sister,  the  whole 
current  of  whose  life  changed  from  that  moment.  Accord- 
ing to  Busbecq,  Henri  publicly  charged  her  at  Court  with 
leading  a  shameful  life,  with  repeated  adultery,  and  with  having 
an  illegitimate  son ;  and  in  doing  so,  says  the  German  envoy, 
he  entered  into  such  particulars  that  it  seemed  as  if  he  had 


IV  A  ROYAL  SEPARATION  77 

personally  witnessed  her  transgressions.  Finally,  he  ordered 
her  to  quit  Paris  and  rid  the  Court  of  her  pestilential  presence 
immediately.  This  is  perhaps  the  finest  instance  in  all  history  of 
the  pot  calling  the  kettle  black.  Without  doubt  the  whole 
carefully  prepared  scene — Henri  III  had  histrionic  gifts,  and, 
with  all  his  faults,  was  a  most  effective  speaker,  as  several  of  his 
contemporaries  testify  * — was  the  royal  method  of  taking  a 
signal  revenge  on  Marguerite,  not  only  for  the  attack  on  the 
courier  despatched  to  M.  de  Joyeuse,  but  also  for  all  the  raillery 
against  the  monarch  and  his  mignons  in  which  Marguerite  had 
participated. 

On  the  following  day,  in  great  distress,  she  hastily  quitted 
the  capital  with  a  very  small  retinue  and  equipage,  repeating  as 
she  went,  that  "in  all  the  world  there  were  not  two  more 
unfortunate  princesses  than  herself  and  the  Queen  of  Scots.'* 
But  Henri  Ill's  resentment  was  not  yet  satisfied.  A  captain 
of  the  royal  guard  followed  the  fugitive  with  sixty  men,  and 
stopped  her  and  her  party  at  the  village  of  Palaiseau,  south- 
west of  Paris,  where  she  proposed  to  sleep  that  night.  Her 
litter  was  searched  by  the  officer.!  She  was  ordered  to  unmask, 
and  the  same  injunction  was  given  to  the  ladies  of  her  retinue, 
whose  ears  the  officer  even  boxed  as  they  did  not  obey  him  with 
what  he  deemed  to  be  sufficient  alacrity.  He  next  appre- 
hended the  two  principal  ladies,  Mme.  de  Duras  and  Mile,  de 
Bethune  (the  latter  a  near  relative  of  Sully's),  "  on  the  charge 
of  unchastity  and  criminal  offences."  L'Estoille  states  that  a 
certain  M.  de  Lodon,  a  gentleman  of  the  Queen's  Household, 
**  her  equerry,  her  secretary,  her  physician,  and  others,  men  and 
women  to  the  number  of  ten,  were  likewise  arrested,  and  carried 
to  the  Abbey  of  Ferrieres  near  Montargis,  where  the  King 
himself  interrogated  and  examined  them  respecting  the  loose 

*  Very  few  good  sayings  have  come  down  to  us,  however,  as  having 
emanated  from  him ;  but  Fournier  in  his  L'Esprit  dans  I'Histoire  opines  that 
(as  in  an  instance  which  he  specifies)  Henri's  sayings  have  mostly  been  ascribed 
to  more  popular  monarchs. 

t  Another  account  says  that  the  officer  searched  her  bed  in  which  she  had 
already  lain  down  to  rest ;  but  that  does  not  tally  with  the  story  of  the 
unmasking,  for  while  she  and  her  ladies  would  have  worn  their  masks  on  the 
journey  in  accordance  with  the  usage  of  the  time,  they  would  have  removed 
then)  CD  retiring  to  bod. 


78        FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE         iv 

life  of  the  said  Queen  of  Navarre,  his  sister,  and  even  concerning 
the  child  she  was  rumoured  to  have  had  since  coming  to  Court, 
by,  so  it  was  suspected,  young  Champvallon,  who,  as  a  matter 
of  fact,  had  at  this  moment  left  and  absented  himself  from  the 
Court." 

That  is  accurate.  Champvallon  fled  to  Germany,  but  before 
long  returned  to  France  and  became  grand  master  of  the 
artillery  to  the  League.  We  shall  catch  a  glimpse  of  him  again 
at  a  later  period.  Whatever  may  have  been  his  relations  with 
Marguerite,  her  husband  does  not  seem  to  have  had  any  ran- 
cour, for  in  1602  he  created  him  a  Knight  of  the  Holy  Ghost. 

"  At  last,''  to  quote  L'Estoille  again,  « the  King  [Henri  HI] 
having  failed  to  ascertain  anything  from  the  said  prisonei*s  of 
both  sexes,  set  them  all  at  liberty  and  licensed  the  Queen  of 
Navarre,  his  sister,  to  continue  her  journey  towards  Gascony, 
and  did  not  omit  to  write  with  his  own  hand  to  the  King  of 
Navarre,  his  brother-in-law,  to  tell  him  how  everything  had 
occuri'ed."  That  last  statement  requires  qualification.  In  the 
first  instance,  Henri  III,  with  that  pusillanimity  of  his  which 
always  followed  his  sudden  outbursts  of  passion,  and  in  which 
no  trace  lingered  of  the  gallant  bravura  of  his  youth,  enervated 
as  he  had  been  by  years  of  effeminacy  and  indulgence — Henri  III, 
we  say,  did  not  at  first  write  the  whole  truth  to  Henri  de 
Navarre.  The  order  of  the  Jesuits  had  been  established  half  a 
century  previously,  and  this  King  of  France  availed  himself  of 
the  doctrines  of  Loyola.  Says  Philippe  de  Mornay,  Seigneur  du 
riessis-Marly,*  in  his  memoirs :  "  While  the  King  of  Navarre 
was  hunting  at  Sainte  Foix,t  he  received,  by  a  valet  of  the 
wardrobe,  a  letter  from  the  King  [of  France],  dated  the  5th  of 
August  t  [1583],  and  written  entirely  by  the  King's  own  hand, 
by  which  letter,  in  short,  he  sent  him  word  that  having  dis- 
covered the  evil  and  scandalous  life  led  by  Madame  de  Duras 
and  Mademoiselle  de  B^thune,  he  had  resolved  to  drive  them 

*  He  had  originally  been  a  gentleman  of  the  obambor  to  the  Duke 
d'Alen9on,  and  followed  him  to  Flanders  for  a  time ;  but  afterwards  became 
one  of  the  chief  doctors  as  well  as  leaders  of  the  Huguenot  party. 

t  Probably  Sainte  Foy-la-Grande  on  the  Dordogne. 

X  If  Mornay  gives  the  date  correctly  the  letter  was  written  three  days 
before  the  outrage  on  Marguerite,  wMcb  must  therefore  have  been  fully 
premeditated. 


IV  A  ROYAL  SEPARATION  79 

away  from  the  presence  of  the  Queen  of  Navarre,  as  being  most 
pernicious  vermin  and  not  to  be  supported  near  a  Princess  of 
such  position." 

Nothing  was  said  in  this  first  letter  of  the  affront  offered  to 
Marguerite  herself;  and  Henri  de  Navarre,  being  acquainted 
with  nothing  beyond  what  Henri  III  then  wrote  to  him,  deemed 
it  fit  to  write  and  thank  his  brother-in-law.  But  a  little  later, 
on  returning  to  Nerac,  he  received  positive  intelligence  of  the 
manner  in  which  his  wife  herself  had  been  accused  and  treated. 
There  was  evidently  a  second  letter  from  Henri  III,  one  indica- 
ting, perhaps,  that  Marguerite  had  been  guilty,  if  not  of  actual 
misconduct,  at  least  of  light  behaviour ;  apart  from  which  the 
scene  chronicled  by  Busbecq  as  having  occurred  between  Henri 
III  and  Marguerite,  must  have  come  to  her  husband's  know- 
ledge. His  first  impulse  seems  to  have  been  to  exact  satisfac- 
tion for  the  insult,  his  second  to  demand  a  separation  from  an 
unworthy  consort. 

He  himself  was  no  saint.  Ever  amorous  as  he  was,  he  could 
never  have  kept  his  marriage  vows,  no  matter  to  what  woman  he 
might  have  been  united.  But  in  his  estimation,  no  doubt,  it 
was  one  thing  for  him  to  indulge  in  misconduct,  and  another 
for  his  wife  to  do  so,  particularly  in  such  a  manner  as  to  bring 
about  a  public  scandal.  Whether  he  actually  believed  in  the 
existence  of  the  alleged  child  we  cannot  say.  For  our  own  part, 
while  admitting,  as  previously  mentioned,  the  intrigue  with 
Champvallon,  and  the  existence  of  a  certain  Louis  de  Vaux  who 
became  Father  Angel  or  Archangel,  we  have  very  great  doubts 
indeed  whether  the  said  Louis  de  Vaux  was  Marguerite's  son. 
And  we  are  quite  as  doubtful  respecting  the  story  of  a  second 
child,  which  she  is  alleged  to  have  had  subsequently  by  another 
lover,  and  which  is  said  to  have  been  born  blind.  In  both 
instances  the  evidence  is  of  the  very  flimsiest.  At  no  period  of 
French  history  was  there  more  jealous  hatred  and  more  mendacity 
than  at  the  period  with  which  we  are  dealing,  and  it  is  often 
most  difficult  to  distinguish  the  true  from  the  false,  so  inextri- 
cably, in  certain  instances,  have  they  been  intermingled.  In 
jVIarguerite's  case,  while  recognizing  that  she  had  lovers,  we  are 
virtually  convinced  that  she  was  not  destined  by  nature  to  have 
children.     Had   it   been  otherwise  she  would  have  given,  we 


80        FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE         iv 

think,  an  heir  to  Henri  de  Navarre,  who  had  many  children 
both  by  his  second  wife  and  by  his  mistresses.  But  the  Valois 
race  was  drawing  to  its  close. 

On  the  other  hand,  it  should  be  remembered  that  among  the 
counsellors  surrounding  Henri  de  Navarre  there  were  many 
adversaries  and  enemies  of  Marguerite.  Some  detested  her  on 
account  of  her  religious  faith,  some  on  account  of  her  extrava- 
gance, fondness  of  display,  frivolity  and  suspected  looseness  of 
morals,  others  again  precisely  because  she  had  given  the  King 
no  son  to  ensure  the  succession  to  the  throne.  For  all  who 
regarded  her  in  one  or  another  of  those  ways,  and  some  looked 
upon  her  in  all  of  them,  she  was  an  undesirable  consort  for  their 
master,  and  it  is  easy  to  picture  what  influence  must  have  been 
brought  to  bear  on  him  now  that  an  opportunity  had  arisen  to 
get  rid  of  the  unpopular  Queen  for  ever.  There  was,  too,  a 
particular  private  reason  why  Henri  de  Navarre  should  have 
listened  to  the  suggestions  made  to  him  in  that  respect,  for  at 
this  period,  as  we  shall  show  in  our  next  chapter,  he  had 
become  greatly  enamoured  of  "  Corisanda,"  the  widowed  Coun- 
tess de  Gramont,  to  whom,  it  is  said,  he  ended  by  giving  a 
written  promise  of  marriage. 

Henri  HI,  however,  became  alarmed  by  his  brother-in-law's 
demands  for  satisfaction  and  separation,  the  more  particularly 
when  Navarre  enforced  the  first  demand  by  seizing,  under  a 
pretext  that  the  last  treaty  of  pacification  had  been  infringed, 
the  fortified  town  of  Mont-de-Marsan.  Thereupon  the  French 
monarch  began  to  make  attempts  to  undo  the  harm  he  had 
done  by  inflicting,  in  his  jealous  spite,  a  public  disgrace  upon  his 
sister.  The  steps  he  now  took  are  indicated  by  L'Estoille 
whose  general  moderation  in  dealing  with  the  disputes  between 
the  two  Princes  entitle  him  to  a  hearing. 

"  The  King  of  France,"  he  writes  in  his  journal,  "  having 
reflected  on  the  consequences  of  such  an  affair,  and  on  what  the 
King  of  Navarre  might  thereupon  resolve  to  do  (as,  indeed, 
happened);  that  is  not  to  take  his  wife  back — which  would 
have  been  a  scandal  and  scorn  shameful  for  his  [the  King  of 
France''8]  name  and  escutcheon — coupled  with  the  circumstance 
that  the  reports  of  the  affair  had  already  spread  even  to  foreign 
nations,  he  sent  fresh  letters  and  despatches  to  the  King  of 


IV  A  ROYAL  SEPARATION  81 

Navarre,  whereby  he  requested  him  not  to  refrain  from  taking 
the  Queen  his  sister  back  on  account  of  what  he  had  written  to 
him,  for  he  had  since  learnt  that  all  he  had  been  given  to  under- 
stand in  that  respect  and  had  written  to  him,  was  false,  and 
that,  owing  to  false  reports,  one  had  innocently  [i.e.  without 
malice]  impeached  the  honour  of  the  Queen  of  Navarre,  his 
sister. 

"  To  which  the  King  of  Navarre  made  no  other  answer  than 
this,  that  abiding  by  the  first  advices  which  the  King  [of  France] 
had  sent  him,  and  which  he  certainly  knew  to  contain  the  truth,* 
he  very  courteously  apologized  to  the  King,  but  was  resolved 
not  to  take  her  [his  wife]  back.  Thereat  the  King  of  France 
being  irritated,  despatched  to  him  M.  de  Bellievref  with 
express  commands  and  letters  written  and  signed  with  his  own 
hand,  and  in  which,  with  tart  and  stinging  words,  he  enjoined 
on  him  not  to  fail  to  put  his  will  promptly  into  execution. 
Among  the  shafts  which  the  King*'s  said  letters  contained  this 
was  one  of  them  :  *  That  he  [the  King  of  Navarre]  knew  that 
Kings  were  liable  to  be  deceived  by  false  reports,  and  that  very 
often  the  most  virtuous  Princesses  were  not  exempt  from 
slander,  and  that,  even  in  the  case  of  the  late  Queen,  his 
mother,!  he  knew  what  had  been  said  of  her,  and  to  what  a 
degree  ill  of  her  had  always  been  spoken.' 

"  Having  seen  those  letters,  the  King  of  Navarre  began  to 
laugh,  and  in  presence  of  all  the  nobility,  he  said  aloud  to  M. 
de  Bellievre :  '  The  King  does  me  great  honour  in  all  these 
letters.  In  the  first  ones  he  calls  me  the  husband,  and  in  the 
last  the  son,  of  a  worthless  woman.     I  thank  him.' "  § 

It  would  require  more  space  than  we  can  give  to  narrate  in 
any  detail  the  protracted  and  complicated  negotiations  which 
ensued  between  Navarre  and  France  with  respect  to  this 
matrimonial  impasse.  Several  envoys  were  despatched  to 
Henri  III — Aubigne,  Plessis-Momay,  Pibrac  and  Yolet — but 
he  would  not  consent  to  any  of  Henri  de  Navarre's  requests  for 

*  There  had  prohably  been  private  reports  from  Huguenot  agents  in  Paris. 
t  See  ante,  p.  64. 
X  Jeanne  d'Albret. 

§  We  have  here  bowdlerized  L'Estoille,  for  Henri's  actual  words  were 
much  less  refined. 


82        FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARR1=:         iv 

a  separation  based  on  the  charges  which  had  been  brought 
against  Marguerite.  On  the  contrary,  he  insisted  that  his 
brother-in-law  should  purely  and  simply  take  his  wife  back. 
Not  unnaturally,  given  the  conditions  of  the  times,  politics 
intruded  into  the  affair.  Realizing  the  advantages  on  his  side, 
Henri  de  Navarre  would  only  take  his  wife  back  on  certain 
conditions,  and  Marguerite  became,  as  it  were,  the  shuttle-cock 
of  her  brother  and  her  husband. 

At  last,  however,  by  means  of  mutual  concessions,  which 
included  notably  the  withdrawal  of  French  garrisons  lately 
thrown  into  towns  near  Henri  de  Navarre's  possessions,  the  affair 
was  temporarily  settled,  and  in  January,  1584,  Henri  repaired 
to  Agen  where  Marguerite  had  in  the  meanwhile  retired  (that 
town  forming  part  of  her  appanage),  and  took  her  to  Nerac, 
where,  according  to  the  accounts  of  certain  laudatory  poets, 
accounts  which  must  be  taken  with  a  very  great  deal  of  salt, 
she  made  quite  a  triumphal  entry.  The  fact  is,  however,  that 
the  fracas  of  her  expulsion  from  the  French  Court  had  greatly 
damaged  her  reputation  on  all  sides.  Although  her  husband 
took  her  back,  he  cannot  have  been  unaware  that  there  was 
at  least  some  truth  in  the  charges  preferred  against  her, 
although  they  had  been  subsequently  withdrawn.  Her 
absence  in  Paris,  moreover,  had  helped  to  undermine  what- 
ever affection  and  friendship  Henri  had  previously  felt  for 
her.  Besides,  however  little  importance  one  may  attach  to 
the  pamphlet  Le  Divorce  Satynque^  there  may  well  be  some 
truth  in  the  assertions  it  contains  to  the  effect  that  the 
King  also  resented  the  repugnance  which  Marguerite  had  at 
times  displayed  for  him,  a  repugnance  arising  from  her  fasti- 
dious refinement  and  his  careless  self-neglect.  Further,  the 
complaisance  which  she  had  evinced  in  regard  to  his  own  amours 
may  well  have  contributed  to  his  loss  of  respect  for  her.  Men 
may  avail  themselves  of  such  complaisance,  but  they  despise  the 
woman  who  tenders  it.  Finally,  Henri  now  had  another 
mistress,  the  Countess  de  Gramont  to  whom  we  previously 
referred,  and  was  becoming  more  and  more  attached  to  her. 
And  thus  there  are  many  possible  reasons  which  would  explain 
why  harmony  was  never  again  restored  between  Henri  and 
Marguerite. 


IV  A  ROYAL  SEPARATION  83 

Bickerings  began,  disputes  arose,  charges  were  bandied  to 
and  fro.  Marguerite  had  been  taken  back,  but  to  be  a  wife 
in  name  only.  She  often  remained  isolated  at  Nerac  whilst 
her  husband  went  here  and  there,  now  journeying  to  Sainte 
Foy  in  the  Dordogne  (for  he  was  more  or  less  nominally 
Governor  of  the  French  province  of  Guieune,  though  Marshal 
de  Matignon  was  Henri  Ill's  commander  there)  or  else  staying 
with  Montaigne  and  hunting  in  his  forest,  as  the  great  essayist 
tells  us  in  one  of  his  letters.  Again,  at  other  times  Henri  repaired 
to  Beam  in  order  to  be  near  his  new  mistress ;  and  Montaigne, 
whose  shrewd  good  sense  is  well  known,  was  particularly  con- 
cerned with  respect  to  the  possible  outcome  of  those  frequent 
excursions. 

Mayor  of  Bordeaux,  contending  with  innumerable  difficulties 
there,  loyal  to  Henri  III,  who  was  his  legitimate  Prince,  yet 
striving  to  keep  the  balance  even  between  Catholic  and 
Huguenot  and  desirous  of  a  continuance  of  peace,  Montaigne 
foresaw  that  the  isolation  in  which  Queen  Marguerite  was  left 
at  Nerac  whilst  her  husband  went  off  into  Beam  attended  by 
counsellors  who  were  opposed  to  her,  and  seeking  the  society 
of  an  influential  favourite,  must  end  by  proving  fatal  to  the 
cause  which  he,  Montaigne,  had  at  heart.  He  did  not  judge 
Marguerite  to  be  guiltless,  but  it  was  his  wish  to  see  her  and 
her  husband  on  sufficiently  amicable  terms  together  that  she 
might  at  least  be  able  to  exercise  some  influence  against  those 
counsellors  who  from  one  or  another  motive  might  urge  a 
renewal  of  war. 

He  had  known  Henri  de  Navarre's  new  mistress,  the 
Countess  de  Gramont,  for  several  years.  At  the  time  of  the 
first  issue  of  his  Essays  he  had  dedicated  to  her  a  particular 
chapter  containing  twenty-nine  of  La  Boetie's  sonnets.  He 
knew  that  she  was  capable  not  only  of  loving  tenderly  but  also 
of  displaying  a  strong  mind,  of  exercising  a  decisive  influence 
over  a  man  who  might  come  under  her  spell.  Thus,  as  we  learn 
from  a  letter  which  he  addressed  to  Marshal  de  Matignon,  he 
wrote  to  the  Countess  in  a  frank  and  open  manner  begging  her 
to  sacrifice  all  personal  feelings  for  the  sake  of  her  royal  lover's 
political  interests.  Those  interests,  however,  were  not,  in  Mme. 
de  Gramont's  opinion,  the  same  as  Montaigne  judged  them  to 


84        FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE        iv 

be.  He  was  for  peace  and  reliance  on  time,  which  brings 
about  all  things ;  whereas  she  favoured  action,  energy  and 
daring,  and,  as  we  shall  see,  she  at  last  made  a  real  man  of 
Henri  de  Navarre.  Yet,  it  may  well  be  said  that  if  her  views 
prevailed,  those  expressed  by  Montaigne,  in  his  anxious  solici- 
tude, did  him  honour  also. 

Whatever  might  be  Marguerite's  isolation  at  Nerac,  she  did 
not  remain  inactive.  Amid  the  competition  of  the  different 
parties,  with  which  she  was  well  acquainted,  she  embarked  in 
various  intrigues  with  the  object  of  improving  her  position 
in  one  or  another  way.  She  corresponded,  if  not  with  her 
treacherous  brother  Henri  IH,  at  least  with  her  mother  and 
with  personages  of  the  French  Court.  It  is  known  that  she 
bitterly  denounced  the  fact  that  although  the  King  her  husband 
had  taken  her  back  he  had  denied  her  all  conjugal  rights.  At 
last  he,  on  suspecting  or  being  warned  that  her  correspondence 
with  the  French  Court  was  not  in  his  favour,  suddenly  caused 
one  of  her  couriers,  a  secretary  named  Ferrand,  to  be  arrested 
soon  after  he  had  started  from  Nerac  for  Paris. 

Apropos  of  that  affair  Montaigne  is  found  reporting,  in  a 
letter  which  he  addressed  to  Marshal  de  Matignon,  that  "  since 
Ferrand's  misadventure,  and  on  that  account,  Frontenac  has 
been  to  Nerac,  where  the  Queen  of  Navarre  told  him  that  if 
she  had  imagined  the  King  her  husband  to  be  so  inquisitive, 
she  would  have  placed  all  her  despatches  in  his  hands,  and  that 
as  for  what  appeared  in  the  letter  she  wrote  to  the  Queen  her 
mother,  speaking  of  returning  to  France,  it  was  by  way  of 
deliberating  and  seeking  advice,  but  not  that  she  was  resolved 
on  it.  .  .  .  And  Frontenac  says  that  what  the  King  of  Navarre 
did  in  the  matter  was  only  on  account  of  the  suspicion 
imparted  to  him  that  FeiTand  was  the  bearer  of  memoirs 
relating  to  his  position  and  public  affairs.  The  principal  result 
is  said  to  be  that  several  letters  from  girls  of  that  Court  to 
their  lovers  in  France — I  mean  the  letters  which  were  saved, 
for  when  Ferrand  was  taken  he  found  the  means  to  throw  into 
a  fire  some  papers  which  were  consumed  to  ashes  before  they 
could  lie  taken  out — it  is  said  that  these  remaining  letters 
provoke  much  laughter." 

From  that  account  the  affair  would  seem  to  have  been  of 


IV  A  ROYAL  SEPARATION  85 

little  consequence,  but  both  L'Estoille  and  Aubigne  tell  us 
that  a  much  more  serious  issue  was  involved,  for  Ferrand  when 
under  arrest,  had  declared  that  Queen  Marguerite  had  formed 
a  design  to  poison  her  husband  in  order  to  punish  him  for  the 
scorn  and  neglect  with  which  he  had  treated  her  since  her 
return  to  him.  Even  Henri  lent  himself,  for  a  while  at  all 
events,  to  that  charge  against  a  woman  who  had  twice  nursed 
him  with  the  utmost  devotion  when  his  life  was  imperilled. 
The  Royal  Council  was  summoned  to  discuss  the  case,  but  it 
was  not  carried  further,  because  Aubigne,  according  to  his  own 
account,  remonstrated  against  the  proceedings,  "for  which 
his  master  thanked  him."  In  that  connection,  let  us  say  that 
although  we  are  not  without  some  liking  for  Aubigne  in 
certain  respects,  we  fear  that  he  takes  credit  to  himself  for  too 
many  things. 

But  events  of  much  greater  importance  to  France  than  the 
domestic  squabbles  of  Henri  de  Navarre  and  his  consort  had 
occurred  or  were  impending  at  this  period.  The  situation 
between  Henri  and  the  French  Court  had  never  been  in  any 
way  satisfactory  since  his  wife's  expulsion  from  it ;  and  though 
in  that  respect  it  might  be  exaggeration  to  say  of  Marguerite 
that  like  another  Helen  she  fired  another  Troy,  it  is  at  least 
certain  that  her  expulsion  was  the  first  of  a  series  of  occurrences 
that  led  up  to  the  new  war  which  in  1585  broke  out  between 
the  Catholics  and  the  Huguenots,  and  which,  chronologically, 
was  the  eighth  war  of  its  kind. 

Among  many  matters  which  helped  to  bring  about  the 
renewal  of  that  bitter  struggle  were  some  of  the  conditions 
exacted  by  Henri  de  Navarre  on  taking  his  wife  back,  the 
right  of  holding  certain  important  fortified  places,  the  death 
of  the  Duke  d'Alen^on  on  June,  1584,  which,  as  he  left  no 
issue  and  Henri  III  had  none,  made  Henri  de  Navarre  heir 
to  the  French  throne  ;  then  the  anger  of  the  Catholics  at  the 
thought  of  a  Huguenot  Prince  becoming  King  of  France,  their 
idea  of  conferring  the  regal  dignity  on  his  old  uncle,  the 
Cardinal  de  Bourbon,  followed  at  last  by  their  compact  with 
Philip  II  of  Spain,  whom  they  chose  as  Protector  of  the 
League,  and  one  of  whose  daughters  was  to  have  espoused  a 
French   Catholic   Prince — a  Guise  being  ultimately  chosen — 


86        FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE         iv 

thereby  in  a  measure  handing  France  over  to  Spain,  and  all  this 
with  the  object  of  excluding  the  hated  Henri  de  Navarre,  the 
rightful  heir,  from  the  throne  of  his  ancestor  St.  Louis.  Thus, 
once  again,  there  came  war,  the  War  of  the  Three  Henrys, 
so  called  for  reasons  previously  explained. 

Meantime,  the  relations  of  the  King  of  Navarre  and  his 
wife  had  become  absolutely  intolerable.  Nerac,  which  she  had 
once  found  a  happy  home,  was  now  for  her  a  purgatory,  a 
"place  of  penitence''  even  as  puritan  Pau  had  been  in  the 
past.  And  thus,  after  Pope  Sixtus  V,  incited  by  the  French 
Catholic  Leaguers  and  the  Spanish  monarch,  had  at  last 
solemnly  excommunicated  the  sovereign  of  Navarre,  his  wife, 
as  a  Catholic  Princess,  and  one  not  without  certain  mystical 
and  superstitious  tendencies  (so  many  femmes  galantes  are 
also  or  become  devotes)  availed  herself  of  that  excommunication 
to  leave  him. 

She  did  not  attempt  to  do  so  openly.  She  knew  that  he 
might  well  have  refused  to  let  her  go  had  he  suspected  her 
real  intentions,  for  though  he  now  cared  nothing  for  her  as  a 
wife,  she  was  a  kind  of  hostage  in  his  hands.  So  she  sought  a 
convenient  pretext.  It  was  the  Lenten  season,  and  she  there- 
fore expressed  a  desire  to  repair  to  Agen  to  hear  a  certain 
Jesuit  father  who  was  preaching  at  the  cathedral  there.  The 
King  did  not  oppose  that  desire,  and  so  on  the  evening  of 
March  19,  1585,  the  Agcnnais  witnessed  the  arrival  of  their 
sovereign-lady  escorted  by  merely  a  few  attendants.  But  other 
folk  soon  followed  her,  and  day  by  day  the  number  of  the 
Queen  of  Navarre"'8  retinue  and  partisans  increased.  By  the 
employment  of  a  little  Valois  and  Medici  craft,  Marguerite 
had  succeeded  in  her  object  of  once  more  installing  herself  in 
her  dower  town  of  Agen  and  there  surrounding  herself  with 
reliable  folk  who  would  defend  her  against  the  husband  by 
whom  she  had  been  scorned.  Siding  more  or  less  sincerely 
with  the  League,  she  held  Agen  against  all  comers  until  her 
prodigal  life  there,  and  the  exactions  of  her  confidantey  Mme. 
de  Duras,  who  had  again  joined  her  and  exercised  a  powerful 
influence  over  her,  at  last  stirred  the  Agennais  to  revolt,  in 
such  wise  that  with  the  help  of  Marshal  de  Matignon — the 
father,  by   the   way,  of  her  whilom    attendant,    Gillone  de 


IV  A  ROYAL  SEPARATION  87 

Goyon  * — she   and    her   retinue    were   most    unceremoniously 
bundled  out  of  the  town. 

Of  that  incident  and  the  strange  fate  which  afterwards 
befell  her  for  several  years,  we  shall  presently  have  occasion  to 
speak.  Suffice  it  to  say  here  that  from  the  day  when  Marguerite 
betook  herself  to  Agen  for  the  second  time  the  rupture  with 
her  husband  became  complete,  the  long  separation  which 
ensued  culminating  at  last  in  a  divorce.  Here,  then,  we  will, 
for  a  while,  take  leave  of  this  fascinating  and  insinuating 
woman  who  has  intruded  so  frequently  into  our  pages,  though 
not  without  reason,  for  to  understand  Henri  de  Navarre  aright 
a  knowledge  of  his  wife  is  also  necessary.  Let  us  now  turn  to 
him  and  his  affairs  and  see  how  he  found  compensation  for  the 
loss  of  his  consort  in  the  affection  of  the  devoted  and  dis- 
interested Corisanda. 

♦  See  ante,  pp.  31,  38. 


CORISANDA 

The  Gramont  Family,  its  Origin  and  Rise  to  Influence — Antoine  I  and  the 
Massacre  of  Hagetmau — Diane  d'Andoins,  Countess  de  Gramont,  other- 
wise Corisanda — Her  Husband  Philibert  de  Gramont — The  alleged  Pater- 
nity of  her  son  Antoine  II — Henri  de  Navarre  not  his  Father — Henri's 
Liaison  with  Corisanda — Aubignd's  Spite  against  her — Her  Devotion  to 
Henri — Her  Portrait  at  Versailles — Henri's  Passion  and  its  Lapses — He 
carries  Matignon's  Flags  to  Corisanda — He  throws  away  the  Results  of 
Coutras  to  carry  her  Joyeuse's  Standards — He  gives  her  a  Promise  of 
Marriage  and  has  a  Son  by  her — Aubign6  prevents  Henri  from  making 
Corisanda  his  Wife — Correspondence  of  Henri  and  Corisanda — He  sends 
her  Presents — He  describes  Battles  to  her — His  Narrative  of  Henri  de 
Condi's  Death — His  Fears  for  Himself — Events  of  this  Period — His 
Letter  to  Corisanda  before  the  Battle  of  Arques — His  delightful  Descrip- 
tion of  Marans — Love  Passages  in  his  Letters — His  Protestations  of 
Faithfulness— His  other  alleged  Love  Affairs  at  the  Time — Corisanda 
distrusts  his  Constancy — Henri's  Allusions  to  Queen  Marguerite — Mar- 
guerite's Flight  from  Agen  and  Strange  Life  in  Auvergne — Corisanda  and 
the  Love  Affair  of  Soissons  and  Catherine  de  Navarre — End  of  Corisanda's 
Liaison  with  Henri — Her  later  Years  and  Death. 

At  this  period  a  family  of  Basque  origin,  destined  to  become 
famous,  was  gradually  acquiring  more  and  more  prominence  in 
France.  Its  name  in  the  days  of  Basque  independence  had 
been  Agaramuntek,  which,  as  the  suzerainty  of  France  spread 
to  the  Pyrenees,  became  transformed  fii-st  into  Agramunt,  then 
into  Agramont  and  finally  into  Gramont.*  Bergon  Loup 
d'Agramont,  by  his  valour  at  the  fii-st  Crusade,  had  been  one 
of  the  first  members  of  this  family  to  achieve  historical  dis- 
tinction. In  the  sixteenth  century  the  Gramonts  acquired 
considerable   influence   at    the    French   Court,   one   of  them, 

•  The  corrupt  spelling  Grammont  was  only  used  by  certain  members  of 
the  family  itself  in  the  latter  part  of  the  seventeenth  and  earlier  part  of  the 
eighteenth  centuries. 


DIANE,    C0MTE8SK   DE   GBAMONT,    "  LA    BELLE    COBISANDE. 

After  the  Portrait  in  the  Versailleii  ^fusenm. 


V  CORISANDA  89 

Gabriel  de  Gramont,  Bishop  of  Tarbes,  accompanying  Mar- 
guerite d'Angouleme  to  Spain  when  she  repaired  thither  to 
negotiate  with  the  Emperor  Charles  V  for  the  release  of  her 
brother,  Francis  I.  Moreover,  Francis  despatched  Gabriel  de 
Gramont  to  England  as  his  ambassador  at  the  time  when 
Henry  VIII  was  thinking  of  marrying  his  daughter  Mary  to 
the  French  monarch,  and  when  Francis,  on  his  side,  wished  to 
arrange  a  marriage  between  his  sister,  the  aforementioned 
Marguerite,  and  the  English  ruler.  Neither  of  those  schemes 
succeeded,  however;  for  Francis  espoused  Charles  V's  sister, 
the  widowed  Queen  Eleanor  of  Portugal,  while  Henry  VIII 
preferred  the  beauty  of  Anne  Boleyn  to  the  diplomatic  skill, 
the  literary  talent,  and  the  discerning  mind  of  the  plain- 
featured  writer  of  The  Heptameron.  What  that  work  might 
have  contained  had  Marguerite  d'Angouleme  become  the  wife 
of  the  English  Bluebeard,  supposing  that  he  had  spared  her  to 
write  it,  may  be  left  to  the  imagination  of  our  readers. 

Gabriel  de  Gramont,  being  in  orders,  was  unmarried,  but 
the  head  of  his  family  at  that  time,  Francois,  Lord  of 
Gramont,  had  one  child,  a  daughter  named  Claire  or  Clara. 
She,  in  1525,  espoused  Menaud  d'Aure,  Viscount  d'Aster  or 
Aste,  and  from  that  union  sprang  the  modem  line  of  the 
Gramonts,  Clara''s  son,  Antoine,  assuming  his  mother*'s  sur- 
name in  accordance,  says  M.  Paulin  Paris,  with  the  stipulations 
of  her  marriage  contract.  Menaud  d''Aure  had  consented  to 
this  arrangement  although  he  himself  claimed  an  illustrious 
lineage,  tracing  his  descent  back  to  one  of  the  very  earliest 
rulers  of  Navarre,  Sancho  the  Caesarian,  who,  according  to  the 
legends,  was  so  called  from  having  been  cut  alive  out  of  his 
mother''s  womb  when  she  was  massacred  by  the  Moors.  Among 
Sancho''s  possessions  was  the  valley  of  Aure,  lying  among  the 
Pyrenees,  south  of  Bagneres-de-Bigorre  ;  and  at  the  beginning 
of  the  sixteenth  century,  Menaud  d''Aure  was  virtually  ruler  of 
that  valley.  Some  remnants  of  his  castle  of  Aste  may  still  be 
found  in  the  environs  of  Bagneres. 

In  1549,  Menaud's  son,  Antoine  I  de  Gramont,  espoused 
Helene  de  Clermont,  Lady  of  Toulongeon,  by  whom  he  had 
several  children,  the  eldest  one  being  named  Philibert. 
Antoine  I — so  called  because  there  were  in  after  yeai*s  several 


90   FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE    v 

Antoines  in  the  family — took  a  prominent  part  in  the  religious 
wars  of  his  period,  being  a  commander  on  the  Catholic  side. 
In  1574,  when,  after  the  massacre  of  St.  Bartholomew,  Henri 
de  Navarre,  detained  as  a  prisoner  at  the  Louvre,  was  com- 
pelled to  abjure  the  Huguenot  faith,  he  was  also  constrained 
to  send  orders  for  the  re-establishment  of  the  Catholic  religion 
in  Beam,  of  which  province  Antoine  de  Gramont  was  appointed 
governor-general.  To  carry  out  those  instructions,  Antoine 
repaired  to  his  castle  of  Hagetmau,  some  fifteen  miles  from 
Mont-de-Marsan  (Landes)*  and  there  assembled  over  two 
hundred  and  fifty  noblemen  to  arrange  with  them  on  the  steps 
which  should  be  taken.  Tidings  of  that  conference  came,  how- 
ever, to  the  ears  of  the  fierce  old  Huguenot  leader.  Baron 
d'Arros,  who  had  been  Jeanne  d'Albrefs  lieutenant-general  in 
Beam,  and  who,  though  now  of  little  account  himself,  for  he 
was  an  octogenarian  and  was  blind,  had  a  son  on  whom  he 
believed  he  could  rely.  He  sent  for  him — so  Aubign6  tells  the 
story — and  after  handing  him  a  naked  sword  spoke  to  him  as 
follows : — 

"  Who  gave  you  life .''  ** 

"  After  (jod  it  is  to  you  that  I  owe  it,  father,"  the  young 
man  answered. 

"  Well,  God  now  requires  that  life  of  you,''  the  old  man 
exclaimed.  "  Go,  my  son,  and  that  you  may  accomplish  the 
enterprise  I  now  call  on  you  to  undertake,  cast  not  your  eyes 
on  the  number  of  those  who  will  accompany  you,  but  only 
on  their  virtues  and  their  courage,  and  gaze  not  on  your 
enemies  to  count  them,  but  only  to  strike  them  with  this 
sword  of  mine,  which  God  will  bless  in  your  hand.'* 

The  young  man  obeyed,  and  although  he  had  only  thirty- 
seven  companions  he  attacked  the  two  hundred  and  fifty  noble- 
men assembled  at  the  castle  of  Hagetmau,  surprised  them,  and 
massacred  all  but  a  few  who  succeeded  in  taking  flight.  And 
it  is  said  that  he  was  already  raising  his  sword  to  cut  down 
Antoine  de  Gramont,  when  a  beautiful  young  woman  sprang 
forward  and  entreated  him  to  spare  his  prisoner's  life.    D'Arros 

•  The  castle  of  Hagetmau  was  a  very  fine  one.  Henri  de  Navarre's  grand- 
father Henri  II  died  there.  "  Mauvaiso-h^traio "  would  bo  the  French 
equivalent  for  the  Beamcso  name  of  the  place. 


V  CORISANDA  91 

was  too  young  to  be  insensible  to  her  distress  and  her  charms, 
he  gave  Gramont  his  life,  put  up  his  sword,  and  returned  to 
his  fierce  old  father,  who  upbraided  him  for  having  spared  the 
raven  who  would  one  day  pluck  out  his  eyes. 

The  young  woman  whose  intervention  had  saved  Antoine 
de  Gramont  was  the  Corisanda  of  romance  and  history,  who 
became  the  most  devoted  and  most  disinterested  of  the  mis- 
tresses of  Henri  de  Navarre.  Her  real  Christian  name  was 
Diane,  and  she  was  the  only  child  of  Paul  d'Andoins  or 
Andouins,  Viscount  de  Louvigny  and  Lord  of  Lescun,  a  brave 
gentleman  who  was  killed  (says  Brantome)  beside  Francois, 
Duke  de  Guise,  father  of  Henri  le  Balafre,  when  the  troops  of 
Charles  IX  took  Rouen  from  the  Huguenots  in  1562.  All 
authorities  give  the  date  of  Diane's  birth  as  1554,  so  she  can 
only  have  been  thirteen  years  of  age,  when,  on  August  7,  1567, 
she  espoused  the  son  of  that  Antoine  I  de  Gramont  whose  life 
she  afterwards  saved  at  Hagetmau.*  Such  an  early  marriage 
as  hers  was  not  unexampled  in  those  days,  but  such  unions 
were  not  consummated  until  a  later  date, 

Diane's  husband  Philibert  de  Gramont  and  Toulongeon, 
Count  de  Gramont,  Count  de  Guiche,  and  Viscount  d' Aster, 
became  mayor  of  Bordeaux,  governor  of  Bayonne,  and  seneschal 
of  Beam.  L'Estoille,  though  mentioning  that  he  was  one  of 
the  migiions  of  Henri  III,  also  calls  him  a  Gascon  of  great 
valour  and  promise.  But  he  was  quarrelsome  as  well  as  brave, 
and  in  1578,  on  falling  out  with  Bussy  d'Amboise,  it  was  pro- 
posed that  they  should  fight  together  outside  the  Porte  St. 
Antoine  of  Paris,  each  being  supported  by  three  hundred 
gentlemen,  who  were  to  join  in  the  fray.  But  that  murderous 
enterprise  was  happily  frustrated.  In  the  same  year,  however, 
Count  Philibert  quarrelled  with  a  young  member  of  the 
Chavigny  family  concerning  a  page's  staff,  and  cut  him  down 
lifeless  at  the  very  doors  of  the  church  of  St.  Roch.  His  own 
violent  career  was  cut  short  two  years  later,  for  at  the  siege  of 
La  Fere,  early  in  August,  1580,  one  of  his  arms  was  carried 

*  She  would  then  have  been  twenty  years  old.  Let  us  add  here  that  many 
of  the  particulars  we  give  respecting  the  earlier  Gramonts  have  been  taken  by 
us  from  an  essay  on  the  family  which  we  contributed  in  1889  to  an  edition  of 
Anthony  Hamilton's  famous  Mimoires  du  Comtc  de  Gramont. 


92   FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE    v 

away  by  a  discharge  of  musketry,  and  he  died  from  the  effects 
of  the  wound.  "  It  was  said  at  Court,"  writes  L'Estoille  a  propos 
of  this  event,  "  that  La  Fere  was  a  very  wicked  beast  to  devour 
so  many  mignons.'"  As  that  jest  may  not  be  readily  under- 
stood by  some  of  our  readers  it  may  be  allowable  for  us  to 
explain  that  in  old  French  the  word  fere — used  by  Ronsard, 
among  others — signified  a  wild  animal. 

Count  Philibert,  at  the  time  of  his  death,  was  only  twenty- 
eight  years  old,  his  wife  being  left  a  widow  at  the  age  of 
twenty-six,  with  a  son  who  was  then  quite  a  little  boy,  but 
who  became  known  as  Antoine  II,  Count  de  Gramont,  Guiche 
and  Louvigny,  Sovereign  Prince  of  Bidache,  and  Viceroy  of 
Navarra  In  1601  he  married  Louise,  daughter  of  the  first 
Marshal  de  Roquelaure,  by  whom  he  had  two  sons,  Antoine  III 
(Marshal)  de  Gramont  and  Roger,  Count  de  Louvigny.  Nine 
years,  however,  after  contracting  that  union  he  made  a  painful 
discovery,  and  a  tragical  result  ensued.  "  The  Count,*"  writes 
Malherbe,  under  date  April  1,  1610,  "surprised  his  wife  with 
Narfizian,  his  equerry,  whom  he  slew  on  the  spot."  Eight 
months  later  the  Countess  herself  died,  and  L'Estoille  chronicles 
a  rumour  that  her  husband  had  poisoned  her.  In  the  spring 
of  1618  he  again  took  a  wife,  Claude  de  Montmorency,  eldest 
daughter  of  Louis,  Baron  de  Boutteville,  by  whom  he  had  two 
sons  and  four  daughters,  the  former  being  Henri,  Count  de 
Toulongeon,  and  Philibert,  known  successively  as  the  Abbe, 
Chevalier,  and  Count  de  Gramont.  This  last  was  the  hero  of 
those  lightly  yet  admirably  written  memoirs  in  which  Anthony 
Hamilton  bequeathed  to  the  world  such  a  vivid  picture  of  the 
Court  of  our  second  Charles. 

In  the  opening  lines  of  the  epistle  of  alternate  veree  and 
prose  which  is  prefixed  to  those  memoirs,  Hamilton  recalls  the 
ancestry  of  his  friend  Gramont  in  grandiloquent  fashion, 
exclaiming : 

"  0  thou,  the  glory  of  the  shore 

Where  Corisanda  saw  the  day, 
The  blessed  abode  of  Menaud  d'Aube  ; 

Thou  whom  the  fates  have  doomed  to  stray 
Far  from  that  pleasant  shore  away " 

Subsequently,  moreover,  Hamilton  suggests  that  the  Gramonts 


V  CORISANDA  93 

of  his  time  were  in  reality  descended  from  Henri  de  Navarre. 
For  instance,  in  narrating  a  conversation  between  the  Chevalier 
de  Gramont  and  his  friend  Charles  de  Bourdeille,  Count  de 
Matta,  he  makes  the  former  exclaim  :  "  Ah,  you  sorry  jester  ! 
So  you  fancy  that  all  the  world  is  as  ignorant  as  yourself.  You 
think,  then,  that  I  know  nothing  of  the  Menauds  d'Aure  and 
the  Corisandas.  I  indeed  !  Perhaps  I  don't  know  that  it  only 
depended  on  my  father  for  him  to  become  the  son  of  Henri  IV. 
The  King  was  most  anxious  to  acknowledge  him  for  his  son, 
but  the  traitrous  fellow  would  never  consent  to  it.  Just  think 
what  the  Gramonts  would  be  now,  but  for  his  fine  whim.  They 
would  take  precedence  of  the  Cesars  de  Vendome.*  You  may 
laugh  as  much  as  you  like,  it  is  gospel- truth." 

Hamilton's  Gramont  having  been  the  son  of  Antoine  H, 
who  was  the  son  of  Corisanda,  it  would  follow  from  the  above 
that  Corisanda  was  the  mistress  of  Henri  de  Navarre  in  her 
husband's  lifetime.  That  view  was  long  entertained  by 
numerous  writers.  In  Les  Amours  du  grand  Alcandre,  the 
famous  seventeenth-century  romance  recounting  Henri's  love 
affairs,  and  formerly  but  erroneously  attributed  to  the  Mile,  de 
Guise  who  became  Princess  de  Conti,  it  is  stated  that  Henri 
offered  to  acknowledge  himself  the  father  of  Corisanda's  f  son, 
but  that  the  son  replied  he  preferred  to  be  a  gentleman  rather 
than  a  King's  bastard.  A  similar  view  with  respect  to  the 
real  paternity  of  Antoine  II  is  expressed  in  the  Observations 
sur  Alcandre  et  sa  Clef  included  in  the  1720  edition  of  the 
Journal  de  Henri  III;  and  Boiteau  contended  in  his  notes  to 
the  Histoire  amoureuse  des  Gaules  that  if  the  Gramonts  of  the 
time  of  Louis  XIV  rose  to  such  high  favour  with  the  King  it 
was  precisely  on  account  of  their  left-handed  descent  from  the 
monarch's  grandfather,  Henri  de  Navarre.  Again,  it  is  generally 
admitted  that  the  latter  King,  after  his  escape  from  the  French 
Court  in  1576,  paid  a  visit  to  Count  Philibert  de  Gramont  and 
the  Countess  Diane  on  arriving  in  Gascony ;  for  which  reason 

*  C6sar,  Duke  de  Vend6me,  was  Henri  de  Navarre's  eldest  son  by  Gabrielle 
d'Estr6es.    We  shall  have  occasion  to  speak  of  him  hereafter. 

t  It  may  be  mentioned  that  the  name  of  Corisanda  (Corisande)  by  which 
the  Countess  Diane  de  Gramont  has  long  been  so  generally  known,  was  first 
bestowed  on  her  in  that  same  romance  to  which  we  refer  above. 


94   FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE    v 

his  liaison  with  the  Countess  has  been  dated  from  that  period. 
To  certain  letters  of  his  addressed  to  her,  such  dates  as  1570, 
1573,  and  1576  have  been  assigned,  thus  supporting  the  view 
that  Corisanda  was  not  only  Henri's  mistress,  but  also  an 
unfaithful  wife. 

But  whatever  may  have  been  the  ideas  of  Anthony  Hamilton 
and  his  Chevalier  de  Gramont — their  sincerity  is  not  in  question 
— there  is  good  reason  to  believe  that  Henri  de  Navarre's 
relations  with  Corisanda  did  not  begin  until  she  had  become 
a  widow,  and  that  is  after  her  son  Antoine's  birth.  Prolonged 
constancy  was  not  a  feature  of  Henri  de  Navarre\s  love  affairs, 
and  if  that  in  which  he  engaged  with  Corisanda  began  at  the 
early  date  which  has  been  suggested,  it  would  follow  (since 
we  know  when  it  ended)  that  it  lasted  for  a  score  of  years, 
whereas  the  very  longest  of  Henri's  other  aniours  was  of  less 
than  ten  yeaiV  duration.  Further,  his  minister  Sully,  who 
ought  not  to  be  mistaken,  states  in  dealing  with  the  year 
1 583,  that  the  King  of  Navarre  had  then  reached  the  apogee  of 
his  "  passion  for  the  Countess  de  Guiche  (Corisanda),  to  see 
whom  he  made  a  journey  to  a  spot  which  is  named  Agemau."  * 
Now,  it  is  certain  that  if  Corisanda  had  been  Henri's  mistress 
ever  since  1576,  his  passion  would  not  have  been  in  its  apogee 
in  1583.  In  all  the  love  affairs  that  the  world  has  ever  known 
no  passion  has  attained  to  its  highest  degree  so  late  as  seven 
years  after  its  inception.  Moreover,  all  Henri's  absolutely 
authentic  letters  to  the  Countess  belong  to  periods  subsequent 
to  the  last  date  we  have  given,  which,  it  will  be  observed,  is 
posterior  to  Queen  Marguerite's  return  to  Paris,  and  the  dis- 
appearance of  the  disappointed  Fosseuse  from  the  scene 
(February-March,  1582).  Marguerite  gone,  Fosseuse  packed 
off  to  be  married,  Henri  embarks  in  a  fresh  liaison. 

At  first,  perhaps,  he  engages  in  it  merely  pour  passer  le  temps, 
but  it  becomes  a  very  serious  attachment,  and  whatever  may 
be  said  against  it  from  the  standpoint  of  strict  morality,  it  does 
the  King  a  world  of  good.  It  raises  him  from  vulgar  amours, 
it  inspires  and  inspirits  him,  incites  him  to  deeds  of  valour  and 

*  The  name  is  misprinted  Ageman  in  some  editions  of  Sully,  but  the  refer- 
ence is  evidently  to  Uagetmau,  the  scene  of  the  massacre  which  we  mentioned 
on  p.  00,  ante. 


V  CORISANDA  95 

the  most  persevering  efforts.  But  for  Corisanda,  indeed,  he 
might  never  have  become  King  of  France.  She  was,  so  to  say, 
his  Agnes  Sorel. 

Of  course  Corisanda  had  her  enemies  even  as  Queen  Mar- 
guerite had  hers  ;  some  of  the  Huguenot  leaders  being  quite 
as  much  opposed  to  the  mistress  as  they  were  to  the  wife. 
Among  these  one  may  name  the  austere  Aubigne,  who,  being 
virtuous,  could  not  brook  the  thought  of  anybody  indulging  in 
cakes  and  ale.  Corisanda  was  at  Mont-de-Marsan  in  1584, 
when  M.  de  Bellievre  repaired  thither  on  behalf  of  Henri  HI 
to  induce  the  King  of  Navarre  to  take  back  his  wife ;  and 
Aubigne  indicates  his  opinion  of  her  in  a  way  which  is  at  once 
venomous  and  amusing :  "  Every  morning,"  says  he,  "  M.  de 
Bellievre,  from  the  window  of  his  lodging,  saw  the  Countess  de 
Guiche  [Corisanda],  then  headquarters  hussy,  going  to  mass, 
accompanied  by  Esprit  and  the  petite  Lambert,  and  by  a  Moor, 
a  Basque  in  a  green  gown,  Bertrand  the  baboon,  an  English 
page,  a  spaniel,  and  a  lackey.  This  Senator  [Bellievre]  remon- 
strated with  a  Huguenot  [Aubigne  himself]  respecting  the 
defectiveness  of  all  that,  in  the  following  terms :  *  In  my  time 
I  have  often  seen  lady  friends  of  our  Kings,  but  the  men  highest 
in  rank,  even  the  Princes,  were  happy  to  watch  for  the  time 
when  they  would  leave  their  lodgings  in  order  to  pay  them 
respect ;  but  I  see  this  woman,  who  is  of  good  birth,  and  who 
turns  and  jogs  this  prince  [Henri  de  Navarre]  as  she  pleases, 
and,  behold,  she  goes  to  mass,  on  a  feastday,  attended,  when 
all  is  said,  merely  by  a  monkey,  a  spaniel  and  a  buffoon.' — 
*  Monsieur,''  the  Huguenot  [Aubigne]  replied,  '  that  is  because 
in  all  this  Court  there  is  neither  monkey,  nor  spaniel,  nor 
buffoon,  excepting  the  ones  you  see.'  *" 

However,  when  the  War  of  the  Three  Henrys  broke  out, 
the  Countess  de  Gramont  and  Guiche— or  Corisanda  as  we 
prefer  to  call  her  in  this  narrative — showed  that  she  could 
think  of  other  things  besides  buffoons,  spaniels  and  monkeys. 
Although  she  was  a  Catholic  and  her  lover  a  Huguenot,  one, 
too,  solemnly  excommunicated  by  Sixtus  V  with  bell,  book  and 
candle,  it  was  to  him  that  she  gave  all  her  help,  for  him  that 
she  offered  up  all  her  prayers.  She  mortgaged  her  estates  and 
pawned  her  jewels  in  order  to  reinforce  his  army  with  men  and 


96   FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE    v 

horses,  while  he,  on  his  side,  as  the  war  proceeded,  gave  her 
more  than  one  memorable  proof  of  his  attachment.  There 
were  times,  indeed,  when  he  seemed  to  be  making  war  not  for 
his  own  cause,  not  for  his  own  political  adrantage,  but  merely 
to  distinguish  himself  in  the  eyes  of  his  mistress,  seeking  in 
her  smile  and  her  embrace  the  only  reward  he  desired. 

On  some  occasions  he  was  carried  away  by  his  passion  to 
such  a  point  that  his  cause  as  a  King  suffered  seriously.  For 
that,  however,  Corisanda  cannot  have  been  intentionally  respon- 
sible— on  the  whole  her  influence  over  Henri  was,  as  we  have 
said,  healthful  and  inspiriting — but  the  love  with  which  she  had 
inspired  him  was  such  that  there  were  times  when  he  could  not 
resist  it,  but  flung  aside  important  advantages  gained  in  the 
field  in  order  to  hurry  to  his  mistress  and  cast  himself  in  her 
arms. 

How  far  her  reputation  for  beauty  was  justified  it  is  difficult 
to  say.  In  the  galleries  of  Versailles  will  be  found  a  small 
panel  portrait  of  her,  formerly  in  Colbert's  collection,  and  cer- 
tainly dating  from  Corisanda's  period.  But  while  it  is  of 
historical  interest  it  has  little  value  as  a  work  of  art.  Like 
many  sixteenth-century  portraits,  it  shows  the  Countess  with 
an  abnormally  high  forehead  and  the  most  diminutive  of  chins, 
the  general  exprsssion  of  the  face  being  childish.  It  may  well 
date  from  Corisanda's  extreme  youth,  in  connection  with  which 
it  will  be  remembered  that  she  was  married  when  only  thirteen 
years  of  age.  But  if  this  portrait  has  no  other  merit,  it  at  least 
tells  us  something  of  Corisanda's  general  appearance.  Her  hair, 
raised  very  high  above  her  brow,  is  fair,  her  eyes  are  blue  or 
bluish-grey,  her  cheeks  are  rosy,  plump,  and  round  ;  and  as  we 
know  that  in  her  last  years  she  became  ruddy  and  very  stout — 
such  is  too  often  the  metamorphosis  reserved  for  the  female 
form  divine — the  picture  would  really  appear  to  convey  an 
idea  of  what  she  was  like  in  girlhood.  It  is  not  a  beautiful 
face,  it  has  none  of  the  distinction  and  refinement  which  one 
observes  in  the  portraits  of  Gabrielle  d'Estr^es,  who  succeeded 
Corisanda  in  the  affections  of  Henri  de  Navarre,  and  who,  by 
the  way,  also  had  fair  hair,  blue  eyes,  and  pink  cheeks,  nor  is  it 
(perhaps  on  account  of  its  youthfulness)  a  strong  face,  but  it 
is  a  right  pleasant  and  good-natured  one. 


V  CORISANDA  97 

That  Corisanda  became  in  early  womanhood  more  charming 
than  this  portrait  indicates,  seems  evident  from  all  that  we 
know  of  her  liaison  with  Henri.  We  have  said  that  on  certain 
occasions  his  passion  so  overcame  him  as  to  cause  him  to 
neglect  his  interests  in  the  great  struggle  for  the  crown  of 
France.  A  first  example  of  the  kind  was  supplied  in  March, 
1586,  when,  after  compelling  Marshal  de  Matignon  to  raise 
the  siege  of  Castelsarrasin,  and  taking  several  of  his  standards 
in  the  engagement  which  was  fought,  he  did  not  follow  up  the 
retreating  forces  of  Henri  Hi's  lieutenant,  but  hurried  away  to 
the  castle  of  Guiche — on  the  Bidouze  between  Bayonne  and 
Pau — in  order  to  spread  his  mistress''s  couch  with  the  captured 
banners.  On  that  occasion  no  great  harm  was  done,  perhaps, 
by  Henri's  remissness  in  regard  to  Matignon.  But  in  the 
following  year  the  consequences  of  a  similar  fugue  were 
serious. 

On  October  20, 1587,  Henri's  army  encountered  the  Catholic 
forces  under  Anne,  Duke  de  Joyeuse,  Grand  Admiral  of  France, 
at  Coutras,  north-east  of  Libourne,  and  inflicted  on  them  a 
severe  defeat.  Joyeuse,  who,  on  seeing  Henri's  soldiers  kneeling 
in  prayer  before  the  engagement,  is  said  to  have  exclaimed, 
"  Those  men  tremble,  they  are  ours  !  "  *  was  among  the  slain ; 
and  Henri  de  Navarre,  who  conducted  himself  with  great 
gallantry  on  this  occasion,  \  might  have  reaped  important 
advantages  from  the  victory.  Indeed,  the  whole  course  of  the 
war  of  the  Three  Henrys  might  have  been  changed.  But  the 
fever  of  love  had  again  come  upon  the  amorous  young  monarch, 
and  without  heeding  the  murmurs  of  his  troops  or  the  reproaches 
and  solicitations  of  that  able  commander,  his  cousin,  the  Prince 
de  Condd,  who  asked  for  only  a  few  days  to  reach  Saumur  so  as 
to  ensure  the  army  a  means  of  crossing  the  Loire,  he  threw  away 
all  that  had  been  gained  at  the  price  of  no  little  bloodshed,  and 
rendered  the  whole  campaign  futile,  by  starting  yet  once  more 

*  It  has  been  pointed  out  by  Edouard  Foumier  that  the  saying  attributed 
to  Joyeuse  is  probably  apocryphal,  a  similar  one  having  been  previously 
ascribed  to  Charles  the  Bold  at  Granson,  and  to  an  Austrian  commander  on 
another  occasion. 

t  Says  Brantome  d.'ptxirgos  of  this  battle :  •'  Our  great  and  brave  King  Henri, 
who  had  large  long  plumes  hanging  from  his  helm,  said  to  his  men :  '  Get  ye 
from  in  front  of  me,  obscure  me  not,  for  I  wish  to  show  myself.' " 

H 


98   FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE    v 

with  the  standards  taken  from  the  enemy,  in  order  to  join  his 
mistress.  We  see  him  going  southward,  staying  four  days  after 
the  battle  with  Montaigne,  dining  with  that  right  good  man 
and  staid  philosopher;  then  taking  to  boot  and  saddle  once 
more  until  at  last  the  standards  he  bears  lie  at  Corisanda's  feet, 
and  he  is  kissing  her  "  a  million  times." 

Our  readers  will  perhaps  allow  us  to  add,  platitude  though 
it  be :  Thus  does  love  of  woman  change  the  course  of  history. 

Sully,  by  way  of  excusing  his  master  on  this  occasion — we 
are  with  him  in  that  respect:  it  is  fitting  that  a  good  servant 
should  try  to  extenuate  the  lapses  of  a  good  master — Sully 
asserts  that  Henri  yielded  to  the  solicitations  of  his  cousin, 
Charles  de  Bourbon,  Count  de  Soissons,  who  was  enamoured  of 
Henri's  sister,  Catherine  de  Navarre,  and  anxious  to  see  her 
again.  But  Sully  cannot  deny  that  the  King  was  easily 
persuaded.  Soissons,  says  he,  was  aided  by  "the  complicity 
which  he  found  in  the  King's  mind,  the  love  he  bore  the 
Countess  de  Guiche,  and  the  vanity  of  presenting  to  that  lady 
the  ensigns,  pendants,  and  other  spoil  of  the  enemy  which  he 
had  caused  to  be  set  aside  to  be  sent  to  her."  And  in  adding 
that  Henri  assigned  as  his  "  pretext "  for  the  journey  "  the 
affection  he  bore  to  his  sister  and  the  Count  de  Soissons,'"  Sully 
virtually  gives  the  case  away. 

It  was  about  this  time,  in  1587  or  1588,  that  Henri  de 
Navarre,  now  for  a  year  or  two  quite  separated  from  Queen 
Marguerite,  whom  he  no  longer  regarded  as  his  wife  and  was 
ready  to  repudiate  in  defiance  of  Rome  and  all  her  thunders, 
was  so  far  influenced  by  his  love  for  Corisanda  as  to  desire  to 
marry  her.  In  a  famous  romance  to  which  we  have  already 
referred,  Les  Amours  du  grand  Alcandre^*  it  is  asserted  that  the 
King  gave  Corisanda  a  promise  of  marriage  written  and  signed 
with  his  blood.  That  is  not  at  all  unlikely.  It  is  known  that 
Henri  repeatedly  gave  written  promises  of  marriage  to  women 
whom  he  loved,  and  we  shall  print  one  of  them  in  extenso  in  a 
subsequent  chapter.  But  men  being  deceivers  ever — for  the 
prophecy  that  they  "shall  be  true  and  women  shall  believe"  is 
still  as  far  from  fulfilment  as  it  was  in  the  days  of  Henri  de 
Navarre's  younger  contemporaries,  Beaumont  and  Fletcher — it 
•  See  ante,  p.  98. 


V  CORISANDA  99 

so  happened  that  none  of  the  aforesaid  royal  promises  was  ever 
redeemed. 

In  the  case  of  Corisanda  it  seems  probable  that  she  was 
enceinte  at  the  time  when  Henri's  promise  was  given  her,  for  it 
is  known  that  she  gave  birth  to  a  son,  who  died  in  1590,  as  is 
indicated  by  one  of  Henri's  own  letters,  in  which  he  says,  "  I  am 
greatly  distressed  by  the  death  of  my  little  one  {petiot)  who  died 
yesterday.  He  was  beginning  to  talk."  It  was,  we  think,  the 
circumstance  of  Corisanda  having  this  son  by  her  royal  lover 
that  afterwards  gave  rise  to  the  supposition  that  the  Gramonts 
of  a  later  date  were  descended  from  him.  But  the  above  will 
have  shown  that  the  child  in  question  was  born  during  the 
Countess's  widowhood,  and  died  when  emerging  from  infancy. 
Thus  the  Gramonts  of  to-day  may  well  be  entitled  to  repudiate 
any  alleged  left-handed  descent. 

It  is  not  at  all  surprising  to  find  that  the  virtuous  Aubigne 
claims  the  honour  of  having  prevented  his  royal  master  from 
espousing  Corisanda.  He  gives  us  to  understand  that  the 
King's  intentions  were  communicated  to  him  and  to  the  Viscount 
de  Turenne  *  when  they  were  together  at  Marans.f  Turenne, 
we  are  told,  was  tacitly  opposed  to  the  match ;  but,  as  remon- 
strance might  prove  dangerous,  he  invented  an  excuse  to  quit 
the  King  for  a  short  time,  leaving  Aubigne  to  dissuade  him 
from  his  matrimonial  projects.  Aubigne  favours  us  with  a  long, 
sententious,  rhetorical  discourse,  which,  according  to  his  own 
account,  he  thereupon  addressed  to  his  royal  master,  though  we 
greatly  doubt  whether  Henri  de  Navarre  was  at  all  the  man  to 
listen  to  the  interminable  speeches  which  Aubigne  asserts  he 
delivered  at  one  or  another  more  or  less  critical  time.  It  is 
quite  possible  that  those  speeches,  as  printed  in  his  History, 
convey  the  sense  of  his  actual  utterances ;  but  they  are,  as  it 
were,  those  utterances  "  revised,  corrected,  and  considerably 
extended."  %     On   the   occasion   with   which   we   are  dealnig, 

•  See  ante,  p.  51. 

t  This  town,  which  is  in  Saintonge,  was  besieged  and  taken  by  the  Hugue- 
nots in  158S,  and  it  seems  probable  that  Henri's  project  of  marrying  Corisanda 
was  formed  about  that  time.  The  date  would  fit  in  with  that  of  the  death  of 
the  child  who  was  beginning  to  talk  (1590). 

X  Malherbe  judged  Aubign6's  History  very  severely.  Writing  to  a  cousin 
under  date  February  14, 1620,  he  says :  "  As  for  what  you  tell  me  at  the  end 


100   FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE    v 

Aubigne  claims  to  have  harangued  the  King  in  the  first  place 
on  his  duty  as  (1)  Henri  de  Bourbon,  (2)  as  King  of  Navarre, 
(3)  as  heir  to  the  crown  of  France,  and  (4)  as  protector  of  the 
Churches.  Finally,  however,  and  probably  because  he  observed 
that  the  monarch  did  not  appreciate  that  pulpit  mode  of 
address,  he  advised  him,  skilfully  enough,  to  postpone  his 
intentions  until  he  had  overcome  all  the  difficulties  by  which  he 
was  beset,  and  found  himself  firmly  seated  on  the  throne  of 
France.  Henri  felt  the  force  of  Aubigne*'s  reasoning  on  this 
point,  and  finally  agreed  to  postpone  his  plans  in  regard  to 
Corisanda  for  a  term  of  two  years.  We  are  also  asked  to  believe 
that  on  M.  de  Turenne  returning  to  the  King,  the  latter  made 
him  a  speech,  which  was  word  for  word  the  speech  which  Aubigne 
h«ui  previously  delivered,  and  that  on  ending  it  he  repeated  his 
decision  to  adjourn  the  whole  matter  for  the  period  we  have 
mentioned.  When  that  period  expired,  however,  Henri's  passion 
for  Corisanda  was  expiring  also. 

Thirty-seven  of  the  letters  he  addressed  to  her  during  their 
liaison  were  collected  and  preserved  by  Count  d'Argenson,  and 
afterwards  became  the  property  of  President  Henault,  and 
were  communicated  by  him  to  La  Place,  by  whom  they  were 
published  in  the  Mercure  in  1765-1766.  In  our  own  times  the 
originals  were  placed  in  the  Arsenal  Library  in  Paris.  Other 
letters  belonging  to  tliis  same  con'espondence,  came  to  light  at 
various  periods,  and  the  whole  collection,  so  far  as  it  goes,  will 
be  found  in  Berger  de  Xivrey''s  Rectieil  des  Lettres  missives 
de  Henri  IV.  They  are  often  very  delightful  and  vivacious 
epistles.  During  most  of  the  time  the  King  has  full  confidence 
in  his  mistress.  He  informs  her  of  the  position  of  his  affairs, 
confides  to  her  his  impressions  of  men  and  things,  describes 
battlefields  and  other  scenery  to  her,  or  advises  her  of  the 
despatch  of  a  present. 

"  I  am  on  the  point  of  acquiring  for  you  a  horse  which  goes 

of  your  letter  respecting  Aubignd'a  History,  you  have  in  the  volume  which  I 
sent  you,  all  that  he  has  yet  had  printed.  I  certainly  think  that  it  will  be 
followed  by  a  third  one,  but  he  has  hit  it  off  so  badly  in  the  beginning  that  I 
fancy  he  will  think  it  out  more  closely  in  the  future.  You  may  judge  how 
truly  he  may  speak  of  the  affairs  of  the  Levant  and  the  South  since  he  has 
done  BO  badly  with  what  occurred  so  near  him,  or  as  one  might  say,  at  his  very 
door."    CEuvres  de  Mesaire  Francois  de  Malherbe,  1634,  p.  464. 


V  CORISANDA  101 

the  ambling  pace,  the  handsomest  and  best  you  ever  saw,  with 
large  aigrette  plumes,"  he  writes  on  May  25,  1586,  "  Bonnieres 
has  gone  to  Poitiers  to  bring  you  some  lute  strings.'"  A  month 
later,  after  noticing  among  his  own  coach-horses  one  similar  to 
Mme.  de  Gramonfs,  he  offers  her  that  one  also ;  and  in  the 
following  year  he  sends  her  "  for  her  menagerie "  two  young 
tame  boars  and  two  fawns  which,  says  he,  have  followed  him 
about  everywhere,  even  to  church. 

On  military  matters  we  find  him  writing  among  other 
things :  "  The  enemy  took  the  island  of  Marans  before  my 
arrival,  so  that  I  could  not  relieve  the  castle.  .  .  .  You  will 
soon  hear  that  I  have  taken  it  again,  please  God.""  (March  12, 
1587.)  Again:  "Yesterday  the  Marshal  [Matignon]  and  the 
Grand  Prior  came  and  offered  us  battle,  knowing  very  well 
that  I  had  sent  my  troops  back.  It  occurred  on  the  summit 
of  the  vineyards  near  Agen.  They  were  five  hundred  horse 
and  nearly  three  thousand  foot.  After  spending  five  hours  to 
form  their  order  of  battle,  which  was  rather  confused,  they 
started  off  resolved  to  throw  us  into  the  moats  of  the  town,  as 
they  really  ought  to  have  done,  for  all  their  infantry  joined  in 
the  combat.  We  received  them  at  the  wall  of  my  vineyard, 
which  was  the  farthest,  and  retreated  at  a  walk,  always  skirmish- 
ing, until  we  were  only  five  hundred  paces  from  the  town  where 
was  our  main  force,  which  may  have  numbered  three  hundred 
arquebusiers.  Thence  we  drove  them  back  to  the  point  whence 
they  had  assailed  us.  It  was  the  hottest  skirmish  I  have  seen." 
(March  1,  1588.) 

At  another  time  a  propos  of  military  matters  Henri 
addresses  Corisanda  in  the  style  of  a  knight  of  some  romance 
of  chivalry  :  "  Prepare  yourself,  my  beautiful  mistress,  to  have 
a  favour  made  for  me ;  for  I  will  wear  none  save  your  favours 
in  this  war.  I  have  only  two  hundred  horse  against  three 
hundred,  but  I  will  see  if  the  others  will  fight.  If  they  do  so 
I  will  fire  a  pistol  shot  for  love  of  you."" 

When,  subsequent  to  the  battle  of  Coutras  and  the  crush- 
ing defeat  of  the  German  auxiliaries  on  whose  help  the  King 
largely  relied,  his  cousin  the  Prince  de  Conde  is  suddenly 
struck  down  by  poison,  he  tells  Corisanda  of  the  terrible  trials 
which  assail  him.     "  I  cannot  fail  to  become  either  mad  or  a 


102      FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE  v 

very  skilful  man  before  long ! "  he  exclaims  in  a  letter  (March 
10,  1588)  in  which  he  also  graphically  narrates  the  circum- 
stances of  Comic's  death.  "On  Thursday,"  he  writes,  "this 
poor  Prince,  after  tilting  at  the  ring,  supped,  and  was  in  good 
health.  At  midnight  violent  vomiting  came  upon  him,  and 
lasted  until  the  morning.  All  Friday  he  remained  in  bed. 
In  the  evening  he  supped,  and,  after  sleeping  well,  rose  on 
Saturday  morning,  dined,  and  played  at  chess.  Getting  up 
from  his  chair,  he  walked  about  his  room,  chatting  with  one 
and  another.  But  all  at  once  he  said  :  *  Give  me  my  chair,  I 
feel  very  weak  ; '  and  he  had  no  sooner  sat  down  than  he  lost 
the  power  of  speech,  and  suddenly,  still  seated,  gave  up  the 
ghost.  The  signs  of  poison  suddenly  appeared."'  *  Conde's 
death  was  a  great  blow  to  Henri's  cause,  for  the  Prince  was  not 
only  a  man  of  integrity  but  also  a  most  able  commander. 

The  King  had  a  suspicion,  natural  enough  in  those  days,  that 
attempts  might  be  made  on  his  own  life,  and  tells  Corisanda 
of  it  on  several  occasions.  But,  says  he,  his  "  chief  reliance  is 
in  God  who  by  His  grace  will  keep  him."  There  are  numerous 
references  to  the  Deity  in  his  letters :  "  All  is  in  the  hand  of 
God,  who  has  repeatedly  blessed  my  labour,"  he  writes  on  one 
occasion ;  and  on  another :  "  Certainly  I  advance  a  good  deal, 
going  as  God  leads  me,  for  I  never  know  what  I  shall  have  to 
do  at  the  finish."  Again,  a  propos  of  Conde's  death,  and  the 
possibility  of  an  attempt  on  himself,  the  King  remarks  :  "  I  am 
now  the  only  target  of  the  perfidy  of  the  mass  [worshippers]. 
They  poisoned  him,  the  traitors !  But  may  God  remain  the 
master,  and  I,  by  His  grace,  the  executor  of  His  will.  ...  I 
foresee  that  great  trouble  is  coming  upon  me.  Pray  stoutly  to 
God  for  me.  Should  I  escape  it  will  be  that  He  will  have  pre- 
served me.  Until  the  grave,  to  which  I  am  perhaps  nearer 
than  I  imagine,  I  shall  remain  your  faithful  slave."  He  also 
says  :  **  My  soul,  I  am  well  enough  in  body  but  sorely  afflicted 
in  mind.  Love  me,  and  show  me  that  you  do  so :  it  will  be  a 
great  consolation   for   me."     A   similar  note   is   sounded  yet 

*  It  is  said  that  the  crime  was  committed  by  some  of  the  Prince's  servants, 
for  religious  motives.  His  wife,  Charlotte  de  la  Tr6moille,  was  also  so  strongly 
•uspected  of  having  instigated  it  that  she  was  kept  in  captivity  for  many 
years. 


V  CORISANDA  103 

more  forcibly  about  the  same  time :  "  The  devil  is  let  loose, 
I  am  to  be  pitied,  and  it  is  a  marvel  that  I  do  not  succumb 
under  the  burden.  If  I  were  not  a  Huguenot  I  would  become 
a  Turk.  .  .  .  Every  Gehenna  that  can  receive  a  soul  assails 
mine  incessantly.  .  .  .  Pity  me,  my  soul.  .  .  .  Love  me,  my 
all.  Your  good  grace  is  my  mind's  stay  under  the  shock  of 
affliction.     Refuse  me  not  that  support."     (March,  1588.) 

When  the  King  is  prostrated  by  bodily  illness  he  is  found 
writing :  "  Yerre  could  not  be  sent  off  on  account  of  my  illness, 
from  which,  thank  God,  I  now  see  myself  emerging.  Assuredly, 
my  heart,  I  saw  the  heavens  open,  but  I  was  not  deemed  good 
enough  to  enter  them.  God  still  wishes  to  make  use  of  me. 
Twice  in  twenty-four  hours  I  was  so  reduced  as  to  be  fit 
to  be  wrapped  in  shrouds.  You  would  have  pitied  me.  If 
the  crisis  [of  my  illness]  had  been  delayed  two  hours  the  worms 
would  have  made  a  great  feast  of  me.  ...  I  finish  because  I 
feel  faint.     Good  morrow,  my  soul."     (January,  1589.) 

All  sorts  of  important  events  are  occurring  in  France  during 
the  years  of  Henri's  correspondence  with  Corisanda.  There  is 
the  great  rising  of  the  Bamcades  in  Paris,  the  flight  of  Henri 
III  into  the  Orleanais,  the  assassination  of  the  Duke  de  Guise, 
the  reconciliation  of  Henri  HI  and  the  King  of  Navarre  at 
Plessis-les-Tours,  their  joint  advance  on  Paris  and  their 
preparations  to  attack  the  city,  amidst  which,  however,  Henri 
III  is  assassinated  at  St.  Cloud  by  the  monk  Jacques  Clement. 
To  several  of  those  events  there  are  allusions  in  the  letters 
which  Corisanda  receives.  When,  after  the  assassination  of 
Henri  III,  her  royal  lover  becomes  rightful  King  of  France, 
and,  withdrawing  from  before  Paris,  undertakes  his  memorable 
campaign  in  Normandy,  we  still  find  him  acquainting  her  with 
his  position  and  his  intentions.  As  Yung  remarks  in  his 
Henri  /F,  emi;am,  just  before  the  battle  of  Arques,  when  the 
Duke  de  Mayenne,  now  leader  of  the  Catholic  party,  was  giving 
out  that  Henri  was  seeking  safety  in  the  sea,  when  the  Spanish 
ambassador  was  writing  to  Rome  that  he  had  been  killed,  when 
the  Duchess  de  Montpensier,  on  the  contrary,  was  spreading  a 
rumour  through  Paris  that  he  had  been  captured,  and  folk 
were  hiring  windows  in  the  Faubourg  St.  Antoine  to  see  him 
led  in  chains  into  the  capital,  he  was  really  writing  to  Corisanda 


104      FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE         v 

in  this  quietly  confident  strain  :  "  My  health  is  good  and  my 
affairs  are  going  well,  compared  with  what  many  people  thought. 
I  have  taken  Eu.  The  enemy,  who  are  now  double  my  strength, 
thought  that  they  would  take  me.  After  accomplishing  my 
enterprise,  I  drew  near  to  Dieppe,  and  am  waiting  for  them  in 
a  camp  which  I  am  fortifying.  It  is  to-morrow  I  shall  see 
them,  and  I  hope,  with  God's  help,  that  if  they  attack  me  they 
will  have  an  ill  bargain  of  it." 

Twelve  days  after  that  letter  was  written,  that  is  on 
September  21,  1589,  the  Leaguers  did  attack  him,  opposing 
thirty  thousand  men  to  his  seven  thousand ;  but  with  the 
assistance  of  that  doughty  commander,  old  Marshal  Biron, 
Henri  defeated  them,  and  to  perpetuate  the  memory  of  his 
victory  Arques  took  the  name  of  Arques-la-Bataille. 

But  let  us  now  give  an  extract  from  a  very  different  kind  of 
letter  addressed  by  Henri  de  Navarre  to  Corisanda.  "  I  arrived 
yesterday  evening  from  Marans,  whither  I  had  gone  to  provide 
that  it  should  be  well  guarded.  Ah,  how  I  wished  that  you 
had  been  there !  It  is  the  spot  most  in  accordance  with  your 
fancy  that  I  have  ever  seen.  ...  It  is  an  island,  enclosed  with 
bushy  marshes,  where  at  every  hundred  paces  there  are  channels 
to  enable  one  to  go  and  gather  wood,  in  boats.  The  water  is 
clear,  with  but  little  current,  the  channels  are  of  all  widths,  the 
boats  of  all  sizes.  Among  those  solitudes  are  a  thousand 
gardens,  whither  one  goes  by  boat.  The  island  thus  encom- 
passed is  two  leagues  round  ;  a  river  flows  at  the  foot  of  the 
castle,  through  the  town,  which  has  as  much  accommodation  as 
Pau.  Few  are  the  houses  from  the  doors  of  which  one  cannot 
enter  one's  little  boat.  This  river  spreads  into  two  arms, 
which  not  only  bear  large  boats,  for  ships  of  fifty  tons  come 
there.  The  distance  from  the  sea  is  only  two  leagues. 
Assuredly  it  is  a  channel,  not  a  river.  Contrariwise  the 
big  boats  go  to  Niort,  which  is  twelve  leagues  away. 
There  is  an  infinity  of  insular  mills  and  farms,  all  sorts 
of  birds  that  sing,  all  sorts  of  sea  birds  too.  I  send  you 
some  of  their  feathers.  Of  fish  the  quantity,  the  size  and 
the  price  are  wonderful ;  three  sols  [are  paid]  for  a  large  carp, 
and  five  for  a  pike.  It  is  a  place  of  great  traffic,  and  all  by 
boat.    The  land   is  covered  with  corn,  and  very  fine.     One 


V  CORISANDA  105 

can  be  there  pleasantly  in  peace,  and  safely  in  war.  One 
can  rejoice  there  with  the  one  that  one  loves,  and  lament  an 
absence.     Ah,  how  pleasant  it  is  to  sing  there."  * 

The  strain  in  which  that  charming  epistle  is  written  certainly 
suggests  that  Henri  de  Navarre  possessed  a  poetical  gift,  and 
indeed  Lescure  regarded  it  as  sufficient  indication  that  the 
King  was  really  the  author  of  the  songs  Charmante  Gabrielle 
and  VienSy  Aurore.  Respecting  those  pieces,  however,  we  shall 
have  something  to  say  in  the  appendix  to  this  volume. 

Let  us  now  turn  to  some  of  the  love  passages  in  the  King's 
correspondence  with  Corisanda.  In  the  earlier  years  there  is 
often  a  picturesque  and — however  much  grammarians  may 
object — charming  mingling  of  such  pronouns  as  "  thou  "  "  thee "" 
and  "you,"  "thine"  and  "  yours"inthe  same  letters — occasionally 
even  in  the  same  sentences.  For  instance  :  "  Your  slave  adores 
you  to  distraction.  I  kiss  thy  hands  a  million  times,  my  heart." 
Again  :  "  I  beg  thee  to  think  it  right  if  I  do  not  give  your  son 
the  position  which  you  ask  for."  As  a  rule,  however,  the  King 
confines  himself  to  the  second  person  plural  even  when  he  is 
protesting  his  love  most  ardently.  Tender  thoughts  and 
passionate  outbursts  often  occur.  "I  read  your  letter  every 
evening ;  if  I  love  it,  how  much  must  I  love  her  from  whom  it 
comes .?  "  "  Love  me  more  than  yourself."  "  I  do  not  beg  you 
to  love  me,  that  you  have  done  already."  "  I  would  rather  die 
than  fail  in  aught  that  I  have  promised  you." 

As  for  the  protestations  of  constancy — unfortunately  we 
know  what  to  think  of  them — they  are  innumerable.  "  Always 
remember  Petiot  (little  one),  my  heart.  Assuredly  his  fidelity 
is  a  miracle.  He  bids  you  a  thousand  times  good  day  in  those 
paths  of  Lyranuse."  t — "  Believe  that  my  fidelity  is  white  and 
spotless,  its  like  was  never  seen." — "Live  convinced  of  my 
fidelity,  it  grows  firmer,  if  that  be  possible." — "  Be  always  sure 
of  my  fidelity,  which  will  be  inviolable." — "  I  love  none  but  you 

*  The  date  of  the  above  letter  is  somewhat  uncertain,  some  authorities 
assigning  it  to  1586  and  others  to  1588,  which  last  seems  the  more  probable 
date,  for  the  note  which  the  letter  sounds  is  precisely  such  as  one  might  expect 
at  a  time  when  Henri  was  seriously  thinking  of  making  Corisanda  his  wife. 
See  also  footnote,  p.  99,  ante. 

t  Lyrnessus,  perhaps.  If  so  the  allusion  may  be  to  Briseis  and  her  con- 
stancy to  Achilles. 


106     FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE         v 

and  in  that  resolution  I  shall  die.*" — "  Never  entertain  a  doubt 
of  my  fidelity."" — "  Be  convinced  of  your  slave's  fidelity.  He 
will  never  fail  you." — "  Believe  that  nothing  save  a  departure 
from  friendship  [on  your  part]  will  ever  make  me  alter  my 
resolution  to  be  yours  eternally." 

Only  a  few  years  after  Henri  penned  those  protestations, 
Shakespeare,  translating  Tibullus,  wrote  in  Romeo  and  Juliet : 
"  At  lover's  perjuries,  they  say,  Jove  laughs."  If  that  were 
true  then  Henri  de  Navarre  must  have  kept  the  master-deity 
in  constant  merriment.  His  fidelity  to  Corisanda  was  not  so 
"  white  and  spotless  "  as  he  asserted.  During  the  years  of  their 
liaison^  the  names  of  various  women  are  associated  with  his 
own — those  of  a  certain  Dame  Martine  and  a  certain  Esther 
Imbert  in  1587,  then  that  of  Antoinette  de  Pons,  Marchioness 
de  Guercheville,  in  1589  and  1590.  That  lady,  it  is  true,  sent 
him  about  his  business,  much  to  his  surprise.  But,  on  the 
other  hand,  about  the  time  when  his  attachment  for  Corisanda 
was  expiring,  1590,  the  anecdotiers  name  two  nuns  in  con- 
nection with  him  :  Catherine  de  Verdun,  then  of  the  nunnery 
of  Longchamp  in  the  Bois  de  Boulogne,  and  later  Abbess  of 
Vernon,  and  Marie  de  Beauvilliers,  Abbess  of  Montmartre. 
The  erudite  Paulin  Paris  contended  that  the  story  of  Henri's 
liaison  with  the  last  named  could  not  be  true,  as  she  only 
became  Abbess  of  Montmartre  in  1598,  and  that  at  the  time 
when  there  was  question  of  besieging  Paris,  and  Henri  was 
therefore  near  that  city,  the  abbatial  dignity  belonged  in  turn 
to  Catherine  de  Havard  and  Mme.  de  Senantes.  Sauval, 
however,  who  personally  knew  Marie  de  Beauvilliers,  gives 
us  to  understand  that  she  was  only  a  nun  when  Henri 
fell  in  love  with  her,  and  was  subsequently  made  by  him  an 
abbess.* 

Some  of  those  tales  may  be  true  and  some  may  be  false, 
but  it  is  certain  that  Corisanda  considered  that  her  royal  lover 
protested  his  fidelity  too  much,  and  ended  by  quite  disbelieving 
in  it*     As  always  happens,  in  the  love  affairs  of  royalty  as  well 

*  She  was  a  danghter  of  Clande  de  Beauvilliern,  Count  de  Saint  Aignan, 
by  Marie  Babou  de  la  Bourdaisi^re,  through  whom  she  was  first  cousin  to 
Qabrielle  d'Estr^.  Her  sister  Claude  became  Abbess  of  Pont-aux-Damc  s 
near  Meauz,  and  her  sister  Fran9oiso  of  Avenay  in  Champagne. 


V  CORISANDA  107 

as  in  those  of  students  and  grisettes^  there  came  at  times  some 
little  tiff  between  the  pair,  some  fit  of  sulks  or  jealousy  on  one 
or  the  other  side.  That  Henri  was  quite  piqued  on  certain 
occasions  is  shown  by  various  passages  in  his  letters. 

"  The  more  I  go  forward  the  more  it  seems  that  you  try  to 
make  it  appear  how  small  a  position  I  occupy,  not  only  in  your 
good  graces,  but  also  in  your  memory.  By  that  lackey  you 
sent  a  letter  to  your  son  [Antoine  11  de  Gramont]  but  none  to 
me.  If  I  did  not  render  myself  worthy  of  one,  I  did  at  least 
all  I  could.  You  do  not  find  the  roads  dangerous  when  you 
wish  to  give  pleasure  to  the  least  of  your  friends.  But  if  it  be 
a  question  of  writing  to  me  to  give  me  some  contentment  then 
the  roads  are  dangerous.  That  is  proof  of  the  share  which 
I  have  in  your  good  graces.  ...  I  finish,  certainly  believing 
that  you  do  not  love  me."  On  another  occasion  he  remarks  : 
"  I  have  received  your  letter,  it  required  very  little  time  to  read 
it.  You  did  not  deign  to  send  me  a  letter  by  Vicose.  Do  you 
think  it  right  to  behave  so  coldly  ?  I  leave  that  for  you  to 
judge."  Yet  again  he  says:  "I  have  received  a  letter  from 
you,  my  mistress,  by  which  you  acquaint  me  that  you  do  not 
wish  me  ill,  but  that  you  cannot  place  reliance  in  one  so  variable 
as  me.  It  was  extremely  displeasing  to  me  to  learn  the  first, 
[i.e.  that  she  did  not  place  reliance  in  him],  and  it  is  quite 
wrong  of  you  to  remain  doubting  as  you  do.  In  what  actions 
of  mine  have  you  known  me  to  be  variable  ?  I  say  in  regard 
to  yourself  ...  I  have  always  remained  fixed  in  the  love 
and  service  I  vowed  to  you  :  God  is  my  witness  of  it." 

Well  may  Corisanda  have  shaken  her  head  when  she  read 
those  assurances.  There  exists  a  letter  of  Henri's,  dated 
May  18,  1589,  on  which  she  indicates  in  her  own  handwriting 
what  her  real  opinion  of  the  matter  is.  "Truly  swearing 
to  you,"  writes  the  King,  "that  I  love  and  honour  none 
in  the  world  as  I  do  you,  and  that  I  will  keep  faithful 
[garderoi  Jidelite\  to  you  even  to  the  grave " ;  whereupon 
Corisanda  writes  :  "  There  is  no  appearance  of  it ;  "  and  after 
changing  "  faithfulness  "  into  "  wwfaithfulness  "  [garderoi  in- 
fidelite]  she  adds  sarcastically  :   "  I  believe  it !  " 

In  the  course  of  Henri's  letters  there  are  sundry  allusions 
to  his  wife.  Queen  Marguerite,  his  indifference  towards  whom 


108   FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE    v 

gradually  changes  to  real  bitterness.  In  an  early  note  to 
Corisanda,  he  says :  "  A  man  came  on  behalf  of  the  lady  with 
the  camels  to  ask  me  for  a  passport  to  pass  five  hundred  tuns 
of  wine  for  her  consumption  [botiche]  without  paying  the  tax  ; 
and  it  is  thus  written  in  a  patent.  It  is  as  if  she  declared 
herself  on  parchment  to  be  a  drunkard  [ivrognesse].  For  fear 
lest  she  might  fall  from  such  a  height  as  the  back  of  her 
animals,  I  refused  the  man  the  passport.  This  is  guzzling 
beyond  all  measure,  never  did  the  Queen  of  Tarvasset*  do 
as  much."  Henri's  raillery  on  this  occasion  must  not  be 
taken  too  seriously.  He  well  knew  that  his  wife  did  not 
require  such  a  quantity  of  wine  for  her  pereonal  consump- 
tion, but  for  the  force  which  she  had  gathered  together  at 
Agen,  and  it  was  for  that  very  reason  that  he  refused  to  let 
her  have  it. 

Three  years  later,  1588,  he  is  found  writing:  "Domestic 
misfortune  is  a  very  great  one '' ;  and  again  :  "  a  bad  woman  is 
a  dangerous  beast,''  both  of  those  remarks  having  reference  to 
his  wife.  In  January  1589  he  expresses  to  Corisanda  his  great 
wish  to  be  rid  of  Marguerite  for  good  :  *'The  only  happiness 
I  now  await  is  that  of  hearing  that  the  late  Queen  of  Navarre 
has  been  strangled ;  that,  and  the  death  of  her  mother 
[Catherine  de'  Medici]  would  certainly  make  me  sing  the  song 
of  Simeon."  Four  months  later,  that  is  after  his  recon- 
ciliation with  Henri  III,  he  writes  :  "  The  King  has  spoken  to 
me  about  the  lady  of  Auvergne,  I  think  I  shall  make  her  take 
a  nasty  jump." 

The  unfortunate  Reine  Margot,  it  may  be  here  explained, 
had  been  leading  a  very  strange  life  ever  since  her  expulsion 
from  Agen.  t  If  one  could  believe  Le  Divorce  Satyriqtte,  her 
flight  from  that  town  was  most  precipitate  and  unseemly. 
One  of  her  officers,  a  certain  Sieur  de  Lignerac,  who  is  said  to 
have  become  her  lover,  took  her  up  behind  him  on  his  horse, 
her  girls  followed  her  as  best  they  could,  with  a  few  other 
officers,  some  on  horseback  and  some  on  foot,  the  party  resem- 
bling a  pack  of  gipsies.  Covering  a  distance  of  twenty-four 
leagues  in  two  days,  Lignerac  carried  the  Queen  to  a  castle 
called  Carlat  in  the  mountains  of  Auvergne,  of  which  his  brother 
*  In  Rabelais.  t  Soo  p.  86,  ante. 


V  CORISANDA  109 

Merce  was  governor,*  and  where  she  remained  for  a  considerable 
period,  virtually  as  a  prisoner  of  the  Ligneracs.  She  had 
previously  sent  her  whilom  chamberlain,  M.  de  Duras,  to  Spain, 
to  procure  some  money  for  her,  but  he  failed  to  obtain  it, 
and  was  thereupon  dismissed.  The  romanciers  and  anecdoiiers 
attribute  to  Marguerite  a  variety  of  love  affairs  at  this  period, 
and  it  certainly  appears  that  she  became  the  mistress  of  a 
certain  Sieur  d'Aubiac,  one  of  her  retainers.  Between  them  they 
at  last  devised  a  plan  to  reduce  the  Ligneracs,  secure  possession 
of  the  castle,  and  hold  it  against  all  comers.  With  that  object, 
Aubiac  despatched  a  cousin  of  his,  named  Roras,  to  raise  men 
in  Gascony  ;  but  according  to  a  manuscript  in  the  Bibliotheque 
Nationale,  at  Paris,  the  plot  was  discovered,  and  Lignerac, 
after  seizing  some  of  the  Queen's  rings,  in  part  payment,  he 
declared,  of  ten  thousand  livres  which  he  had  expended  on  her, 
summarily  expelled  Marguerite,  together  with  Aubiac  and  one 
of  her  tirewomen. 

"  After  much  debate  in  her  mind,  she  resolved  to  repair  to 
Millefleur,t  and  started  off  on  foot  with  Aubiac  and  a  woman 
servant;  then,  on  the  way,  she  was  set  on  a  pack-horse,  and 
afterwards  in  a  bullock-cart;  and  while  she  was  in  a  village 
called  Colombe,  a  nobleman  named  Langlas,  who  was  lieutenant 
at  Usson,  offered  her  that  castle  %  and  conducted  her  to  it.  But 
immediately  after  she  had  arrived  there  he  went  in  search  of 
the  Marquis  de  [Montboissier]  Canillac  at  Saint  Hicques,  who, 
mounted  on  horseback,  and  having  caused  the  gates  to  be 
opened,  demanded  the  said  Aubiac,  who  was  hidden  between 
the  walls.  He  took  him  and  handed  him  over  to  a  provost, 
and  immediately  afterwards  the  said  Marquis  despatched  young 


♦  The  shapeless  ruins  which  still  exist  indicate  that  Carlat  must  have  been 
a  huge  and  formidable  fortress. 

t  Mirefleurs,  a  small  and  ancient  fortified  town  in  the  department  of  the 
Puy-de-D6me. 

X  According  to  other  accounts  Usson  really  belonged  to  Marguerite,  having 
been  included  in  the  dowry  granted  her  by  Charles  IX  at  the  time  of  her  mar- 
riage to  Henri  de  Navarre.  The  castle  (afterwards  demolished  by  Bichelieu) 
stood  on  the  very  site  of  a  volcanic  crater  on  the  road  from  Issoire  to  La 
Chaise  Dieu  and  was  long  regarded  "as  one  of  the  strongest  and  most  lordly 
fortresses  "  in  France.  It  was  held  by  the  English  in  the  fourteenth  century, 
but  surrendered  to  Du  Guesclin. 


110     FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE         v 

Montmaurin  with  the  news  to  the  King  [Henri  HI]  and  the 
Queen-mother/"'  Aubiac  was  afterwards  hanged  at  Aigueperse, 
where,  according  to  Le  Divorce  Saiynque^  **  he  displayed  to  the 
end  so  much  constancy  for  his  faithless  mistress  that  instead  of 
thinking  of  his  salvation  he  continued  kissing,  until  the  last 
moment,  a  blue  muff  which  was  the  only  thing  then  left  to  him 
of  the  favours  of  that  shameless  creature." 

The  Marquis  de  Canillac  seems,  in  his  turn,  to  have  become 
enamoured  of  Marguerite,  and  if  so  this  circumstance  may 
perhaps  have  helped  her  to  secure  possession  of  the  castle  of 
Usson.  There  is  a  legend  of  how  she  made  a  fool  of  the 
Marquis,  how  she  bribed  his  wife,  entered  into  communication 
with  the  League,  turned  Usson  from  a  prison  into  an  "  ark  of 
safety,"  and,  once  her  purpose  gained,  deprived  the  Marquise  of 
the  jewels  which  she  had  given  her  as  a  bribe,  and  summarily 
dismissed  her.  But  the  whole  of  the  highly  entertaining  story 
is  mere  romance.  M.  Merki,  one  of  the  Queen's  latest  and  most 
authoritative  biographers,  shows  that  if  Usson  became  a  strong- 
hold of  the  League,  with  Marguerite  in  more  or  less  nominal 
possession  of  it,  this  was  owing  to  the  faithlessness  of  Canillac 
to  his  King  and  master,  Henri  HI,  and  his  connivance  with  the 
Duke  de  Guise,  one  of  whose  letters  to  the  Marquis  is  printed 
in  M.  Merki's  work.  The  upshot  was  that,  while  Canillac 
departed  to  join  the  League,  his  wife  remained  at  Usson  as 
Marguerite*'s  first  lady-in-waiting. 

Again,  the  romanders  and  anecdotiers  tell  very  remarkable 
stories  of  the  life  which  the  Reine  Margot  led  at  Usson  during 
her  long  residence  there.  Hilarion  de  Coste,  the  Queen's 
panegyrist — encomiums  have  been  pronounced  on  even  the  worst 
of  Queens — likens  that  castle  to  a  temple,  a  saintly  hermitage, 
and  a  pious  monastery ;  but  Le  Divorce  Satyrique  claims  that 
it  had  more  resemblance  to  a  den  of  thieves  than  to  the  residence 
of  a  Princess  who  was  at  once  the  daughter,  sister,  and  wife  of 
Kings.  According  to  the  same  libel.  Marguerite,  whilst  at 
Usson,  took  as  her  lover  a  certain  Pominy,  who  was  the  son  of 
an  Auvergnat  tinker ;  and  it  certainly  seems  that  her  brother, 
Henri  HI,  remarked  one  day  in  open  Court  that  the  Queen  of 
Navarre,  not  content  with  the  young  sprigs  of  Gascony,  had 
now  thrown  her  cap  at  the  mule-drivers  and  tinkers  of  Auvergne. 


V  CORISANDA  111 

Pominy,  it  appears,  had  been  a  choir  boy,  and  his  fine  voice 
attracting  the  Queen's  attention,  she  appointed  him  to  her 
"  chapel,"  and  afterwards  made  him  her  secretary.  All  the  rest, 
however,  is  mere  legend — a  succession  of  that  kind  of  story, 
which,  as  Paulin  Paris  once  wittily  remarked,  "everybody 
repeats  and  nobody  believes.""  And  now  let  us  once  more  say 
mi  revoir  to  Queen  Marguerite,  leaving  her  for  a  while  to  her 
semi-captivity  at  Usson,  and  her  endless  devices  to  raise  money, 
now  by  sending  her  jewels  to  Venice  to  be  pawned  there,  and 
now  by  appealing  in  turn  to  her  mother,  her  sister-in-law, 
Elizabeth  of  Austria,  and  even  her  husband,  Henri  de  Navarre. 
We  shall  meet  her  again  when  the  latter  negotiates  with  her  for 
the  purpose  of  procuring  her  consent  to  a  divorce. 

The  last  stage  of  Henri''s  love  affair  with  Corisanda  was 
reached  in  1590,  when  their  young  child  died.  Nevertheless  he 
continued  writing  to  the  Countess  down  to  the  close  of  that 
year,  acquainting  her  with  all  the  episodes  of  his  fruitless 
campaign,  that  victorious  march  on  Paris,  which  the  sudden 
assassination  of  Henri  III  at  St.  Cloud  rendered  of  no  avail. 
We  have  seen,  too,  that  Henri  still  corresponded  with  Corisanda 
while  he  was  contending  with  Mayenne  in  Normandy.  How- 
ever, his  passion  was  now  fast  waning,  and  before  long  the  star 
of  "la  belle  Gabrielle"  began  to  rise.  It  is  possible  that 
Corisanda  might  still  have  exercised  influence  with  her  royal 
lover  had  she  been  willing  to  second  some  of  his  designs.  But, 
in  some  matters  at  all  events,  she  was  not  of  a  pliable  nature. 

Let  us  take  a  case  in  point.  We  mentioned  previously  that 
Henri's  sister  Catherine  was  long  attached  to  her  cousin  Charles 
de  Bourbon,  Count  de  Soissons,  who  for  some  years  held  at  the 
Louvre  the  high  court  office  of  "  Grand  Master  of  the  Palace,"" 
or,  as  was  corruptly  said,  "  of  France."  Henri  had  at  one  time 
favoured  the  match  between  Catherine  and  Soissons,  as  we 
indicated  when  writing  of  the  battle  of  Coutras.  That  occurred 
in  1587,  the  year  in  which  Mary,  Queen  of  Scots,  was  beheaded. 
Some  time  afterwards  Henri,  wishing  to  secure  the  help  of  the 
King  of  Scots,  subsequently  our  James  I,  conceived  the  idea  of 
offering  him  his  sister  Catherine  in  marriage.  She  was  about 
eight  years  older  than  James ;  but  in  one  respect  the  match 
would  have  been   suitable,   for  the  Princess   was  a  staunch 


112     FAVOURITES   OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE         v 

Protestant.  Her  attachment,  however,  to  the  Count  de 
Soissons  thwarted  the  fulfilment  of  Henri"'s  plans. 

In  this  connexion  we  find  him  writing  to  Corisanda,  urging 
her  to  use  all  her  influence  with  his  sister  (they  had  known 
one  another  ever  since  their  childhood)  to  induce  her  to 
dismiss  Soissons,  and  incline  her  to  the  idea  of  espousing  the 
King  of  Scots.  The  latter,  says  Henri,  offers  to  come  and  help 
him  with  6000  men  at  his  own  expense,  and  even  to  give  his 
own  services.  And,  Henri  confidently  predicts,  this  King  of 
Scots  "  will  infallibly  become  King  of  England."  He  is,  there- 
fore, all  the  more  anxious  for  the  match  between  James  and 
Catherine.  "  Prepare  my  sister  to  wish  him  well,""  he  writes  to 
Corisanda ;  "  point  out  to  her  the  position  in  which  we  are,  and 
the  greatness  of  that  Prince,  together  with  his  virtue.  I  am 
not  writing  to  her  about  it  myself.  Do  but  speak  of  it  to  her 
by  way  of  discoursing  that  it  is  time  for  her  to  marry,  and  that 
there  is  no  hope  of  any  other  match  for  her  than  this  one.** 

But  Corisanda  turns  an  unwilling  ear  to  the  suggestion. 
She  inclines  to  constancy  in  love,  she  admires  the  mutual  fidelity 
of  Catherine  and  Soissons,  she  does  not  wish  to  see  their 
affections  blighted  by  one  of  those  "  reasons  of  State ""  which, 
ever  since  States  were  founded,  have  been  responsible  for  so 
much  human  misery.  She  herself,  although  well  aware  of  the 
waywardness  of  Henri  de  Navarre,  clings  to  her  love  for  him 
patiently  enough  until  at  last  the  triumph  of  Gabrielle  d'Estrees 
inspires  her  with  a  very  womanly  idea  of  revenge. 

There  was  then  no  longer  any  question  of  a  union  between 
Princess  Catherine  and  the  King  of  Scots.  He  had  espoused 
Anne  of  Denmark  (1589),  and  Catherine  still  remained  faithful 
to  Soissons.  Under  these  circumstances  Corisanda  urged  her  to 
marry  her  lover,  regardless  of  her  royal  brother's  wishes.  It 
seemed  possible  that  the  plot  might  succeed.  Soissons  fur- 
tively quitted  Henri's  army  and  repaired  to  Beam,  where, 
at  Corisanda's  instigation,  he  and  Catherine  signed  a  promise 
of  marriage  which  would  have  been  put  into  effect  but  for  the 
sturdy  opposition  of  one  of  the  Bearnese  ministers,  Palma 
Cayet  the  historian.  In  vain  did  Soissons  argue  and  storm, 
even  threatening  that  he  would  kill  the  minister  if  he  persisted 
in  his  endeavours  to  thwart  him.     Cayet  replied  that  he  would 


V  CORISANDA  113 

prefer  to  die  by  the  hand  of  a  Prince  while  doing  his  duty, 
than  by  that  of  the  executioner  for  betraying  his  master,  King 
Henri ;  and,  undaunted  by  Soissons'  menaces,  he  laid  all  the 
facts  before  the  President  of  the  Sovereign  Council  of  Beam, 
M.  de  Pangeas,  the  "  big  buffalo "  who  had  married  King 
Henri's  whilom  mistress.  Mile,  de  Tignonville.  Pangeas  there- 
upon seized  the  chateau  of  Pau,  set  guards  round  the  Princess 
Catherine,  and  compelled  Soissons  to  leave  the  region.  The 
only  revenge  the  Count  was  ever  able  to  take  on  Pangeas,  says 
Sully,  was  to  make  him  fall  downstairs  one  day  when  he  sub- 
sequently met  him  at  the  King''s  quarters  at  Pontoise. 

However,  the  mutual  promise  of  marriage  signed  by  Soissons 
and  Catherine  was  still  in  existence,  and  Sully  received  orders 
to  obtain  possession  of  it.  This  was  the  first  commission  of 
the  kind  given  to  him,  but  in  later  years  he  had  to  deal  with 
a  similar  promise  which  the  King  himself  handed  to  the 
father  of  Henriette  d'Entragues.  "  I  shivered,"  says  Sully, 
"  when  the  King  gave  me  such  an  order."  Nevertheless  he 
acted  on  it,  and  achieved  success  by  dint  of  masterly  duplicity. 
He  deceived  everybody  in  turn  by  giving  out  that  the  King 
would  consent  to  the  union  of  the  lovers — which,  said  he,  was 
indeed  inevitable — when  the  royal  authority  had  triumphed 
over  so  many  rebellions,  and  that  his  Majesty  would  certainly 
be  touched  by  the  sacrifice  and  trustful  homage  of  that  promise 
of  marriage,  which  was  an  insult  to  him  as  a  monarch  and  as 
head  of  his  house.  Briefly,  the  crafty  minister  secured  that 
document,  and  at  the  same  time  another  one,  that  is  a  declara- 
tion by  which  the  two  unfortunate,  trusting  lovers  entered  into 
an  engagement  that  they  would  not  marry  one  another  with- 
out his  consent.  While  Sully  duly  conveyed  the  promise  of 
marriage  to  Henri,  he  kept  the  other  paper  in  his  own  posses- 
sion, never  even  mentioning  it  to  the  King,  but  afterwards 
utilizing  it  to  frustrate  all  further  attempts  at  union  on  the 
part  of  Catherine  and  Soissons. 

Nevertheless,  there  was  long  unrest  and  dissension  in  the 
royal  house  owing  to  this  affair  ;  and  it  is  the  principal  subject 
of  one  of  the  King's  last  letters  to  Corisanda.  "  Madame,"  he 
writes  in  March,  1591,  "  I  commissioned  ...  to  speak  to  you 
poncerning  what,  to  my  great  regret,  has  occurred  between  my 

X 


114   FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE    v 

sister  and  myself.  Far  from  finding  you  capable  of  believing 
me  [he  found  that]  all  your  speeches  only  tended  to  blame  me 
and  foment  my  sister  to  do  what  she  ought  not  to  do.  I  did 
not  expect  that  of  you,  to  whom  I  will  only  say  these  words  : 
that  all  persons  who  seek  to  set  my  sister  at  variance  with  me, 
will  never  have  my  forgiveness.""  Later,  on  September  13, 
1595,  the  King  writes  to  Monsieur  (afterwards  the  Duke)  de  la 
Force:  "I  must  tell  you  that  I  received  during  the  last  few 
days  a  letter  from  my  sister,  which  greatly  vexes  me  and  in 
which  she  reveals  her  bad  disposition  [jiiaiivais  natiirel]^  for  she 
complains  of  me  in  the  most  cruel  manner  possible,  with  what 
in  appearance  are  soft  words,  but  in  reality  quite  different 
ones,  as  I  will  let  you  see  by  her  letter,  which  I  will  show 
you.  Although  many  vexations  now  trouble  me  I  have  felt 
none  so  much  as  this,  that  while  I  desire  her  welfare  she  shows 
me  so  little  gratitude.  Ingratitude  will  be  punished  by  heaven, 
and  to  that  I  adjourn  her.  Whatever  she  may  say  and  do  I 
will  not  cease  to  be  her  father,  brother  and  King,  and  to  do 
my  duty  even  though  she  does  not  do  hers,  which  is  a  thing 
everybody  does  not  do  nowadays,  though  with  God's  help  I  will 
do  mine." 

It  is  possible  that  the  letter  from  Catherine  which  Henri 
mentions  to  La  Force  was  the  touching  epistle,  quoted  by 
Yung  in  his  Henri  /T,  ecrivain,  in  which  the  Princess  protests 
against  the  martyrdom  to  which  she  is  subjected,  and  begs 
(although  still  a  Protestant)  to  be  allowed  to  retire  to  a  convent 
and  there  end  the  painful  widowhood  of  her  affections,  rather 
than  to  be  obliged  to  take  a  husband  against  her  will.  That 
entreaty  was  vain.  Catherine  prolonged  her  resistance  until 
the  latter  part  of  1598,  but  on  the  30th  of  January  in  the 
following  year  she  was  constrained  to  marry  Henri  de  Lorraine, 
Duke  de  Bar.  She  was  then  in  her  forty-first  year.  Ever 
since  the  age  of  sixteen  she  had  been  in  love  with  the  Count  de 
Soissons.  Her  wedded  life  was  brief;  for  she  died  at  Nancy 
in  February,  1604,  from  an  internal  inflammation  which  had 
been  mistaken  for  pregnancy.  It  will  probably  be  felt  that 
although  in  earlier  years  Henri  de  Navarre  professed  much 
attachment  for  his  sister,  he  shines  no  more  in  relation  to  her 
than  he  does  in  relation  to  his  wife  Queen  Marguerite. 


V  CORISANDA  115 

And  what  of  Corisanda,  it  may  be  asked  ?  She  could  not 
be  forced  to  take  a  husband  when  the  fickle  Henri  transferred 
his  affections  to  Gabrielle  d'Estrees,  and,  moreover,  she  was  not 
inclined  to  love  again.  The  King,  owing  perhaps  to  the 
quarrel  respecting  his  sister,  seems  to  have  made  no  attempt 
to  soften  the  blow  which  his  desertion  inflicted  on  Mme.  de 
Gramont;  for,  a  long  time  afterwards,  in  1597,  the  Marquis 
de  Parabere,  one  of  the  Countess''s  relations,  and  her  first 
conjidant  respecting  her  amours  with  Henri,  was  bold  enough  to 
reproach  him  for  the  sudden  and  humiliating  manner  in  which 
he  had  forsaken  her ;  whereupon  the  King,  stung  by  that 
well-deserved  rebuke,  and  his  heart  touched,  perhaps,  by  the 
memory  of  the  days  when  he  had  laid  his  first  spoils  of  war  at 
Corisanda's  feet,  replied  (September  21,  1597)  expressing  the 
most  flattering  deference,  gratitude  and  friendship  for  the 
woman  to  whom  in  other  days  he  had  written  with  the  fervour 
of  passion  :  "  Farewell,  my  heart,  I  kiss  thee  a  hundred  million 
times ! "" 

He  greatly  favoured  her  son,  Antoine  II  de  Gramont,* 
attached  him  to  his  person,  and  ultimately  created  him  Viceroy 
of  Navarre.  M.  de  Gramont  was  one  of  those  who,  in  the 
King''s  last  years,  after  his  Majesty  had  retired  to  bed,  read  to 
him  one  or  another  of  the  new  romances  of  the  time,  such 
as  D^Urfe's  Astree^  to  enable  him  to  get  to  sleep  !  Thus 
were  the  soporific  effects  of  a  certain  pastoral  literature 
exemplified  in  the  case  of  Henri  de  Navarre.  One  can  under- 
stand, however,  that  so  mutable  and  enterprising  a  wooer 
may  well  have  felt  bored  by  the  unfailing  timidity  and 
constancy  of  D'Urfe's  hero,  the  love-sick  Celadon. 

Meantime  the  horrid  fate  reserved  for  many  an  ex-belie Jemme 
fell  upon  Corisanda.  She  grew  "  very  fat,  corpulent  and  red 
in  the  face,""  says  L'Estoille — an  assertion  which  is  corroborated 
by  Sully,  who  states  that,  changed  as  she  was,  she  felt  ashamed 
that  folk  should  say  the  King  had  once  loved  her  so  much. 
According  to  most  authorities  she  passed  away  in  1620,  but 
some  opine  that  she  survived  until  1624,  in  which  case  she 
may  well  have  seen  her  grandson,  the  Philibert  de  Gramont 
whom  Anthony  Hamilton  immortalized. 

•  See  p.  92,  ante. 


VI 

LA   BELLE   GABRIELLE 

I.  Wooed  and  Won 

The  Babou  de  la  Bourdaisi^re  Family — Marriage  of  Antoine  d'Estr^es — His 
Wife  and  her  Sisters — "The  Seven  Deadly  Sins  " — Birth  and  Early  Years 
of  Gabrielle  d'Estr^es — Her  First  Love  Affairs — The  Duke  de  Longueville 
and  the  Duke  de  Bellegarde — Gabrielle's  Inclination  for  Bcllegarde — 
Henri  in  Love  with  Gabrielle — He  orders  LonguevUle  and  Bellegarde  to 
retire — Gabrielle  flies  from  Henri — His  Romantic  Joiu^iey  to  pacify  her— 
He  orders  the  Estr^es  Family  to  join  him  at  Mantes — Renewed  Preten- 
sions of  Bellegarde  and  Longueville — The  Latter's  Death — Gabrielle's 
Beauty — Portraits  and  Descriptions  of  Her — Henri  de  Navarre's  Appear- 
ance— Marriage  of  Gabrielle  and  Nicolas  de  Liancourt — Dismissal  of 
Liancourt  and  Annulment  of  the  Marriage — Gabrielle  accompanies  Henri 
on  his  Campaigns — Military  and  Political  Events — Siege  of  Paris — Henri 
in  Champagne — The  Fair  Anne  du  Puy — Death  of  Marshal  Biron  before 
Epemay — The  League  and  its  States-general — Henri's  Religious  Views 
and  Abjuration — "  Paris  is  well  worth  a  Mass " — Henri's  Jealousy  of 
Bellegarde — A  Letter  of  Reproaches  to  Gabrielle — Bellegarde  marries 
Anne  de  Bueil — Henri  enters  Paris — Attempts  on  his  Life — Gabrielle's 
son,  C68ar  de  Yendome — She  is  accused  of  Poisoning  the  King's  Physician 
— She  is  vindicated  by  Henri — She  makes  a  Triumphant  Entry  into  Paris 
— Legitimation  of  her  son  C^sar. 

Among  the  most  notorious  French  families  of  the  period  of  the 
Renaissance  was  one  known  by  the  name  of  Babou  de  la 
Bourdaisiere,  the  latter  part  of  that  appellation  being  derived 
from  the  castle  of  La  Bourdaisiere  which  reared  its  towers  beside 
the  Loire,  near  Vouvray,  and  still  existed  in  the  eighteenth 
century,  when,  however,  it  passed  into  the  possession  of  Louis 
XV's  minister,  the  famous  Duke  de  Choiseul,  who  caused  it  to 
be  demolished.  The  men  of  the  Bourdaisiere  race  were  not 
particularly  remarkable,  but  the   women   were   undoubtedly; 


VI  LA  BELLE  GABRIELLE  117 

being  usually  beautiful  and  all  but  invariably  most  amorous. 
For  a  hundred  years  they  figured  continuously  in  the  chronique 
scandaleuse  of  France.  They  began  to  be  particularly  prominent 
in  the  reign  of  Francis  I,  when  there  was  one  who  boasted  that 
she  had  been  not  only  the  mistress  of  that  King  but  also  of  the 
Emperor  Charles  V  and  of  Pope  Clement  VII.  One  can  count, 
however,  well-nigh  thirty  women  of  this  family  whose  love 
affairs  became  notorious. 

On  February  14,  1559,  one  of  them,  a  certain  Fran^oise 
Babou  de  la  Bourdaisiere  was  taken  to  wife  by  Messire  Antoine 
d'Estrees,  of  a  noble  house  of  Picardy,  and  who  was  or  became 
Governor,  Seneschal  and  first  Baron  of  the  Boulonnais,  Viscount 
de  Soissons  and  Bercy,  Marquis  de  Coeuvres,  Governor  of  La 
Fere,  Paris  and  the  Isle  of  France,  and  Grand  Master  of  the 
Artillery,  which  last  office  had  formerly  been  held  by  his 
father  Jean  d'Estrees,  and  also  by  the  father  of  his  wife.  The 
latter  had  two  sistei-s,  one  of  whom  married  M.  de  Beauvilliers, 
and  became  the  mother  of  the  Marie  de  Beauvilliers,  Abbess  of 
Montmartre,  whose  name,  as  we  previously  mentioned,*  has 
been  associated  with  that  of  Henri  de  Navarre,  while  the 
second  espoused  the  Marquis  de  Sourdis,  and  took  as  her  lover 
Philippe  Hurault,  Count  de  Cheverny,t  sometime  Chancellor 
of  France.  Franfoise  de  la  Bourdaisiere  followed  that  example 
after  her  marriage  with  Antoine  d'Estr^es,  but  not  being  able 
to  secure  a  Chancellor  she  contented  herself  with  a  future 
Chancellor's  father,  that  is  the  first  Etienne  d'Aligre,  Marquis 
de  Tourzel.  Unfortunately  for  her,  however,  she  followed  him 
to  Issoire  where  he  was  governor,  and  was  killed  at  the  time  of 
a  popular  rising  there. 

Before  that  happened  she  had  presented  her  husband  with 
eight  children,  two  of  them  being  boys.  The  elder  of  these 
was  killed  at  the  siege  of  Laon,  whereupon  the  younger  one, 
Franpois  Annibal,  first  a  churchman  and  raised  to  a  bishopric, 
abandoned  the  crozier  for  the  sword,  and  ultimately  became 
the  first  Marshal  d'Estrees  (1626-1670).  One  of  the  six  girls, 
Angelique,  as  she  was  called,  took  to  conventual  life  and 
became  Abbess  of  Maubuisson,  near  Pontoise,  in  which  position 

•  See  p.  106,  ante. 

t  Sometimes  spelt  Chivemy. 


118     FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE        vi 

her  conduct  proved  so  scandalous  that  she  was  ultimately 
consigned  to  the  Couvent  des  Filles  Repenties.  All  her  sisters 
married,  becoming  Mesdames  de  Villars,  de  Nau,  de  Sanzay,  de 
Balagny,  and  de  Beaufort.  According  to  Tallemant  des 
Ileaux,  the  six  girls  and  their  surviving  brother  were  known 
in  Paris  as  the  Seven  Deadly  Sins. 

The  Mme.  de  Balagny  included  in  the  above  list  bore  the 
Christian  name  of  Diane,  and  is  said  to  have  been  slightly 
deformed.  Be  that  true  or  not,  she  secured  as  her  husband  a 
Marshal  of  France,  Alexandre  Jean  de  Montluc  de  Balagny, 
a  son  of  the  Montluc  who  massacred  so  many  Huguenots,  and 
as  her  lover  an  equally  important  personage,  Jean  de  la  Valette, 
Duke  d'Epemon,  sometime  Grand  Admiral  of  France  and 
Colonel-General  of  the  Infantry  of  the  Kingdom.  We  mention 
her  again,  however,  more  particularly  because  she  suggested  to 
D**Urfd  the  character  of  Delie — or,  as  we  should  say,  Delia — in 
his  Astree,  and  is  also  alleged  to  have  been,  for  a  brief  period, 
a  mistress  of  Henri  de  Navarre  before  he  definitely  fixed  his 
affections  on  her  younger  sister,  who  is  designated  in  our  list 
under  the  name  of  Beaufort.  She  acquired,  indeed,  the  title 
of  Duchess  de  Beaufort  as  well  as  those  of  Lady  of  Lian- 
court  and  Marchioness  de  Montceaux,  but  it  is  as  La  Belle 
Gabrielle  that  she  has  remained  famous  in  song,  romance 
and  history.* 

She  was  by  order  of  birth  the  fifth  child  and  the  fourth  of 
the  six  daughters  presented  to  Antoine  d'Estr^es  by  his  wife 
Franfoise.  She  came  into  the  world  at  La  Bourdaisi^re,  but 
the  date  of  that  occurrence  is  somewhat  uncertain.  It  was 
formerly  held  that  she  was  born  in  1565,  which  would  be  six 
years  after  the  marriage  of  her  parents,  but  that,  although 
possible,  seems  unlikely ;  while  the  date  of  1573  assigned  by 
recent  writers  appears  even  more  improbable,  as  Gabrielle's 
brother,  Franfois  Annibal,  was  bom  in  that  year,  and  her 
connection  with  Henri  de  Navarre  began  in  1590-1591,  when, 
if  1573  were  the  correct  date  of  her  birth  she  would  have  been 

*  The  best  romanco  in  which  she  figures  is  probably  La  Belle  Oabrielle  by 
Auguste  Maquet,  the  collaborateur  of  the  elder  Dumas.  With  respect  to  the 
song  "  Chanuonto  Qabriolle"  attributed  to  Ueori  de  Navarre,  see  post, 
Appendix  0, 


VI  LA  BELLE  GABRIELLE  119 

barely  eighteen  years  of  age.*     It  is  true  that  Voltaire  writes 
of  Gabrielle  in  La  Henriade  : 

*'  Elle  entrait  dans  oet  Age,  h^Ias  trop  redoubtable, 
Qui  rend  des  passions  le  joug  inevitable. 
Son  coBur,  n6  pour  aimer,  mais  fier  et  g6n6reux, 
D'aucun  amant  encor  n'avait  re9U  lea  voeux." 

But  Voltaire  appears  to  have  been  mistaken.  There  are 
grounds  for  thinking  that  Henri  de  Navarre  was  not  Gabrielle''s 
first  favoured  lover,  and  it  therefore  seems  unreasonable  to 
suppose  that  she  was  only  eighteen  when  he  met  her.  The 
truth  would  appear  to  be  that  she  was  then  about  twenty, 
which  would  give  1571  as  the  probable  date  of  her  birth. 
Although  she  was  born  at  La  Bourdaisiere,  she  was  chiefly 
reared  at  her  father's  chateau  of  Coeuvres  in  Picardy — about 
eight  miles  north-east  of  Villers-Cotterets  and  ten  miles  south- 
west of  Soissons.  Antoine  d'Estrees  himself  designated  that 
chateau  by  a  very  disreputable  nickname  which  we  need  not 
repeat,  but  which  signified  that  Coeuvres  was  given  up  to 
licentiousness.  Under  the  sway  of  Franpoise  Babou  de  la 
Bourdaisiere  matters  could  hardly  have  been  otherwise.  She 
took  "the  wrong  turning"  herself,  and  allowed — some  have 
even  said  encouraged — her  daughters  to  do  likewise. 

Both  historians  and  anecdotiers  agree  with  respect  to  the 
main  facts  of  Henri  de  Navarre's  first  meeting  with  Gabrielle 
d'Estrees.  The  most  detailed  account  of  her  earlier  love 
affairs  is  given  in  the  Nouveaux  Memoires  ascribed  to  the 
brilliant,  witty,  cynical  and  vainglorious  Bassompierre,  whom 
llichelieu  cast  into  the  Bastille.  Those  Nouveaux  Memoires^  a 
manuscript  of  which  was  found  in  President  Henault's  collection, 
were  not  published  until  1802,  and  while  some  critics  have 
regarded  them  as  authentic,  others  have  pronounced  them  to 
be  apocryphal.  In  numerous  respects,  however,  statements 
which  are  found  in  them,  agree  with  those  made  in  works  of 
recognized  authority.  We  will  therefore  venture  to  transcribe 
some  of  the  particulars  they  contain  respecting  the  early  life 

*  In  a  declaration  made  by  her  during  the  proceedings  for  the  annulment 
of  her  marriage  with  M.  de  Liancourt  she  says  that  she  became  his  wife 
(June,  1692)  when  eighteen  years  of  age,  but  that  declaration  contains  several 
loose  and  contradictory  statements  and  must  not  be  implicitly  relied  upon. 


120     FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE        vi 

of  La  Belle  Gabrielle  without,  however,  guaranteeing  their 
authenticity.  It  is  said,  then,  that  when  Gabrielle  was  sixteen 
years  old,  very  pretty  and  already  possessed  of  a  good  figure, 
she  was,  at  her  mother's  instigation,  brought  to  the  notice  of 
Henri  HI  by  the  Duke  d'Epernon,  then  already  the  lover  of 
her  elder  sister  Diane.  She  took  the  fancy  of  the  King,  who 
handed  to  one  of  his  confidants,  a  certain  M.  de  Montigny,  a 
sum  of  six  thousand  crowns  which  was  to  be  given  to  Mme. 
d'Estrees.  Montigny,  however,  only  remitted  her  two-thirds 
of  that  amount,  retaining  the  balance  for  himself,  on  which 
circumstance  coming  to  the  King's  knowledge,  Montigny  lost 
all  favour  until  the  Duke  de  Joyeuse  reconciled  him  with  his 
sovereign.  Henri  Ill's  liaison  with  his  young  favourite  is  said 
to  have  been  of  brief  duration — he  had  other  notorious  vices — 
but  she  attracted  the  notice  of  the  Cardinal  de  Guise,*  who 
remained  her  lover  for  more  than  a  year,  quitting  her  shortly 
before  the  affair  of  the  Barricades  in  Paris  (May,  1588)  as  he 
had  become  jealous  of  the  young  Duke  de  Longueville,t  of  whom 
we  shall  speak  again.  However,  Roger  de  Saint-Lary,  Duke 
de  Bellegarde,  %  who  was  Grand  Equerry  of  France,  Master  of 
the  Kings's  Wardrobe  and  First  Gentleman  of  his  Chamber, 
suddenly  entered  the  lists,  and  Henri  HI,  with  whom  he  was  in 
high  favour,  is  said  to  have  supported  his  suit.  But  about  this 
time  Mme.  d'Estrees  took  Gabrielle  and  her  sisters,  Denan  {sic) 
and  Diane,  back  to  Coeuvres,  in  consequence  perhaps  of  the 
disturbances  in  Paris  and  the  flight  of  the  Court.  Then,  a 
little  later,  she  forsook  her  husband  and,  accompanied  only  by 
her  youngest  daughter  Juliette  (or  Julienne)  Hippolyte,  after- 
wards Marchioness  and  Duchess  de  Villars,  set  out  to  join  her 
lover  M.  d'Aligre,  at  Issoire,  where,  as  we  previously  mentioned, 
she  met  her  death  under  very  tragic  circumstances.  Indeed  she 
and  Aligre  were  surprised  in  their  bedroom  and  promptly  cut 
down   by    the   malcontent   burghers,   Mme.    d'Estr^es'   naked 

*  Put  to  death  at  Blois  after  the  assassination  of  his  brother  Henri  le 
Balafr6.    See  p.  47,  ante, 

t  He  was  the  son  of  Lienor  d'Orl^ans,  Duke  de  Lon^eville.  The  family 
was  descended  from  the  famous  Dunois,  Bastard  of  Orleans,  so  called  because 
he  wa«  the  natural  son  of  Louis,  Duke  of  Orleans,  brother  of  Charles  VI. 

X  Son  of  Boger,  Marshal  de  Bellegrade.  He  was  born  on  January  10,  1663, 
and  was,  therefore,  about  eight  years  older  than  Gabrielle. 


VI  LA  BELLE  GABRIELLE  121 

corpse  being  afterwards  thrown  out  of  the  window  like  that  of 
Jezebel. 

Meantime,  her  elder  daughters  had  remained  at  Coeuvres, 
where  several  young  sprigs  of  nobility  paid  their  court,  and 
where  the  Duke  de  Longueville  was  an  occasional  visitor.  In 
time  Gabrielle  became  a  perfect  beauty,  and  one  of  her  admirers 
at  Coeuvres,  a  certain  M,  de  Stanay  (or  perhaps  Stenay),  to 
whom  she  confided  the  fact  that  M.  de  Bellegarde  had  made 
love  to  her  in  Paris,  is  said  to  have  sung  her  praises  to  the 
Grand  Equerry  with  so  much  fervour,  at  the  same  time 
mentioning  how  favourable  was  her  recollection  of  him,  that 
he,  Bellegarde,  wrote  to  her — confiding  his  letter  to  Stanay  who 
had  offered  to  serve  him.  It  also  seems  that  Bellegarde  after- 
wards repaired  secretly  to  Coeuvres  in  order  to  see  Gabrielle. 
In  a  boastful  spirit  he  subsequently  informed  Henri  de  Navan'e 
of  his  adventure,  and  indulged  in  such  extreme  praise  of  his 
mistress's  beauty  that  he  fired  the  King''s  curiosity. 

So  far  we  have  followed  the  statements  in  the  Nouveaux 
Memoires  attributed  to  Bassompierre.  We  think  them  incor- 
rect in  regard  to  Gabrielle's  alleged  love  affairs  with  Henri  III 
and  Cardinal  de  Guise,  but  they  certainly  seem  to  be  accurate 
with  respect  to  Longueville  and  Bellegarde,  for  virtually  every 
authority  mentions  those  two  nobles  among  Gabrielle's  earliest 
lovers,  and  states  that  Henri  de  Navarre's  curiosity  was 
awakened  by  Bellegarde's  indiscreet  praise  of  her  beauty.  The 
account  of  the  affair  given  in  Les  Amours  du  grand  Alcandre^ 
that  romance  in  which  fact  is  so  often  interwoven  with  fiction, 
agrees  with  that  attributed  to  BassompieiTe  in  all  respects 
but  one — that  is  the  name  of  the  locality  where  Bellegarde 
told  Henri  of  his  intrigue  with  Gabrielle.  In  the  Alcandre  that 
locality  is  Compiegne,  whereas  in  the  Nouveaux  Memoires  as 
well  as  in  various  other  works  it  is  Mantes,*  in  which  town 
Gabrielle  is  said  to  have  resided  at  a  house  which  is  still  shown 
to  the  tourist.  By  reason,  however,  of  the  situation  of  Coeuvres, 
we  incline  strongly  to  the  view  that  Henri  was  at  Compiegne 
and  not  at  Mantes  when  he  first  heard  of  Gabrielle. 

In   any  case  he  insisted   on  seeing  the  fascinating  young 

*  Henri  took  Mantes  from  the  League  by  a  surprise,  and  entered  it  in 
triumph  in  1590. 


1252     FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE        vi 

creature  with  whom  Bellegarde  was  infatuated,  and  the  im- 
pression she  produced  on  him  at  that  first  meeting  (which,  it  is 
beheved,  took  place  in  November,  1590)  was  a  deep  one.  For 
the  moment,  however,  mattere  went  no  further.  Henri  still 
had  to  overcome  the  forces  of  the  League  scattered  through 
North  Western  France,  and  his  military  duties  did  not 
immediately  allow  him  to  give  rein  to  his  rising  passion  for 
Gabrielle  d'Estrees.  Thus,  for  a  little  while  longer,  Bellegarde 
and  Longueville,  it  seems,  continued  to  dispute  her  favours,  she 
apparently  inclining  now  towards  one  and  now  towards  the 
other,  though  on  the  whole  her  preference  would  seem  to  have 
been  for  the  young  Grand  Equerry  of  France. 

When,  however,  Henri,  while  resting  after  one  of  his 
expeditions  against  the  Leaguers,  again  found  himself  in 
presence  of  Gabrielle  his  passion  asserted  itself,  and  he  is  said 
to  have  signified  to  Bellegarde  and  Longueville  that  they  must 
retire  from  the  field.  Both  of  them  were  mortified  by  that 
ultimatum  ;  Bellegarde,  indeed,  was  quite  afflicted  by  it,  as  was 
the  more  natural,  if  it  be  true,  as  is  asserted,  that  he  had  been 
for  some  time  past  Gabrielle's  favoured  lover.  However,  open 
resistance  to  the  royal  command  was  impossible,  and  so  the 
Grand  Equerry  made  every  promise  which  the  King  desired  of 
him.  At  the  same  time,  however,  he  bitterly  complained  to 
Gabrielle,  who  is  said  to  have  been  greatly  upset  by  what  he 
told  her.  Having  no  high  position  at  stake,  as  her  lover  had, 
there  was  on  her  part  less  reason  for  self-restraint,  and  so, 
speaking  with  great  warmth  (it  is  asserted),  she  told  the  King 
that  she  did  not  wish  to  be  disturbed  in  her  inclinations,  and 
that  any  violence  on  his  part  or  attempt  to  prevent  her  from 
marrying  a  man  whose  suit  was  approved  by  her  father,  would 
only  inspire  her  with  feelings  of  contempt  and  hatred.  And  it 
is  further  alleged  that  she  was  so  far  carried  away  by  grief  and 
resentment  at  having  to  dismiss  her  lover  Bellegarde,  that  she 
precipitately  returned  home,  in  spite  of  all  the  danger  of  the 
roads,  anxious  as  she  was  to  avoid  meeting  the  King  again. 

Now  comes  an  episode  which  is  certainly  in  accordance  with 
the  adventurous  and  amorous  character  of  Henri  de  Navarre. 
But  it  is  one  for  which  we  merely  have  the  testimony  of  the 
aiiccdotiera  and  romanciers,  on  whom,  indeed,  we  chiefly  have  to 


▼I  LA  BELLE  GABRIELLE  123 

depend  with  respect  to  this  part  of  our  narrative.  Let  us 
still  follow  them,  however,  because  if  what  they  relate  be  not 
strictly  accurate,  it  is  at  least  ben  trovato.  Gabrielle's  sudden 
departure  fell,  then,  on  Henri  like  a  thunderbolt.  He  was  a 
man  whom  resistance,  whether  in  war  or  in  love,  incited  to  every 
effort.  Directly  an  obstacle  arose  it  became  his  desire  to  over- 
come it.  He  resolved,  therefore,  to  hurry  after  the  beautiful 
fugitive  and  endeavour  to  appease  her.  He  imagined  that  his 
eager  alacrity  in  doing  so  would  touch  her  heart.  It  is  said 
that  a  distance  of  seven  leagues  lay  between  him  and  Coeuvres,* 
whither  Gabrielle  had  repaired.  A  considerable  tract  of  forest 
land  had  to  be  crossed  on  the  journey,  and  it  was  known  that 
bands  of  Leaguers  still  lurked  there.  Nevertheless,  Henri  set 
out  accompanied  by  only  five  of  his  familiars.  The  forests 
were  traversed  safely,  but  at  some  distance  from  Coeuvres  the 
King  decided  to  disguise  himself.  Dismounting  from  his  horee 
he  assumed  a  peasant's  garments,  and  made  his  way  on  foot  to 
the  castle  of  Coeuvres  with  "  a  sack  of  straw  on  his  head."  Thus, 
after  risking  his  liberty,  Henri  also  compromised  his  dignity, 
in  the  hope,  no  doubt,  that  the  lady  of  his  thoughts  would 
reward  him  for  his  courage  and  his  craft. 

But  he  was  grievously  mistaken.  When  he  appeared  in 
his  ridiculous  disguise  before  Gabrielle  d'Estrees,  beside  whom 
stood  her  young  sister,  Juliette  Hippolyte,  she  received  him, 
it  is  said,  with  the  utmost  coldness,  even  declaring  that  "  he 
appeared  so  ugly  she  could  not  even  look  at  him."  And  in 
spite  of  his  entreaties  she  speedily  withdrew,  leaving  him  alone 
with  her  sister.  The  future  Duchess  de  Villars  was,  however, 
a  very  clever  and  precocious  girl.  On  this  occasion  she  may 
have  been  prompted  by  Gabrielle,  but  she  had  been  for  some 
time  her  dissolute  mother's  chosen  companion,  and  knew  all 
about  such  everyday  matters  as  peines  de  cceur  and  soupirs 
(Tamour.  And  whether  she  repeated  a  lesson  or  acted  as  her 
own  ready  and  resourceful  mind  suggested,  she  at  least  contrived 
to  get  rid  of  the  already  discomfited  Henri  de  Navarre.  She 
apologized  for  the  incivility  of  the  reception  accorded  to  him, 
declaring  that  her  sister  had  been  carried  away  by  amazement 

*  This  points  to  his  being  then  at  Compi^gne  and  not  at  Mantes,  which  is 
very  much  farther  away. 


124      FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE        vi 

at  seeing  him  appear  in  such  a  disguise,  and  by  fear,  moreover, 
lest  their  father,  who  was  in  the  vicinity,  should  suddenly 
appear  upon  the  scene.  So,  after  risking  his  life  among  the 
bandit  Leaguers  of  the  forests,  and  condescending  to  masquerade 
as  one  of  the  lowest  of  his  subjects,  all  for  the  sake  of  furthering 
his  interests  with  his  lady-love,  Henri  had  to  depart  in  sore 
disappointment.  The  affair  reminds  one  of  some  of  the  sayings 
which  emanated  from  the  great  fabulist  of  his  grandson''s  reign. 
It  was  perhaps  a  case,  not  only  of  Jean  sen  alia  comme  il  etait 
venu — that  amplification  of  the  popular  expression  :  Gros  Jean 
comme  dcvant — but  of  actually  feeling  honteux  comme  un  renard 
qu'une  poide  anrait  pris. 

Accepting  and  striving  to  place  ourselves  in  communion 
with  the  manners  and  morals  of  the  close  of  the  sixteenth 
century,  we  are  by  no  means  hostile  to  Gabrielle  d'Estr^es. 
We  have  not  the  slightest  desire  to  prejudice  the  reader  against 
her,  for,  all  considered,  her  influence  on  Henri  de  Navarre  was, 
like  that  of  Corisanda,  more  beneficial  than  hurtful.  If,  then, 
we  have  refused  to  accept  the  view  that  she  was  an  absolutely 
pure  and  artless  young  maiden  at  the  time  of  her  first  meeting 
with  Henri  IV,  if  we  have  inclined  more  to  the  views  of  the 
memoir  writers  and  the  anecdotiers  than  to  those  of  more  or 
less  official  historians  with  respect  to  her  antecedents,  it  is 
because  we  feel  there  are  grounds  for  doing  so.  At  the  same 
time,  given  Gabrielle's  life  and  environment  in  childhood  and 
youth,  it  must  be  admitted  that  if  she  were  guilty  of  the  early 
lapses  ascribed  to  her,  this  was  more  her  misfortune  than  her 
fault.  We  believe  in  her  early  attachment  for  Bellegarde,  who 
was  a  much  younger  man  than  Henri  de  Navarre,  one  too 
possessed  of  those  courtly  accomplishments  and  graces  which, 
in  the  last  days  of  the  Valois  monarchy,  appealed  to  many  a 
fair  damsel  and  dame.  Further,  he  held  high  rank,  was  a 
bachelor,  and  therefore  in  a  position  to  offer  marriage.  And 
as  Gabrielle  had  fixed  her  affections  on  this  dashing  and,  let  us 
add,  brave  nobleman — for,  although  Henri  de  Navarre  once 
jealously  derided  his  courage,  Bellegarde  fought  gallantly  at 
Arques  and  Dreux — we  admire  her  for  the  resistance  she 
offered  to  her  virtually  all-powerful  royal  suitor. 

On  rejoining  his  counselloi's  and  captains  after  his  fruitless 


VI  LA  BELLE   GABRIELLE  125 

escapade,  Henri  had  to  listen  patiently,  and  perhaps  with  some 
humiliation,  to  the  remonstrances  of  Sully  and  Du  Plessis- 
Momay.  That  censure  was  not  without  some  effect,  for  the 
King  at  first  endeavoured  to  forget  Gabrielle.  But  the  thought 
of  her  persistently  pursued  him,  and  at  last,  being  thwarted  as 
a  man,  he  resolved  to  make  use  of  his  authority  as  a  monarch. 
Having  established  his  head-quarters  at  Mantes,  he  sent  a 
command  to  the  Marquis  d'Estrees  to  join  him  there  with  all 
his  family,  and  in  order  to  keep  the  Marquis  beside  him  he 
appointed  him  a  member  of  the  Royal  Council,  an  honour 
which  was  not  so  excessive  as  to  excite  remark,  for  Estrees  was 
already  Governor  of  the  so-called  Isle  of  France. 

But  although  Henri  by  this  means  again  brought  Gabrielle 
near  him,  the  requirements  of  the  war  in  which  he  was  engaged 
repeatedly  carried  him  away  from  her;  and  again  did  Belle- 
garde  and  Longueville,  on  being  freed  from  the  royal  presence, 
contend  in  amorous  rivalry.  Again,  however,  did  Henri,  as 
soon  as  he  could  draw  breath,  make  use  of  his  royal  prerogative. 
The  wary  Bellegarde — ^a  whilom  favourite  of  Henri  IH's,  and 
therefore  well  versed  in  the  craft  and  rouerie  which  court  life 
required — thereupon  resorted  to  dissimulation  and  drew  aside  ; 
whilst  Longueville,  who,  says  Lescure,  was  in  reality  more 
ambitious  than  amorous,  endeavoured  to  come  to  some  arrange- 
ment with  Gabrielle  d'Estrees.  He  foresaw  her  rise  to  influence, 
perhaps  to  power ;  and  it  was  possibly  that  idea  which  inspired 
him  with  the  thought  of  retaining  in  his  possession  certain 
weapons  which  might  thereafter  compel  her  to  serve  his 
interests.  Now,  it  had  been  arranged  that  Gabrielle  should 
return  him  the  love-letters  he  had  addressed  to  her  and  that 
he  should  return  her  those  he  had  received.  But  while  she 
trustfully  carried  out  her  part  of  the  arrangement,  Longueville, 
it  is  asserted,  craftily  contrived  to  keep  back  the  most  expressive 
of  the  billets  which  she  had  written  him. 

It  is  said  that  she  never  forgave  him  that  act  of  treachery, 
but  treated  him  thereafter  with  scorn  and  repugnance.  And  it 
was  on  account  of  the  dislike  for  him  which  she  no  longer  con- 
cealed that  when  the  Duke,  on  making  his  entry  into  Dourlens 
in  1595,  was  mortally  wounded  by  a  musket  shot — a  salvo  of 
musketry  being  fired  in  his  honour — his  premature  death  was 


126     FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE        vi 

not  regarded  as  accidental  but  as  a  deliberate  act  of  revenge 
on  Gabrielle's  part  It  is  certainly  true  that  love  and  vengeance 
still  went  together  in  those  days,  that  Cupid  still  carried  the 
stiletto  and  the  poison  which  the  Renaissance  had  placed  in 
his  hands,  and  which  he  was  afterwards  to  exchange  for  the 
wand  and  the  programme  of  a  master  of  the  ceremonies ;  never- 
theless, whatever  may  have  been  the  transgressions  and  faults 
of  Gabrielle  d'Estrdes,  we  are  convinced,  like  many  other 
writers,  that  she  was  not  the  woman  to  instigate  or  commit  a 
deliberate  crime. 

Women  of  her  type  seldom,  if  ever,  commit  capital  crimes. 
A  search  through  all  the  "  Newgate  Calendars  "  of  the  world 
would  lead,  we  think,  to  the  discovery  of  very  few  blonde 
murderesses  except  among  the  "  tawny  "  variety  of  women,  as 
exemplified  by  the  auburn  Veneziana.  But  if  much  may  be 
hoped,  much  may  also  be  feared  from  the  dark-haired '  woman, 
she  who  exacts,  whereas  the  other  only  solicits,  man's  admira- 
tion, and  whose  more  ardent  nature  inclines  her,  should  her 
path  be  crossed,  should  her  hopes  and  expectations  be  baffled 
or  unfulfilled,  to  the  most  extreme  courses.  There  have  cer- 
tainly been  revengeful  women  of  the  north,  as  witness  Christina 
of  Sweden,  who  was,  however,  of  the  intermediate  type,  neither 
bUmde  nor  brunette^  and  whose  mind  was  inclined  to  insanity. 
At  the  same  time  we  by  no  means  seek  to  condemn  all  women 
of  the  darker  type.  Far  from  it.  We  admit  that  the  demand 
they  make  on  man"'s  admiration  is  most  often  justified,  but,  at 
the  same  time,  if  they  have  cause  for  offence  they  are  far  more 
to  be  feared  than  their  fairer  sisters. 

Gabrielle  d'Estrees,  as  we  previously  said,  was  fair.  The 
reign  of  fair  women  at  the  Court  of  France  had  begun  in  the 
days  of  Francis  I,  for  all  the  last  Valois  Princes  were  naturally 
dark.  Henri  de  Navarre's  wife.  Queen  Marguerite,  was  also 
one  of  the  dark  type,  but  in  order  to  comply  with  the  fashion 
of  the  times  she  wore  fair  wigs,  after  exhibiting  her  own  dark 
locks  to  the  Court  for  just  a  few  years. 

With  respect  to  Gabrielle,  she  had  no  occasion  either  to 
dye  her  tresses  or  to  borrow  false  ones.  Every  contemporary 
account  and  portrait  of  her  shows  that  she  was  a  natural  blonde ; 
and  as  passion  if  not  actual  love  so  often  seeks  something  which 


VI  LA  BELLE  GABRIELLE  127 

contrasts  with  oneself,  it  is  not  surprising  that  this  fair  young 
creature  should  have  been  sought  by  the  dark-haired  Henri, 
now  swarthy  from  long  campaigning.  There  are  various  con- 
temporary portraits  of  Gabrielle.  A  small  panel  painting  at 
Versailles  shows  her  at  the  age  of  eleven  years,  while  one  of  the 
crayon  drawings  at  the  Louvre  depicts  her  as  she  was  in  her 
youth,  about  the  time,  no  doubt,  when  Bellegarde  and  Henri 
fell  in  love  with  her.  Moreover,  there  are  several  eighteenth- 
century  copies  or  variations  of  a  now  lost  picture,  which  was 
probably  painted  in  her  lifetime,  and  in  which  she  was  depicted 
seated  in  a  bath,  and  holding  a  pansy.  She  is  thus  shown  in 
the  Versailles  copy  of  the  picture  in  question,  and  beside  the 
bath  there  stands  a  child — probably  her  son,  Cesar  de  Vendome 
— who  is  taking  some  fruit  from  an  epergne,  while  farther 
away  sits  a  nurse  giving  the  breast  to  an  infant — perhaps 
Gabrielle''s  second  son,  Alexandre,  the  so-called  Chevalier  de 
Vendome.  In  the  background  one  sees  yet  another  woman, 
standing  before  a  richly  carved  chimney-piece. 

There  are  also  some  contemporary  versified  descriptions  of 
Gabrielle's  beauty.  Guillaume  du  Sable,  "gentleman-in- 
ordinary  of  the  Royal  Hunt,"  who  spent  his  youth  at  the 
Court  of  Francis  I  and  died  in  the  days  of  Louis  XHI — thus 
living  under  seven  Kings  of  France — sang  Gabrielle's  praises  in 
that  Muse  Chasseresse  from  which  we  previously  quoted  a 
sonnet  addressed  by  him  to  Henri  de  Navarre's  early  mistress. 
Mile,  de  Rebours.*  This  is  the  high-flown  Renaissance  style 
in  which  Du  Sable  extols  Gabrielle's  beauty  : 

"  Mon  ceil  est  tout  ravi  quand  il  voit  et  contemple 
Les  beaux  cheveux  orins  qui  ornent  chaque  temple, 
Son  beau  et  large  front  et  sourcils  6b6nin3, 
Son  beau  nez  d^corant  et  I'une  et  I'autre  joue, 
Sur  lesquelles  Amour  i  toute  heure  se  joue, 
Et  ses  deux  brillants  yeux,  deux  beaux  astres  bdnins. 
Heureux  qui  peut  baiser  sa  bouche  cinabrino, 
Ses  l^vres  de  corail,  sa  denture  yvoirine, 
Son  beau  double  menton,  I'une  des  sept  beautds, 
Le  tout  accompagn6  d'un  petit  ris  fol&tre, 
Une  gorge  de  lys  sur  im  beau  sein  d'alb&tre, 
Oh  deux  fermes  t^tins  sont  assis  et  plantes." 

•  See  p.  57,  ante. 


128     FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE        vi 

Another  versifier  of  the  time,  Porcheres,  also  celebrated 
Gabrielle's  charms  in  sonnets.  One  of  them,  addressed  ex- 
clusively to  her  hair,  contains  these  lines  : 

"  Doiiz  chainons  de  mon  Prince,  agr^ables  supplices, 
Blonds  cheveux,  si  je  loue  ici  votre  beaut6, 
On  jugera  mes  vera  pour  §tre  vos  complices, 
Criminels,  cooame  vous,  de  l^se-majest^." 

Not  content  with  that  amusing  effort,  the  poet  next  tried 
his  skill  at  a  sonnet  in  praise  of  Gabrielle's  eyes,  respecting 
which  he  remarked : 

"  Oe  ne  sont  pas  des  yeux,  ce  sent  plutdt  des  dieuz, 
lis  ont  dessns  les  rois  la  puissance  absolue, 
Dieux  ?    Non,  ce  sont  des  cieux,  ils  ont  la  couleur  bleue 
Et  le  mouvement  prompt  comme  celui  des  cieux." 

That  achievement,  at  which  one  may  now  well  laugh,  must 
have  been  regarded  as  a  chef  (Tceuvre  at  the  time  of  its  compo- 
sition, for  it  procured  the  fortunate  poet,  says  Lescure,  a  royal 
pension  of  1400  Uvres — that  is,  taking  into  account  the  relative 
value  of  money  in  those  days  and  in  these,  considerably  more 
than  is  paid  even  to  our  Poet  Laureate  ! 

Dreux  du  Radier  was  not  a  contemporary  of  Gabrielle's,  but 
he  collected  a  variety  of  traditional  information  respecting  her, 
and  this  is  the  enthusiastic  way  in  which  he  extols  her  person  ; 
"  She  had  the  most  beautiful  head  in  the  world ;  fair  and 
plenteous  hair ;  blue  eyes  so  brilliant  as  to  dazzle  one ;  a  com- 
])lcxion  of  the  composition  of  the  Graces,  but  in  which  the 
lilies  surpassed  the  roses  unless  it  were  animated  by  some  deep 
feeling ;  a  well-shaped  nose ;  a  mouth  on  which  gaiety  and  love 
reposed,  and  which  was  perfectly  furnished.*  The  contour  of 
her  face  was  such  as  painters  take  as  a  model ;  her  ears  were 
small,  acute  and  well  bordered  ;  her  bosom  was  of  a  beauty  to 
make  one  forget  all  others ;  her  figure,  arms,  hands  and  feet, 
all  corresponded  with  her  head,  and  formed  a  perfect  whole, 
which  none  could  admire  with  impunity." 

Let  us  now  tura  to  what  Sainte-Beuve  writes  on  the  subject, 
basing  his  description  of  Gabrielle  largely  on  a  tinted  crayon 
portrait  at  the  Louvre.     "  She  was  white  and  fair,"  he  says ; 

*  That  is  with  well-ionned  teeth, 


GABRIELLE    D'ESTBEES,    "  LA    BELLE    GABRIELLE." 

After  a  contemporary  Drawing  in  the  Louvre  Museum, 


VI  LA  BELLE  GABRIELLE  129 

"she  had  fair  hair  like  fine  gold,  caught  up  in  a  mass,  or 
slightly  crisped  above  the  forehead ;  the  brow  was  beautiful ; 
the  entr'oeil^  as  one  then  said,  was  broad  and  noble,  the  nose 
straight  and  regular,  the  mouth  small,  smiling  and  purplish, 
the  cast  of  physiognomy  engaging  and  tender.  A  charm  was 
spread  over  every  outline.  Her  eyes  were  blue,  quick,  soft  and 
clear.  She  was  wholly  feminine  in  her  tastes,  her  ambitions, 
and  even  her  defects."  To  that  let  us  add  just  one  line  from 
the  austere  Aubigne :  "  There  was  nothing  lascivious  in  her 
extreme  beauty." 

At  that  same  period — that  is,  the  outset  of  Henri's  liaison 
with  Gabrielle — he  was  thirty-eight  years  of  age,  and  he  is 
pictured  by  Dreux  du  Radier  as  fairly  tall,  well  built,  with 
bright  eyes,  a  large  forehead,  a  martial  air,  and  a  long  beard 
"  which  had  already  become  grey."  In  despite  of  that  sign  of 
age,  however,  and  all  that  he  yet  had  to  accomplish  to  make 
the  kingdom  of  France  his  own  "by  right  of  conquest  as  by 
right  of  birth,"*  we  know  that  Henri  was  entering  upon  a 
period  when  martial  ardour  was  attended  by  no  little  happiness, 
springing  from  the  contentment  of  his  passion  for  Gabrielle. 

We  left  him  at  Mantes,  whither  he  had  summoned  M. 
d'Estrees  and  his  family.  The  Marquis  soon  detected  the 
motives  of  the  favour  which  was  shown  him  by  the  King,  and 
felt  himself  placed  in  a  somewhat  difficult  position.  On  one 
side  there  was  his  personal  interest,  and  on  the  other  his  duty 
to  his  daughter.  He  must  either  fail  as  a  courtier  or  play  the 
part  of  a  compliant  father.  In  these  circumstances,  M.  d'Estrees 
resolved  to  divest  himself  of  the  care  of  watching  over  Gabrielle 
by  providing  her  with  a  husband,  and  the  choice  he  made  on 
this  occasion  certainly  suggests  that  his  personal  interests  were 
dearer  to  him  than  his  daughter's  happiness.     He  would  not 

*  In  Abb6  Cassagne's  poem,  Eervry  le  grand  roy  (1662),  the  following 
passage  occurs : 

"  Lorsqu'  apr^s  cents  combats,  je  possMay  la  France, 
Et  par  droit  de  conquesto  et  par  droit  de  naissance, 
Le  monde  vit  briller  dtms  mes  illustres  faits 
La  valeur,  la  bont4,  la  victoire,  la  paix." 

Voltaire  coolly  appropriated  the  second  of  the  above  lines,  and  inserted  it 
at  the  very  commencement  of  his  Henriade  (Foumier's  L'Esprit  des  Autres). 

K 


130     FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY   OF  NAVARRE        vi 

hear  of  Bellegarde,  whom  Gabrielle,  we  think,  would  have 
willingly  married,  but  decided  to  wed  her  to  a  Picard  like 
himself,  a  certain  Messire  Nicolas  d'Amerval,  Lord  of  Lian- 
court,*  who  was  of  good  birth  and  wealthy,  but  was  also  an 
elderly  widower — his  deceased  wife  had  presented  him  with  four  f 
children — besides  which  he  is  said  to  have  been  somewhat 
deformed. 

When  the  matter  was  laid  before  the  King  he  willingly 
assented  to  a  match  which  seemed  likely  to  favour  his  own 
interests.  Gabrielle,  however,  wept  and  protested,  whereupon 
the  King,  it  is  asserted,  assured  her  by  way  of  consolation  that 
Liancourt  should  be  her  husband  in  name  only.  Henri  was 
now  again  pressing  his  own  suit,  and  Gabrielle,  realizing, 
perhaps,  that  it  was  hopeless  for  her  to  think  of  marrying 
Bellegarde,  appears  to  have  been  far  more  favourably  inclined 
towards  her  royal  lover  than  she  had  been  previously.  Lescure 
mentions  that  the  news  of  her  espousals  with  so  unsuitable  a 
consort  as  M.  de  Liancourt  quite  depressed  the  Court. poets, 
who  attuned  their  lyres  to  strains  of  melancholy.  Abbe,  after- 
wards Cardinal,  du  Perron,  who  made  his  way  in  the  Church  as 
well  as  at  Court  by  his  attentions  to  women,  composed  on  this 
occasion  a  mournful  and  yet  amusing  epithalamium,  in  which 
Liancourt  was  called  a  "  smoky  volcano,"  and  Henri  Gabrielle's 
*'  well-beloved  Mars,"  whilst  she  was  represented  as  reproaching 
the  King  for  handing  her  over  to  such  an  odious  husband  when 
he  loved  her  himself  and  was  loved  by  her  in  return. 

Nevertheless  the  maiTiage  took  place  at  Noyon,  in  1592, 
some  documents  saying  in  June  and  others  in  August ;  and  by 
way  of  wedding  gift  the  King  presented  the  bride  with  the 
lordships  of  Assy  and  St.  Lambert,  and  the  county  of  Marie,  in 
Picardy,  to  be  held  by  her  for  life  (Deeds  dated  June  10).  It 
is  probable  that  M.  de  Liancourt  would  have  become  a  husband 
in  more  than  in  name  if  it  had  not  been  for  the  prompt 
intervention  of  Henri,  whom  Gabrielle,  it  is  asserted,  reminded 
of  his  earlier  promise.  In  any  case,  the  King  summoned 
Liancourt  to  attend  him  with  his  wife,  and  after  an  interview 

*  Spelt  Lienoourt  in  some  old  docoments.  He  was  also  Baron  de  Benais, 
Lord  of  S^rifontaine  and  governor  of  Ohauny. 

t  In  some  worki  the  number  is  given  as  fourteen,  but  that  is  incorrect. 


vt  LA  BELLE  GABRIELLE  131 

at  which  he  signified  his  royal  pleasure  to  the  Picard  nobleman, 
he  dismissed  him  but  retained  the  new  Lady  of  I^iancourt  with 
her  sister  Juliette,  and  her  cousin  Marie  de  la  Bourdaisiere,*  and 
her  aunt  the  Marchioness  de  Sourdis,  who  acted  as  her 
chaperon. 

Already  in  the  previous  year,  on  proceeding  to  the  siege  of 
Chartres,  Henri  had  taken  the  Estrees  family,  including  Gabrielle, 
in  his  train,  perhaps  because  he  feared  that  she  might  escape 
him  if  he  left  her  behind.  One  of  the  best  gasconnades  attri- 
buted to  the  King  is  connected  with  the  siege  of  Chartres. 
When  the  town  surrendered  it  is  said  that  a  deputation  came  to 
the  Porte  St.  Michel  to  present  the  keys  to  the  victorious 
monarch,  whereupon  the  chief  echevin  began  to  deliver  an 
elaborate  harangue,  in  which  he  proposed  to  prove  that  Chartres 
really  belonged  to  his  Majesty  both  by  divine  and  by  civil  law. 
"By  canon  law  also,"  the  King  abruptly  retorted,  setting  spurs 
to  his  horse.  "  Come,  let  us  pass  ! "  And  forthwith  he  rode 
into  Chartres.  It  was  then,  by  way  of  rewarding  Mme.  de 
Sourdis,  who  had  displayed  much  complaisance  in  regard  to 
Gabrielle,  that  Henri  appointed  her  husband  Governor  of 
Chartres,  whither,  by  the  way,  he  returned  two  years  afterwards 
to  be  crowned  King  of  France,  the  real  coronation  city,  Reims, 
then  still  being  held  by  partisans  of  the  League. 

On  the  dismissal  of  her  husband,  Gabrielle  for  some  time 
followed  her  lover  and  his  army,  and  it  was  certainly  advisable 
for  her  to  do  so,  as  Henri  was  by  nature  the  most  inconstant  of 
men,  one  whose  vows  of  "  eternal  love  "  were  perpetually  being 
broken. 

Although  it  is  not  the  purpose  of  this  work  to  relate  the 
history  of  France  under  Henri  de  Navarre,  it  may  be  as  well  to 
glance  at  some  of  the  chief  events  which  had  occurred  since  the 
assassination  of  the  last  Valois  king  at  St.  Cloud,  in  oi'der  that 
the  reader  may  the  better  understand  the  position  in  which 
Navarre  found  himself  towards  the  close  of  his  liaison  with 
Corisanda,  and  the  beginning  of  his  relations  with  Gabrielle 
d'Estrees. 

The  battle  of  Arques,  to  which  we  previously  referred,!  was 

*  Afterwards  Viscountess  d'Estauges. 
t  See  pp.  103, 104,  ante. 


132     FAVOURITES   OF  HENRY   OF  NAVARRE        vi 

fought  in  September,  1589.  Henri,  profiting  by  the  advantage 
he  then  gained,  soon  advanced  on  Paris,  and  on  November  1  of 
that  year,  by  means  of  a  surprise,  he  actually  penetrated  into 
the  city  by  the  Porte  de  Nesle,  but  was  afterwards  repulsed, 
and  again  had  to  retire  into  Normandy,  where  on  May  14  in 
the  following  year  (1590)  he  once  more  defeated  the  Duke  de 
Mayenne  near  the  stronghold  of  Ivry.  It  was  on  that  occasion 
that  he  addressed  to  his  soldiers  the  stirring  harangue  in  which 
he  said :  *'  If  you  lose  your  ensigns,  rally  round  my  white  plume, 
you  will  always  find  it  in  the  path  of  honour  and  victory  ! '' — 
famous  words,  which  inspired  Macaulay  with  the  idea  of 
writing  his  well-known  ballad.  After  the  victory  of  Ivry  and 
the  capture  of  Melun,  Henri  once  more  advanced  on  Paris  and 
laid  siege  to  that  city,  which,  in  M.  de  Mayenne's  absence, 
was  governed  nominally  by  the  young  and  little-experienced 
Charles  Emmanuel  of  Savoy,  Duke  de  Nemours,  and  in  reality 
by  the  League's  famous  Council  of  the  Sixteen.  Although  the 
supply  of  food  was  scanty,  and  the  distress  great,  the  citizens 
offered  a  most  stubborn  resistance  to  Henri's  forces.  Paris 
remained  staunchly  Catholic,  and  would  not  accept  the  Hugue- 
not monarch  as  its  King,  although  the  one  of  its  choice,  Henri's 
old  uncle,  the  Cardinal  de  Bourbon-Vendome,  proclaimed  as 
Charles  X  by  an  edict  of  the  Paris  Parliament  on  March  5  of 
that  same  year,  had  passed  away  in  retirement  at  Fontenay-le- 
Comte  in  Poitou,  five  days  before  the  battle  of  Ivry  was 
fought. 

The  Parisians  were  encouraged  in  their  resistance  first  by 
that  masculine-minded  lady  the  Duchess  de  Montpensier,  who 
was  a  determined  adversary  of  Henri  de  Navarre,  secondly  by 
the  Spanish  ambassador,  who  strove  to  provide  for  the  wants  of 
the  most  necessitous,  and  predicted  speedy  relief  at  the  hands 
of  the  Duke  of  Parma,  who  was  advancing  with  an  army  of 
succour,  and,  thirdly,  by  the  Papal  Legate  Cajetano,  who 
promised  absolution  for  all  sins,  and  the  crown  of  martyrdom 
for  everybody  who  might  die  in  defence  of  the  true  faith. 
Thus,  neither  incessant  attacks,  nor  terrible  conflagrations,  nor 
the  cruel  pangs  of  hunger  could  induce  Paris  to  cease  her 
resistance.  On  the  other  hand,  it  has  been  said  that  the  King 
might  have  taken  the  city  by  assault,  had  he  been  willing  to 


VI  LA  BELLE  GABRIELLE  133 

adopt  that  course.  But  he  shrank  from  endeavouring  to  gain 
possession  of  the  capital  of  his  kingdom  by  slaughtering  and 
ruining  its  citizens.  There  are  also  familiar  stories  of  how, 
from  time  to  time,  he  allowed  provisions  to  be  taken  into  the 
starving  city.  At  last,  however,  the  near  approach  of  the  Duke 
of  Parma's  forces  compelled  him  (August  30,  1590)  to  raise 
the  siege,  and  retire  into  the  provinces. 

It  was  during  the  ensuing  months,  then,  that  he  first  met 
Gabrielle  d'Estrees,  and  began  to  lay  siege  to  her  heart,  whilst 
also  besieging  Chartres,  as  we  have  related,  and  subsequently 
Rouen,  which  city,  however,  was  relieved,  like  Paris,  by  Parma. 
But  at  a  later  stage  the  united  forces  of  Parma  and  the  League 
were  hemmed  in  by  the  royal  army  near  Caudebec,  and  only 
escaped  destruction  by  crossing  the  Seine  at  dead  of  night. 
After  Gabrielle  d'Estrees  had  been  carried  off  from  her  nominal 
husband,  the  Sieur  de  Liancourt,  she  continued  travelling  in 
her  lover's  train,  accompanying  him  on  his  march  to  Cham- 
pagne, where  she  may  well  have  had  some  cause  for  jealousy, 
for  the  historical  chroniclers  of  the  province  assert  that  while 
the  King  had  his  headquarters  at  Damery — during  the  siege  of 
Epernay  (1592) — he  was  fascinated  by  the  charms  of  his  belle 
hotesse^  the  Presidente  Anne  du  Puy,*  who  was  also  a  blonde 
beauty  of  much  the  same  type  as  Corisanda  and  Gabrielle.  And 
it  is  even  claimed  that  it  was  in  the  fair  Anne's  honour  and  not 
in  Gabrielle 's,  that  Henri  composed  the  song  beginning : 

"  Viens,  Aurora, 

Je  t'implore, 
Je  suis  gai  quand  je  te  vol ; 

La  berg^re, 

Qui  m'est  ch^re, 
Est  vermeille  comme  toi." 

However  that  may  be — we  shall  refer  to  the  matter  again — 
the  siege  of  Epernay  was  not  all  love-making  and  song-writing 
— but  a  very  serious  and  difficult  business,  one,  too,  in  which 
Henri's  able  lieutenant,  old  Marshal  Biron,  lost  his  life  through 
being  mistaken,  it  is  asserted,  for  the  King.  On  July  9  Henri 
and  Biron  were  riding  after  supper  from  Damery  to  reconnoitre 

*  Nie  Dudejr,  and  wife  of  a  certain  Oudart  du  Puy,  who  was  President  of 
the  Election  d'Epernay. 


134     FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE        vi 

Epernay,  and  making  their  way  along  a  road  leading  from 
Mardeuil  to  the  faubourg  of  Igny,  when  a  sudden  gust  of 
wind  blew  off  Henri's  hat,  in  which,  as  usual,  he  wore  a  large 
white  plume.  Both  he  and  Biron,  it  is  alleged,  dismounted, 
and  the  latter  picking  up  the  hat,  jestingly  set  it  on  his  own 
head.  The  approach  of  the  royal  party  had  already  been 
discerned  by  Petit,  the  master  gunner  of  Epernay,  who,  on 
catching  sight  of  the  white  plume,  cried,  "For  the  Bearnais ! " 
and  at  once  fired  at  the  well-known  headgear.  At  that 
moment  the  King  was  resting  his  right  hand  on  the  shoulder 
of  the  Marshal,  whose  head  was  struck  by  the  cannon-ball. 
"  Mordku  ! ""  shouted  Petit  in  exultation,  "  the  dog  has  bitten 
the  Be'arnais  ! "  for  he  really  believed  that  it  was  the  King  who 
had  fallen.  If  he  called  his  cannon  a  dog,  it  was  because  that 
ancient  piece  of  ordnance  was  known  as  the  Dog  of  Orleans, 
owing  to  the  circumstance  that  it  bore  a  dog''s  figure  on  its 
breech,  and  had  been  captured  from  the  English  at  Orleans, 
when  Joan  of  Arc  had  relieved  that  city  a  hundred  and  sixty- 
three  years  previously.  Thus  say  the  local  chroniclers;  but 
the  King,  in  writing  on  the  subject,  makes  no  mention  of  his 
hat  or  of  his  hand  resting  on  Marshal  Biron's  shoulder. 

In  spite  of  Biron's  death,  Henri  made  himself  master  of 
Epernay.  Paris,  however,  still  held  out.  In  1593  the  leading 
men  of  the  league  convoked  the  States-general  there,  and  this 
assembly,  which  was  by  no  means  representative  of  France, 
took  upon  itself  to  decide  who  should  now  wear  the  crown  of 
St.  Louis.  Although  some  zealous  men,  Pithou,  Rapin,  Passerat, 
Leroy,  and  others,  were  at  work  preparing  that  famous  pamphlet 
La  Satire  Menipee,  which  bravely  flagellated  the  League  and 
its  mock  "  States,"  the  King  at  first  had  no  declared  partisans 
in  the  assembly  which  claimed  the  right  to  dispose  of  his 
kingdom.  The  parties  in  presence  favoured  either  the  Infanta 
Isabella  Clara  Eugenia,  daughter  of  Philip  II  of  Spain,  or  the 
young  Duke  de  Guise  as  representative  of  the  House  of  Lorraine ; 
and  in  order  to  reconcile  the  rival  claims  it  was  proposed  that 
the  Duke  and  the  Infanta  should  marry. 

But  a  great  change  was  impending  in  the  position  of  affairs. 
Henri  had  come  to  the  conclusion  that  in  order  to  thwart 
Spain  and  Lorraine,  secure  the  nation's  general  acceptance  of 


VI  LA  BELLE  GABRIELLE  135 

him  as  its  ruler,  win  Paris,  pacify  the  country,  reign  over  it 
and  restore  its  fortunes,  sadly  shaken  if  not  shattered  by  so 
many  years  of  bitter  civil  war,  it  was  necessary  that  he  should 
renounce  the  Huguenot  faith  and  reconcile  himself  with  the 
Catholic  Church.  Crillon,  his  brave  lieutenant,  Gabrielle,  his 
adored  mistress,  and  others  helped  to  incline  him  to  that 
course.  It  was,  however,  a  serious,  even  a  venturesome  step 
to  take,  for  it  could  not  fail  to  produce  a  painful  impression 
on  many  hitherto  devoted  Huguenot  followers ;  and  Henri 
himself,  when  writing  to  Gabrielle  to  tell  her  that  he  had 
decided  upon  it,  called  it  a  saut  perUleux. 

In  the  result,  however,  it  proved  to  be  a  wise  act ;  and  so 
far  as  Henri  was  personally  concerned  the  change  was  perhaps 
not  so  great  as  some  might  think  it.  It  is  certain  that  he  had 
never  attached  a  high  importance  to  any  mere  matters  of 
ritual.  So  far  back  as  1577  he  had  written  to  M.  de  Batz  : 
"Those  who  straightly  follow  their  consciences  belong  to  my 
religion,  and  I  belong  to  that  of  all  who  are  good  and  brave." 
He  had  also  once  remarked  to  Du  Plessis-Mornay :  "  Perhaps 
the  difference  between  the  two  religions  [Catholic  and  Pro- 
testant] only  appears  to  be  so  great  by  reason  of  the  animosity 
of  those  that  preach  them.  By  exercising  my  authority  I  shall 
some  day  try  to  arrange  everything." 

Henri's  religious  views  may  perhaps  be  likened  to  those 
expressed  by  Montaigne  in  a  passage  where  he  says :  "  Of  all 
human  and  ancient  opinions  concerning  religion,  that  one 
seems  to  me  to  be  the  most  plausible  and  excusable,  which 
recognized  God  as  an  incomprehensible  power,  the  origin  and 
preserver  of  all  things,  all  goodness,  all  perfection,  receiving 
and  accepting  in  good  will  the  honour  and  reverence  which 
human  beings  rendered  to  Him,  under  whatever  aspect,  under 
whatever  name,  and  in  whatever  manner  that  might  be." 

Further,  one  finds  in  the  memoirs  of  Montaigne's  friend, 
Jacques  Auguste  de  Thou,  the  historian,  an  account  of  some 
interesting  statements  which  Montaigne  made  to  him  respect- 
ing the  rivalry  of  Henri  de  Navarre  and  Henri  le  Balafre  of 
Guise,  and  the  sincerity  of  their  respective  religious  views. 
This  conversation  appears  to  have  taken  place  shortly  before 
the  assassination  of  Henri  le  Balafre  at  Blois  (1588)  and  may 


136     FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY   OF  NAVARRE        vi 

well  be  quoted  here.  "Montaigne  told  me,'"  says  De  Thou, 
*'  that  he  had  previously  served  as  a  mediator  between  the 
King  of  Navarre  and  the  Duke  de  Guise,  and  that  the  latter 
had  made  every  possible  advance  in  the  way  of  services  and 
assiduity  in  order  to  gain  the  King  of  Navarre's  friendship ; 
but  having  realized  that  the  latter  was  trifling  with  him,  and 
that,  after  all  the  steps  which  he  had  taken,  he  was  faced  by 
implacable  animosity  instead  of  by  friendship,  he  had  had 
recourse  to  war,  as  to  a  last  resource  to  defend  the  honour  of 
his  house  against  an  enemy  whom  he  had  failed  to  win  over. 
And  Montaigne  also  said  that  the  bitterness  of  those  two 
minds  was  the  cause  of  the  war  which  one  now  saw  raging,  and 
which  only  the  death  of  one  or  the  other  could  bring  to  an 
end ;  for  neither  the  Duke  nor  any  of  his  house  would  believe 
themselves  to  be  in  safety  so  long  as  the  King  of  Navarre 
might  live,  whilst  he,  on  his  side,  was  convinced  that  he 
would  never  be  able  to  assert  his  rights  to  the  succession  of 
the  throne  during  the  Duke's  life.  As  for  religion,  added 
Montaigne,  of  which  both  made  great  parade,  that  is  only  a 
fine  pretext  to  induce  the  members  of  their  respective  parties 
to  follow  them,  but  the  interests  of  religion  touch  neither.  It 
is  only  the  fear  of  being  abandoned  by  the  Protestants  that 
prevents  the  King  of  Navarre  from  returning  to  the  religion 
of  his  fathers;  and  the  Duke  would  not  hold  oft*  from  the 
Augsburg  Confession  of  Faith,  which  his  uncle,  Charles, 
Cardinal  of  Lorraine,  made  him  appreciate,  if  he  could 
follow  it  without  prejudice  to  his  interests.  And  those,  said 
Montaigne,  were  the  sentiments  which  he  had  found  in  the 
two  Princes  at  the  time  when  he  concerned  himself  with  their 
affairs.'" 

In  connexion  with  that  extract  from  De  Thou''s  memoirs, 
it  is  a  somewhat  curious  circumstance  that  the  residence  of  one 
of  the  historian's  relatives,  Emeric  de  Thou — a  house  at  La 
Villette,  then  a  suburb  but  now  part  of  Paris — became  the 
scene  of  the  conferences  which  preceded  King  Henri's  return 
to  the  Catholic  religion.  It  was  on  July  25,  1593,  that  he  at 
last  solemnly  abjured  the  Huguenot  "  heresy"  at  that  famous 
Church  of  St.  Denis,  where  so  many  Kings  of  France  from  the 
days  of  Childeric  and  Dagobert  had  been  buried.     It  was  the 


VI  LA  BELLE   GABRIELLE  137 

Archbishop  of  Bourges  who  officiated  and  received  the  penitent 
monarch  back  into  the  fold  of  Holy  Church,  subject,  however, 
to  the  sovereign  decision  of  Pope  Clement  VIII,  by  whose 
predecessor,  Sixtus  V,  Henri  had  been  excommunicated.  The 
King  had  already  sent  envoys  to  Rome  to  treat  for  the  Papal 
absolution,  but  it  was  deferred  until  1595,  and  as  Paris,  before 
which  the  royal  forces  were  again  assembled,  still  refused  to 
admit  the  King,  his  abjuration  did  not  immediately  have  any 
decisive  consequences. 

The  notorious  saying,  so  often  attributed  to  him,  "  Paris  is 
well  worth  a  mass,"  is,  of  course,  apocryphal  so  far  as  he  is 
concerned.  Whatever  may  have  been  his  inclination  for  "  gas- 
connading "  he  was  too  skilful  and  shrewd  a  man  to  make  a 
remark  which  would  have  cast  doubt  on  the  sincerity  of  his 
conversion,  and  have  allowed  people  to  think  that  his  chief,  if 
not  sole,  motive  in  changing  his  religion  was  the  desire  to  secure 
possession  of  his  capital.  The  saying  may,  perhaps,  have 
originated  with  Sully,  not,  however,  at  the  time  of  the  King's 
abjuration,  but  subsequently,  when  Henri,  having  become  a 
Catholic,  thought  that  his  Huguenot  minister  ought  to  act 
likewise,  and  asked  him  why  it  was  that  he  did  not  accompany 
him  to  mass,  whereupon  Sully  is  said  to  have  retorted : 

"  Sire,  sire,  the  crown  is  well  worth  a  mass.""  * 

During  the  last  operations  before  Paris,  Gabrielle  d''Estrees 
was  constantly  near  her  royal  lover,  residing,  it  is  said,  some- 
times at  a  pavilion  on  the  summit  of  Montmartre  and  some- 
times at  another  at  Clignancourt,  the  last  one  being  the  pile 
which  was  known  in  our  own  time  as  the  Chateau  Rouge, 
and  became  notorious  for  its  public  balls.  But  although  the 
Chateau  Rouge,  which  we  can  well  remember,  certainly  dated 
from  Henri's  reign,  there  has  never  been  any  positive  proof 
that  it  was  Gabrielle's  residence. 

At  this  period  complete  harmony  appears  to  have  existed 
between  the  favourite  and  the  King,  but  the  latter  had  pre- 
viously been  extremely  jealous  of  his  Grand  Equerry,  Bellegarde. 
The  anecdotiers  relate  with  numerous  variations  how  upon  one 
occasion  when  Gabrielle  and  Bellegarde  were  together,  the 
King  arrived  on  the  scene  so  suddenly  that  the  Duke  barely 
*  E.  Foumier's  L'Esprit  dam  VHistoire. 


138     FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE        vi 

had  time  to  seek  refuge  in  a  cupboard,  in  which  some  preserves 
were  kept;  whereupon  Henri,  suspecting  that  his  rival  was 
lurking  there,  expressed  a  keen  desire  to  partake  of  the  said 
preserves,  and  demanded  the  cupboard  key.  As  it  was  not 
forthcoming  he  threatened  to  burst  the  door  open,  at  which 
Bellegarde,  in  his  alarm,  jumped  out  of  the  cupboard  window, 
fortunately  without  injuring  himself,  and  fled  for  his  life. 
That  story  appears  to  be  founded,  however,  on  an  anecdote 
which  Tallemaut  des  Rcaux  relates  of  Francis  I,  the 
Duchess  d'^Etampes  and  Jean  de  Cosse-Brissac.  As  for  a 
story  to  the  effect  that  Beringhem,  Henri's  first  valet-de- 
chambre,  secured  a  letter  addressed  by  Bellegarde  to  Gabrielle 
and  carried  it  to  the  King,  who  at  once  sent  orders  to  M.  de 
Praslin,  the  Captain  of  his  Guards,  to  seize  Bellegarde  and 
despatch  him  on  the  spot,  that  also  seems  to  lack  authenticity, 
though  some  indication  of  such  an  affair  will  be  found  in  the 
Memoirs  of  Pontis. 

At  the  same  time,  the  belief  that  the  King  did  on  some 
occasion  surprise  Bellegarde  with  his  mistress  became  so  general 
that  in  the  reign  of  his  grandson  Louis  XIV,  when  the  Gobelins 
executed  a  scries  of  tapestries  purporting  to  depict  various 
episodes  in  Henri"'s  life,  the  subject  chosen  for  one  of  the  panels 
was  the  very  incident  to  which  we  have  referred.  Some  years 
ago  this  tapestry  was  to  be  seen  with  the  others  at  the  chateau 
of  Pau,  where,  perhaps,  it  is  still  to-day. 

On  the  other  hand.  Sully,  who  was  notoriously  opposed  to 
Gabrielle,  does  not  question  her  constancy  to  Henri  from  the 
time  when  she  became  his  mistress,  and  indeed  the  minister 
gives  us  to  understand  that  many  of  the  allegations  made 
against  her  emanated  from  two  of  her  attendants,  a  woman 
whom  he  calls  "  La  Roussc ""  and  her  husband,  both  of  whom 
were  consigned  to  the  Bastille  for  six  years  for  having  circulated 
injurious  rumours  respecting  their  mistress's  life  and  actions.* 
Dreux  du  Radier  opines  that  the  story  of  the  cupboard  and 
the  presen'es  may  well  have  emanated  from  the  aforesaid  La 
Rousse. 

While  one  may  incline   to    Sully's   belief  in   Gabrielle's 

*  La  Rovuise'a  real  name  was  Marie  Hermant  and  she  was  the  wife  of  the 
Sieur  do  MayuevUle,  a  captain  of  the  King's  guard. 


VI  LA  BELLE  GABRIELLE  139 

constancy,  it  remains  certain  that  Henri  was  for  a  time  extremely 
jealous  of  Bellegarde,  and  that  the  latter  found  opportunity  to 
visit  the  favourite  in  her  royal  lover's  absence.  For  proof  of 
this  we  have  only  to  turn  to  the  King's  correspondence  in 
which  he  is  found  writing  to  Gabrielle  :  "  There  is  nothing  to 
prolong  or  increase  my  suspicions  save  the  manner  in  which 
you  act  towards  me.  Since  it  pleases  you  to  order  me  to 
banish  them,  I  am  willing  to  do  so ;  but  you  must  not  take  it 
amiss  if  I  open  my  heart  to  tell  you  by  what  means  that  may 
be  attained,  as  however  openly  I  have  [previously]  done  so,  you 
have  pretended  not  to  hear  me.  To  begin,  I  protest  to  you, 
my  dear  mistress,  that  whatever  I  may  assert  respecting  the 
offences  I  have  received,  is  not  intended  to  stir  up  any  remnants 
of  bitterness,  for  I  am  satisfied  with  the  trouble  you  have  taken 
to  content  me ;  but  only  to  show  you  that  my  cause  for  sus- 
picion was  just.  You  know  how  offended  I  was  on  arriving  in 
your  presence,  on  account  of  my  competitor's  [Bellegrade's] 
journey.  The  power  which  your  eyes  had  over  me  saved  you 
from  half  of  my  complaints.  You  satisfied  me  in  regard  to 
speech,  though  not  in  heart ;  but  if  I  had  known  what  I  have 
learnt  about  the  said  journey  since  I  have  been  here  at  Saint 
Denis,  I  would  not  have  gone  to  see  you,  but  would  have 
broken  off  everything  at  once.*'  Then  launching  out  into 
reproaches  which  he  can  no  longer  restrain,  Henri  adds : 
"  What  can  you  promise  me  save  what  you  have  already  done  ? 
What  faith  can  you  pledge  me  save  that  which  you  have  twice 
failed  to  keep?  You  must  give  effect  to  your  promises,  you 
must  no  longer  say  /  toill  doy  you  must  say  /  do.  Make  up 
your  mind  then,  my  mistress,  to  have  but  one  serviteur.'''' 
Next,  by  way  of  revenging  himself  on  his  rival,  the  King  sneers 
at  him  and  charges  him — wrongfully — with  cowardice.  "  Dead 
Leaf,"  *  he  writes,  "  has  made  it  quite  evident  by  his  fear  of 
the  Leaguers  that  he  is  neither  a  lover  nor  a  man  of  mine." 
However,  the  letter  ends  with  glowing  protests  of  love  and  a 
tender  reproach  inspired  by  some  still  lingering  jealousy. 

According  to  the  anecdotierSy  as  Bellegarde  still  pei*sisted 
in  making  love  to  Gabrielle,  the  King  dismissed   him  from 

*  Dead  leaf  (Feuille-Morte)  was  a  nickname  given  by  Henri  to  Bellegarde 
on  account  of  the  latter's  comploxiou,  whicli  was  inclined  to  be  sallow. 


140     FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE        vi 

attendance  at  Court,  forbidding  him  to  return  unless  he 
niai-ried  and  brought  his  wife  with  him.  Whether  that  be 
true  or  not,  it  is  certain  that  Bellegarde  did  quit  Henri  for  a 
time,  and  that  when  he  returned  he  was  accompanied  by  a  lady 
whom  he  had  recently  taken  to  wife — Anne,  daughter  of  Honord 
de  Rueil,  Lord  of  Fontaines  and  Governor  of  St.  iMalo.  There- 
after, we  hear  no  more  of  the  royal  jealousy,  which  may  have 
been  inspired  simply  by  the  circumstance  that  Bellegarde,  pre- 
suming on  his  earlier  relations  with  Gabrielle,  had  comported 
himself  in  too  familiar  a  manner.  Henri  evidently  desired  that 
she  should  not  receive  his  rival  at  all,  and  judging  by  the  letter 
which  we  have  quoted,  she  had  promised  not  to  do  so,  yet  had 
twice  failed  to  keep  that  promise.  The  King's  jealous  anger 
was  the  greater  as  the  Duke  and  Gabrielle  had  met  when  he  him- 
self was  not  at  hand.  It  is,  of  course,  possible  that  Bellegarde''s 
intentions  were  not  honourable,  but  there  is  no  proof  that 
Gabrielle  failed  in  fidelity  to  her  royal  lover. 

In  the  autumn  of  1593  she  became  enceinte.  In  February 
the  following  year  the  King  repaired  to  Chartres  to  be  crowned. 
At  seven  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  March  22,  thanks  to  some 
defection  among  the  defenders  of  Paris,  he  at  last  succeeded — 
partly  by  stratagem  and  partly  by  bribing  M.  de  Brissac,  who 
had  become  governor  of  the  city  * — in  effecting  his  entry  into 
that  capital  which  had  so  long  defied  him.  He  still  retained 
many  enemies  there,  and  before  the  year  expired  his  life  was 
attempted  by  Jean  Chatel,  a  student,  at  the  instigation,  it  was 
alleged,  of  the  Jesuits,  one  of  whom  was  executed  as  Chatel's 
accomplice,  and  who  were  consequently  banished  from  France 
for  several  years.  However,  the  execution  of  Chatel  and  the 
Jesuit  had  no  deterrent  effect  upon  those  who,  chiefly  on 
religious  but  sometimes  on  political  grounds,  detested  the  ex- 
Iluguenot  monarch.  Between  1594  and  1610  the  King's  life 
was  attempted  no  fewer  than  sixteen  times. 

In  June,  1594,  Gabrielle,  while  at  the  chateau  of  Coucy, 
near  Laon,  gave  birth  to  a  son  who  received  the  Christian  name 
of  Cesar.  The  King's  pleasure  at  the  birth  of  this  child  seems 
to  have  been  slightly  embittered  by  some  odious  tittle-tattle. 
According  to  a  story  which  Sully  records  in  his  Economies 
*  Briuac  is  said  tfO  have  received  over  one  million  and  a  half  of  livres. 


VI  LA  BELLE  GABRIELLE  141 

royaleSy  but  which  he  declares  he  does  not  believe,  Henri  was 
not  the  father  of  Gabrielle's  son,  and  in  fact  became  very  in- 
dignant on  hearing  of  his  mistress's  accouchement.  This  report 
originated,  it  seems,  with  Harlay  de  Sancy,  who  was  then 
Superintendent  of  Finances,*  and  who  repeated  it  to  Sully  ; 
but  Sancy  was  a  declared  enemy  of  Gabrielle''s,  and  his  slanders 
eventually  led  to  his  removal  from  his  post.  It  so  happened, 
however,  that  shortly  after  the  birth  of  Gabrielle's  child  the 
doctor  who  had  attended  her,  M.  Ailleboust,  first  physician  to 
the  King,  died  very  suddenly,  whereupon  a  suspicion  of  foul 
play  immediately  arose. 

Writing  under  date  July  24,  1594,  L'Estoille  says  in  his 
journal:  "This  same  day  one  received  news  in  Paris  of  the 
death  of  M.  d'Aliboust  (sic)  .  .  .  respecting  whom  it  was  said 
that  some  light  remark  he  had  made  to  the  King  respecting  his 
[the  King's]  little  C^sar,  had  cost  him  his  life,  not  by  any 
action  of  the  King,  who  knows  nothing  of  those  beastly  and 
monstrous  poisons,  but  of  her,  so  everybody  said,  who  was 
interested  in  the  matter,  and  to  whom  the  King,  contrary  to 
promise,  had  repeated  what  M.  d'Aliboust  had  said,  never 
imagining  that  this  would  cost  that  good  man  of  a  doctor  .  .  . 
his  life." 

Thus  Gabrielle  was  charged  with  poisoning  the  royal 
physician,  and,  if  one  were  to  believe  the  atiecdotiers,  her  motive 
for  doing  so  was  that  Ailleboust  knew  that  her  recently-born 
child  was  not  King  Henri's  son.  However,  the  whole  story  is 
nonsensical,  and  simply  supplies  evidence  of  the  alacrity  with 
which  the  multitude  always  imputes  crimes  to  royal  favourites, 
whatever  their  real  character  may  be. 

Henri  heard  something  of  the  current  rumours,  and  answered 
them  in  a  remarkable  manner.  As  soon  as  his  mistress  could 
conveniently  travel,  he  made  a  triumphal  entry  into  Paris  with 
her ;  and  this  was  followed,  first  by  the  grant  of  letters  patent 
legitimating  her  son,  and  secondly  by  that  of  the  title  of 
Marchioness  of  Montceaux  for  herself  f  In  fact,  the  King  went 
further.     As  we  shall  presently  relate,  certain  negotiations  had 

*  The  Sancy  diamond  was  called  after  him. 

t  In  certain  deeds  now  in  the  Estrfiea  archives  she  had  previously  styled 
herself  "  Lady  of  Coucy." 


142     FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE        vi 

previously  been  started  to  enable  him  to  obtain  a  divorce  from 
Queen  Marguerite,  who  was  still  at  Usson,  in  Auvergne,  and 
Henri  now  became  more  and  more  desirous  of  securing  that 
divorce,  for  he  had  formed  the  bold  design  of  marrying  his 
mistress  Gabrielle  and  raising  her  to  the  throne  of  France. 

With  regard  to  her  own  matrimonial  position,  proceedings 
had  previously  been  started  to  obtain  the  annulment  of  her 
marriaore  with  M.  de  Liancourt.  The  anecdotiers  and  several  of 
the  historians  are  altogether  wrong  in  their  statements  respect- 
ing the  grounds  on  which  the  dissolution  was  solicited.  The 
documents  in  the  case  still  exist  in  the  Estrees  archives  and  the 
National  Archives  of  France,  and  some  of  them  have  been 
printed  by  M.  Desclozeaux.  The  suit  was  instituted  on  the 
grounds  that  Liancourfs  first  wife  and  Gabrielle  were  coiisines 
issues  de  gennavij  that  no  dispensation  had  been  obtained  for 
the  marriage,  which  came  within  the  prohibited  degrees  of 
affinity,  and  that  it  was  therefore  null  and  void  in  canon  law. 
M.  de  Liancourt,  who  had  been  robbed  of  a  beautiful  bride,  at 
first  offered  considerable  opposition  to  the  suit ;  and  when  he  at 
last  acceded  to  it,  he  protested  in  writing  that  he  only  did  so 
"  out  of  obedience  to  the  King,  and  because  he  went  in  fear  of 
his  life.'' 

"On  Thursday,  September  15,  1594,''  writes  L'Estoille, 
"the  King  made  his  entry  into  Paris  by  torchlight,  between 
seven  and  eight  o'clock  in  the  evening.  He  was  mounted  on  a 
dapple  grey  horse,  and  was  dressed  in  grey  velvet,  all  covered 
with  gold,  with  the  grey  hat  and  the  white  plumes.  The 
garrisons  of  Mantes  and  St.  Denis  went  first,  with  the  Corpora- 
tion of  the  City  and  the  echevins.  Messieure  de  la  Cour  [the 
Presidents  and  Councillors  of  the  Paris  Parliament]  went  in 
their  red  robes  to  meet  him  at  Notre  Dame,  where  the  Te  Deum 
was  sung.  It  was  eight  o'clock  when  his  Majesty  crossed  over 
the  Pont  Notre  Dame,  accompanied  by  a  large  body  of  cavalry 
and  surrounded  by  a  magnificent  noblesse.  He,  with  a  laughing 
face,  well  pleased  at  seeing  all  the  people  crying  Vive  le  Roy  I  so 
gaily,  kept  his  hat  constantly  in  his  hand,  principally  in  order 
to  salute  the  dames  and  damsels  who  were  at  the  windows, 
among  whom  he  saluted  three  very  comely  ones  (who  were  in 
mourning,  and  stood  at  some  high  windows  in  front  of  St.  Penis, 


VI  LA  BELLE  GABRIELLE  148 

de  la  Chartre),  as  he  also  did  La  Raverie,*  who  was  at  Bocquet's 
in  the  Rue  St.  Jacques.  The  Lady  of  Liancourt  went  a  little 
before  the  King,  in  a  magnificent  litter,  which  was  quite  open, 
and  she  was  covered  with  so  many  pearls  and  such  brilliant 
gems  that  they  outvied  the  torchlight;  and  her  gown  was  of 
black  satin,  tufted  all  over  with  white." 

That  triumphal  entry  was,  so  to  say,  a  formal  recognition  of 
the  position  which  Gabrielle  now  occupied  beside  the  throne,  a 
mark,  such  as  all  might  witness,  of  the  confidence  which  Henri 
placed  in  her.  On  January  7,  1595,  her  marriage  with  Lian- 
court was  formally  annulled  as  being  contrary  to  the  statutes  of 
the  Church ;  and  those  folk  who  still  foolishly  asserted  that  the 
King  well  knew  that  he  was  not  the  father  of  her  son  Cesar 
must  have  been  silenced  on  the  ensuing  3rd  of  February,  when 
the  Parliament  of  Paris  was  called  upon  to  register  the  letters 
patent,  by  which  Henri  acknowledged  the  paternity  of  the  child 
and  legitimated  him.  The  more  curious  and  interesting  part 
of  that  document  may  well  be  quoted  : 

"Henry,  by  the  Grace  of  God,  King  of  France  and 
Navarre,  etc.  .  .  .  Whereas  We  have  desired  to  have  issue 
and  to  leave  it,  after  Us,  to  this  Kingdom,  and  whereas  God 
has  not  yet  allowed  Us  to  have  any  in  lawful  wedlock,  since  the 
Queen,  Our  spouse,  has  been  for  ten  years  separated  from  Us, 
it  has  been  Our  desire,  pending  the  time  when  He  may  graciously 
give  Us  heirs,  who  may  legitimately  succeed  to  this  crown,  to 
endeavour  to  have  children  elsewhere  .  .  .  who  will  be  obliged 
to  serve  this  State,  as  has  happened  in  the  past,  with  others  of  the 
same  quality,  who  deserved  well  of  the  State,  and  rendered  great 
and  notable  services ;  on  this  account,  then,  having  recognized  the 
many  great  graces  and  perfections,  as  much  of  mind  as  of  body, 
that  abide  in  the  person  of  Our  very  dear  and  well-beloved 

*  Respecting  La  Raverie  who  appears  to  have  visited  the  royal  camp  before 
Paris  in  1592,  Lescure  quotes  a  letter  written  by  the  King  in  which  he  says : 
<*  Monsieur  de  Marivauz,  I  have  granted  the  Demoiselle  de  la  Raverie  a  pass- 
port to  enable  her  to  take  some  wheat,  wine,  and  wood  into  Paris  for  her  con- 
sumption. I  beg  you  to  make  no  difficulty  in  letting  her  pass.  You  are,  of 
your  own  accord,  courteous  enough  to  beautiful  women  such  as  she  is,  so  I  do 
not  press  you  more  on  the  subject  (Oct.  17,  1592),"  Judging  by  this  letter, 
one  ought  perhaps  to  Include  MUe.  de  la  Raverie  among  the  Vert  Galant'a 
conquests. 


144     FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE        vi 

Gabrielle  d"'Estrees,  We,  for  some  few  years  past,  have  sought 
her  to  that  effect,  as  being  the  subject  whom  We  judged  to  be 
the  most  worthy  of  Our  friendship ;  which  We  held  We  might 
do  with  all  the  less  scruple  and  burdening  of  conscience,  as  We 
know  that  the  marriage  which  she  had  previously  contracted 
with  the  Sieur  de  Liancourt  was  null,  and  had  never  had  effect, 
as  is  testified  by  the  judgment  of  separation  and  annulment  of 
the  said  marriage,  which  has  since  ensued.  And  whereas  the 
said  Lady,  after  Our  long  suit  and  by  the  exercise  of  such 
authority  as  We  brought  to  bear,  did  condescend  to  obey  Us 
and  do  Our  pleasure,  and  whereas  it  has  pleased  God  that  she 
should  not  long  since  give  Us  a  son,  who  has  hitherto  borne  the 
name  of  Cesar  Monsieur,  now,  in  addition  to  the  natural 
charity  and  paternal  affection  in  which  We  hold  him,  both 
because  he  is  Our  issue  and  by  reason  of  the  particular  graces 
which  God  and  nature  have  bestowed  upon  him  in  his  early 
infancy,  and  which  induce  Us  to  hope  that  they  will  increase 
with  his  years,  so  that  he,  coming  from  such  a  stock,  may 
some  day  yield  much  good  fruit  to  this  State,  We  have 
resolved,  etc.,  etc." 

The  usual  formula  of  legitimation  then  follows,  the  name  of 
Vendome  being  bestowed  on  the  infant  Cesar — in  which  con- 
nexion it  will  be  remembered  that  Henri's  father,  Antoine  de 
Bourbon,  bore  the  title  of  Duke  de  Vendome,  before  his  marriage 
with  Jeanne  d'Albret  made  him  King  of  Navarre. 


VII 

LA  BELLE   GABRIELLE 

II.   Palmy  Days 

First  Negotiations  for  the  Divorce  of  Henri  and  Marguerite — Gabrielle's  rdle 
at  Court — Her  Friends  and  Partisans — She  protects  the  Huguenots — 
Aubign^  and  Gabrielle— Ch&tel's  Attempt  on  the  King — Gabrielle's  good 
Sense  in  Politics — Her  Correspondence — Honours  paid  to  her — Henri's 
Speech  at  Rouen  and  Gabrielle's  Criticism — The  King's  early  Penury — 
His  alleged  Miserliness — The  Indebtedness  of  the  French  Crown — Extra- 
vagant Queens — Henri's  Gifts  to  Gabrielle — Her  Estates — Birth  of  her 
Daughter — She  is  created  Duchess  de  Beaufort  and  acquires  further  Pro- 
perty— Unpopular  with  Parisian  Malcontents — L'EstoUle  on  Gabrielle 
and  Henri — Her  hunting  Costume — Henri  laughs  at  Prophecies — His 
Amusements — Gabrielle  said  to  have  Debased  him — The  Spaniards  in 
Northern  France — Henri  and  the  Surprise  of  Amiens — Bad  Tidings  all 
round — The  King's  Composure  and  Gallantry— Gabrielle's  Nervousness — • 
The  Story  of  the  Ferryman — The  Siege  of  Amiens — Henri's  Letter  to 
Crillon — Gabrielle's  Fortune — Her  Inventory — The  King's  Constancy 
to  her — Love  Passages  from  his  Letters. 

It  was  in  1593  that  the  King  made  the  first  attempt  to  obtain 
a  divorce  from  his  wife,  Queen  Marguerite.  The  idea  sprang 
in  part  from  some  remarks  made  to  him  by  his  counsellor  and 
friend  Du  Plessis-Mornay,  who  pointed  out  one  day  that  his 
innumerable  love  affairs,  besides  imperilling  his  soul,  were  pre- 
judicial to  his  health  and  reputation.  "  Why  don"'t  my  friends 
think  of  marrying  me  ? ""  Henri  retorted,  without  taking  the 
matter  quite  seriously  perhaps.  That  question,  however, 
enabled  Du  Plessis-Mornay  to  press  his  point,  and  he  seems  to 
have  really  imagined  that  matrimony  might  ensure  the  King'*s 
salvation.  It  was  thought  at  first  that  Henri  might  secure 
a  divorce  from  Queen  Marguerite  without  referring  the  affair 
to  the  Pope,  it  being  proposed  that  Marguerite  should  sign 
full   powers   of  attorney,  and  make   a  declaration  before    an 

L 


146     FAVOURn^S  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE       vn 

ecclesiastical  judge,  setting  forth  her  desire  for  the  dissolution 
of  her  marriage,  on  the  ground  that  it  had  been  contracted 
contrary  to  her  wishes,  and  without  a  dispensation,  although 
she  and  her  husband  came  within  a  degree  of  affinity  in  which 
marriage  was  prohibited  by  the  Church.  A  certain  Erard,  who 
was  one  of  her  maitres  de  requetes,  was  accordingly  despatched 
to  Usson  in  order  to  obtain  the  necessary  documents  from  her ; 
and  in  April,  1593,  he  returned  to  Paris  with  them,  as  appears 
from  a  letter  written  by  the  Queen  herself. 

That  satisfactory  beginning  was  followed,  however,  by 
numerous  incidents,  and  the  interposition  of  one  and  another 
obstacle,  which  deferred  the  actual  divorce  for  several  years. 
M.  de  Lescure  holds,  moreover,  that  many  of  the  delays  were 
due  to  the  interested  parties  themselves.  On  the  one  hand, 
either  some  very  belated  jealousy  arose  in  Marguerite's  mind, 
or  in  her  reduced  circumstances  she  was  inclined  to  demand  too 
high  a  price  for  her  compliance  with  the  King''s  desires  ;  while, 
on  the  other,  Henri  may  have  intentionally  refrained  from 
expediting  matters  from  a  fear  lest,  directly  he  recovered  his 
freedom,  his  counsellors  should  insist  on  providing  him  with 
a  wife  more  of  their  choice  than  his  own.  That  last  view  is 
not  endorsed  by  historians,  but  it  was  held  by  some  of  the 
contemporary  romanciers  and  anecdotiers,  who  did  not  always 
invent  what  they  wrote,  and  it  is  certainly  a  somewhat 
plausible  one,  for  we  know  that  while  the  King  himself  wished 
to  marry  Gabrielle  d*'Estrees,  his  most  influential  advisers 
were  opposed  to  that  match,  and  he  may,  therefore,  have 
deemed  it  best  to  adjourn  matters  altogether.  Moreover,  when 
the  question  of  applying  to  the  Pope  arose  it  had  to  be 
remembered  that  the  affair  of  the  Papal  absolution,  which 
Henri  had  been  obliged  to  solicit,  was  still  in  abeyance,  and 
until  that  might  be  settled  it  seemed  unadvisable  to  request 
any  further  favours  of  the  Holy  See. 

Meantime,  Gabrielle  was  not  merely  the  King's  favourite,  for 
her  position  became  that  of  a  kind  of  deputy  Queen  of  France. 
The  King  defined  her  status,  in  regard  to  himself  personally,  as 
that  of  "  a  person  in  whom  he  could  have  confidence,  to  whom 
he  might  confide  his  secrets  and  worries,  receiving  from  her  in 
all  such  matters  familiar  and  sweet  consolation.'^    Historians 


vn  LA  BELLE  GABRIELLE  147 

generally  agree  that  Gabrielle  played  a  consoling  and  pacifying 
rule^  at  least  in  the  earlier  years  of  the  liaisoriy  in  such  wise  that 
even  those  who  were  not  inclined  to  like  her  found  that  they 
could  not  hate  her.  Aubigne  admits  the  outward  modesty 
and  decency  of  her  behaviour ;  while  Mathieu,  Henri's  official 
historian,  writes :  "  Pleasure  was  not  the  principal  object  of 
her  affections ;  she  rendered  the  King  service  by  putting  an  end 
to  several  quarrels  in  which  Court  life  is  only  too  prolific.  He 
confided  to  her  the  opinions  and  reports  he  received  concerning 
his  servants,  and  whenever  he  revealed  to  her  his  mental 
wounds,  she  at  once  applied  herself  to  quieting  their  pain, 
never  ceasing  until  the  cause  was  removed,  the  offence  softened, 
and  the  offended  one  pacified  ;  in  such  wise  that  the  Court 
confessed  that  the  great  favour  she  enjoyed,  often  dangerous  in 
an  imperious  sex,  sustained  all  and  oppressed  none  ;  and  there 
were  several  who  rejoiced  at  the  greatness  of  her  fortune.""  In 
much  the  same  strain,  Sainte-Beuve  writes  :  "  Gabrielle  was  one 
of  those  women  who,  far  from  fomenting  quarrels,  prove  rest- 
ful and  recreative  to  their  lovers.  ...  It  was  Gabrielle's 
art  and  charm  that  she  knew  how  to  invest  a  more  than  equi- 
vocal mode  of  life  with  a  kind  of  dignity  and  even  some  air 
of  decency." 

Apart  from  the  early  affair  of  Bellegarde,  Gabrielle's  devotion 
to  her  royal  lover  has  never  been  called  in  question  by  historians. 
Even  when  Henri  had  secured  possession  of  Paris,  he  was  not 
yet  entirely  King  of  France.  He  still  had  to  conquer  Brittany, 
Picardy  and  Lorraine,  and  again  and  again  mediate  between 
Catholics  and  Huguenots.  His  sway  did  not  become  definite 
until  1600 ;  it  was  only  then  that,  to  use  his  own  expression, 
he  "  mounted  into  his  triumphal  car."  And,  as  Lescure  says, 
Gabrielle  was  then  dead,  and  with  her  had  gone  the  happiness 
of  continual  striving,  the  illusions  of  youth,  the  very  joy  of 
that  comparative  poverty,  too,  which  was  the  cause  of  the 
King's  Court  being  composed  solely  of  men  really  attached 
to  him,  men  inspired  by  feelings  of  friendship  and  affisction,  and 
not  by  greedy  desires. 

As  we  shall  see,  Gabrielle  received  numerous  very  important 
gifts  from  Henri  in  the  course  of  their  long  liaison,  but  we 
hardly  think  that  she  was  a  rapacious  woman.    She  was  held 


148     FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE       vii 

in  friendship  by  two  persons  of  her  sex  who  were  among  the 
most  respectable  and  respected  of  their  time,  first  the  King's 
sister,  the  Princess  Catherine  of  Navarre,  and  secondly 
Coligny's  daughter,  the  Princess  of  Orange,  widow  of  William 
the  Silent.  "  The  friendship  of  that  lady,  who  was  loved  and 
honoured  by  all,  even  by  the  Catholics,"  says  Michelet,  "  was 
a  great  moral  support  for  Gabrielle.  She  was  evidently  of 
opinion  that  such  a  long  and  faithful  attachment  became 
purified  by  its  duration,  and  that  Gabrielle  was  no  more  bound 
to  her  nominal  husband,  whom,  perhaps,  she  never  saw  again, 
than  the  King  was  bound  to  the  slandered  Marguerite,  whom 
he  had  not  seen  for  so  many  years." 

The  Huguenot  party  greatly  preferred  Gabrielle  to  any 
Queen  of  Spanish  or  Italian  origin.  Aubigne  even  asserts  that 
she  was  secretly  inclined  to  the  Protestant  faith.  In  any  case, 
she  certainly  did  much  to  protect  the  Huguenots  and  ensure 
them  the  free  exercise  of  their  rights.  She  was  the  better  able 
to  do  this  without  incurring  obloquy  among  the  Catholics,  as 
she  had  brought  no  little  influence  to  bear  on  the  King  in 
favour  of  his  abjuration.  L'Estoille  shows  her  interceding  very 
energetically  and  sensibly  on  behalf  of  the  Huguenots  at  the 
time  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes,  when  there  was  a  desire  to  dis- 
qualify them  in  respect  to  the  holding  of  public  offices  and 
admission  to  the  States-general. 

Aubigne,  as  we  have  said,  was  not  unfavourable  to  Gabrielle, 
and,  in  that  connexion,  here  is  a  curious  passage  from  his 
writings.  "  He  [Aubigne]  arrived  at  Chauny  for  the  siege  of 
La  Fere,  wearing  mourning  for  his  wife,  who  had  died  a  few 
months  previously  and  for  whom  he  wept  almost  every  night 
during  three  years.  ...  His  friends  declared  that  he  despaired 
of  ever  regaining  the  King's  good  graces,*  and  dared  not  appear 
before  him,  as  the  King  had  openly  sworn  at  table  that  he 
would  have  him  put  to  death.  But  to  show  that  this  opinion 
was  wrong,  Aubignd  made  six  journeys,  one  of  which  was  this 
particular  one.  Having  come,  then,  to  the  lodgings  of  the 
Duchess  de  Beaufort  [Gabrielle]  f  where  the  King  was  expected, 

•  They  had  fallen  out  over  Henri's  abjuration  and  similar  matters,  Aubign6'8 
outspokenness  not  being  to  the  King's  taste. 

t  At  the  time  ol  the  occarrenco  in  question  QabrioUe  was  not  yet  Duchess 


vii  LA  BELLE  GABRIELLE  149 

two  noblemen  of  mark  affectionately  begged  him  to  mount 
horse  again  on  account  of  the  King's  fury  against  him.  Indeed, 
he  heard  some  gentlemen  disputing  whether  he  should  be 
committed  to  the  custody  of  the  Captain  of  the  Guard  or  the 
Provost  of  the  Household.  In  the  evening,  however,  he  set 
himself  between  the  torch  bearers  who  were  awaiting  the  King, 
and  as  the  coach  went  by  towards  the  steps  of  the  house,  he 
heard  the  King  exclaiming :  '  There  is  Monsieur,  my  Lord 
d'Aubigne ! ' 

"That  *my  Lording,'  was  very  little  to  Aubigne's  taste. 
However,  he  went  forward  as  the  King  alighted.  The  King  set 
his  cheek  against  Aubigne's,  ordered  him  to  assist  his  mistress 
to  alight,  and  made  her  unmask  to  salute  him ;  while  the 
companions  were  heard  repeating,  *Is  that  placing  him  in 
charge  of  the  Provost  of  the  Household  ?  ' 

"  The  King,  however,  forbidding  any  others  to  follow  him, 
made  Aubign^  alone  go  in  with  him,  his  mistress,  and  her  sister 
Juliette.  For  more  than  two  hours  he  made  him  walk  up  and 
down  between  the  Duchess  [Gabrielle]  and  himself,  and  it  was 
then  that  a  remark  was  made  which  afterwards  circulated  so 
much;  for  while,  by  the  light  of  a  flambeau,  the  King  was 
showing  his  pierced  lips,  he  allowed  Aubigne  to  say,  without 
resenting  it : 

*' '  Sire,  so  far  you  have  only  renounced  God  with  your  lips, 
and  it  has  satisfied  Him  to  pierce  them  ;  but  when  you  renounce 
Him  with  your  heart,  it  is  your  heart  that  He  will  pierce.' 

"  *  Oh,  the  fine  words ! '  the  Duchess  exclaimed,  *  but  you 
employ  them  badly.' 

"'Ay,  madam,'  said  the  other,  'because  they  will  be  of 
no  avail.' 

"  The  lady  being  pleased  with  such  boldness,  and  desiring 
the  author's  friendship,  the  King  formed  the  great  design  of 
committing  to  him  the  rearing  and  keeping  of  the  little  Cesar, 
now  Duke  de  Vendome,  whom  one  day  he  placed  naked  in 
Aubigne's  arms.  Three  years  later,  Aubigne  was  to  have  taken 
him   into   Saintonge   to  rear  and  provide  for  him  among  the 

de  Beaufort,  but  AubignS  designates  her  by  that  title,  as  his  narrative  was 
drawn  up  at  a  much  later  date.  As  the  reader  will  perceive,  it  is  written  in 
the  third  person. 


150     FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE       vii 

Huguenots,  but  as  that  design  was  cast  to  the  winds,  we  will 
also  consign  to  them  the  account  of  it.*" 

The  piercing  of  the  King's  lip,  referred  to  in  the  above 
passage,  was  the  work  of  that  young  student,  Jean  Chatel,  to 
whose  crime  we  previously  referred.  Like  some  of  the  other 
attempts  on  the  King's  life,  it  was  perpetrated  in  the  presence 
of  Gabrielle  ;  in  fact,  it  actually  occurred  in  her  own  house  in 
Paris.*  The  King  had  just  returned  from  a  journey  into 
Picardy  (December,  1594),  and  two  noblemen,  MM.  de  Ragny 
and  de  Montigny,  had  arrived  to  offer  him  their  submission. 
He  was  leaning  towards  them  to  assist  them  to  rise  and  to  give 
them  the  accolade,  when  Chatel  dealt  him  a  thrust  with  a  knife, 
thereby  hoping  to  pierce  his  throat.  The  assassin's  aim  was 
bad,  however,  and  he  pierced  the  lip  instead.  Gabrielle  and 
her  sister,  Mme.  de  Balagny,  nursed  the  wounded  monarch,  and 
endeavoured  to  console  him,  but  he  could  not  refrain  from 
making  some  very  bitter  complaints.  L'Estoille  pictures 
him  exclaiming : 

"  Ventre  sainUgrls !  how  can  I  feel  happy  when  I  see  a 
people  so  ungrateful  as  to  plan  fresh  attempts  on  me  every  day, 
although  I  have  done  and  still  do  all  that  I  can  for  them,  and 
would  willingly  sacrifice  a  thousand  lives  for  their  welfare,  had 
God  given  me  so  many  ! " 

Chatel's  crime  was  followed,  as  we  previously  mentioned,  by 
the  expulsion  of  the  Jesuits  from  France ;  and  the  fact  that  so 
many  of  the  attempts  on  Henri's  life  were  inspired  by  religious 
fanaticism,  prompted  Gabrielle  d'Estrees  to  advise  great 
caution  on  her  royal  lover's  part.  She  did  not  wish  to  see 
injustice  done  to  his  former  co-religionaries,  but  at  the  same 
time  she  did  not  wish  him  to  give  the  Catholics  cause  for 
offence.  On  that  point  Sainte-Beuve  tells  the  following 
interesting  anecdote.  "  One  day  in  March,  1597,  the  King 
went  after  dinner  to  see  his  sister  Madame  Catherine,  who  was 
indisposed.  She  had  remained  a  Protestant.  By  way  of 
diverting  her  they  began  to  play  a  lute  and  sing  a  psalm, 
according  to  the  fashion  of  the  Calvinists.  The  King  thought- 
lessly began  to  take  part  in  the  concert  and  sing  the  psalm 
with  the  others ;  but  Gabrielle,  who  was  near  him  and  reflected 

•  See  p.  207,  poat. 


VII  LA  BELLE  GABRIELLE  151 

on  the  possible  consequences  of  such  an  imprudent  action, 
when  distorted  by  malicious  folk,  placed  her  hand  over  his 
mouth,  begging  him  to  desist  from  singing,  with  which  request 
he  complied." 

The  royal  favourite's  behaviour  on  that  occasion  was  at 
least  full  of  good  sense.  Nevertheless  some  writers  have  held 
that  Gabrielle  d'Estrees  possessed  no  political  shrewdness,  no 
spirit  of  initiative,  no  powers  of  suggestion  and  advice.  Others, 
going  even  further,  have  declared  her  quite  destitute  of  wit, 
unable  even  to  speak  and  write  with  a  little  feminine  esprit. 
There  is,  however,  scarcely  anything  more  than  negative 
evidence  in  support  of  that  view  which,  as  Lescure  remarked, 
is  such  as  plain  women  favour,  for  they  generally  hold  that  wit 
and  talent  never  go  hand  in  hand  with  beauty.  We  often 
observe  the  contrary,  however,  in  our  own  daily  lives,  while, 
historically,  to  mention  but  two  women,  more  or  less  of  the 
class  to  which  Gabrielle  belonged,  it  may  be  pointed  out  that 
Ninon  de  TEnclos  was  a  woman  of  great  wit  as  well  as  of  great 
and  lasting  beauty,  while  the  talents  of  the  beautiful 
Marchioness  de  Pompadour  would  almost  justify  one  in  calling 
her  a  woman  of  genius.  Doubtless,  however,  the  ugly  women 
will  still  and  ever  contend  that  their  more  favoured  sisters  must 
be  stupid. 

So  very  few  examples  of  Gabrielle  d'Estrees'  letters  have 
come  down  to  us  that  she  cannot  be  fairly  judged  by  them. 
One  is  addressed  to  Henri  I,  Duke  and  Constable  de  Mont- 
morency, on  the  occasion  of  the  death  of  his  young  wife,  Louise 
de  Budos,  an  extremely  beautiful  woman,  first  married  to 
Jacques  de  Gramont,  Lord  of  Vacheres,  and  secondly,  in  1595, 
to  Montmorency,  from  whom  she  was  suddenly  snatched  by 
death  in  1598,  when  she  was  only  twenty-three  years  old,  her 
sudden  and  mysterious  demise  at  Chantilly,  then  the  property 
of  the  Montmorencys,  being  attributed  to  poison.  The  letter 
written  by  Gabrielle  on  this  occasion  *  is  a  mere  letter  of 
condolence  couched  in  the  exaggerated  style  then  commonly 
found  in  such  epistles.  Two  other  notes  of  hers — addressed  to 
the  Duchess  de  Nevers  f — are  somewhat  insignificant ;  a  fourth 

*  Yung's  Henri  IV,  icrivain. 

t  Pelort's  Voyages  aux  Environs  de  Paris,  vol.  ii. 


152     FAVOURITES   OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE       vii 

one,  published  by  Musset-Pathay,  displays  more  liveliness  and 
freedom  of  style.  Gabrielle  certainly  affected  no  pretensions 
to  scholarship,  but  in  the  three  last  missives  which  we  have 
mentioned,  one  can  detect  indications  of  a  graceful,  pleasing, 
and  perfectly  unaffected  nature.  There  is  no  trace  of  the  wit 
and  literary  talent  of  Queen  Marguerite ;  but  to  assert,  as  some 
have  done,  that  Gabrielle  was  altogether  without  intellectual 
gifts  is  contrary  to  everything  we  know  of  her  career. 

One  cannot  deny  the  possession  of  political  shrewdness  to 
one  who  favoured  her  royal  lover's  abjuration  in  order  to  win 
for  him  the  allegiance  of  the  great  majority  of  Frenchmen,  and 
who  did  so  much  to  bring  about  the  submission  of  the  Dukes 
de  Mayenne  and  de  Mercoeur,  thereby  dealing  the  League  a 
blow  from  which  it  never  recovered.  While  at  the  outset  it 
was  undoubtedly  her  beauty  which  attracted  Henri  de  Navarre, 
he  was,  as  Lescure  says,  too  witty,  too  intellectually  gifted  to 
have  desired  to  marry  her  and  make  her  Queen  of  France — as 
he,  at  one  moment,  undoubtedly  did  desire — had  she  been 
merely  a  joUe  sotte.  Moreover,  with  his  well-known  fickleness 
in  love,  he  would  not  have  remained  bound  to  her  as  he  did  for 
so  many  years  had  her  beauty  been  her  only  charm. 

Sully  was  opposed  to  Gabrielle,  though  he  was  indebted  to 
her  for  his  position  as  financial  minister,  in  which  respect 
again  she  showed  political  sagacity,  as  disinterested  as  it  ulti- 
mately proved  advantageous  for  France.  The  course  of  events, 
and  notably  the  King's  idea  of  marrying  his  favourite,  brought 
her  and  Sully  into  antagonism.  From  the  moral  point  of  view 
such  a  marriage  would  have  been  a  right  one,  and  would  have 
conduced  far  more  to  the  King's  domestic  happiness  than  did 
his  subsequent  union  with  Marie  de'  Medici.  But  for  political 
reasons  the  marriage  was  distinctly  unadvisable ;  and  thus,  when 
Gabrielle  died,  Sully  openly  rejoiced — effusively  embracing  his 
wife  at  the  thought  that  she  would  not  be  obliged  to  attend 
the  levSes  of  the  whilom  favourite  transformed  into  a  Queen  of 
France. 

The  Memoirs  of  Claude  Groulart,  President  of  the  Parlia- 
ment of  Normandy,  indicate  what  a  high  position  Gabrielle 
held  beside  the  King,  and  how  he  required  even  the  chief 
magistrates  of  the  Kingdom  to  treat  her  with  as  much  deference 


VII  LA  BELLE  GABRIELLE  153 

as  if  she  had  been  actually  a  Princess ;  "  On  Thursday,  October 
10,  1596,"  writes  Groulart,  "  Madame  la  Marquise  de  Mont- 
ceaux  [Gabrielle]  arrived  at  Rouen  and  lodged  at  [the  abbey 
of]  St.  Ouen,  in  the  room  over  the  King's.  On  Friday,  the 
11th,  I  went  to  pay  her  my  respects,  and  again  on  the  following 
Sunday,  having  received  the  King's  command  to  that  effect  by 
the  Sieurs  de  Ste.  Marie  du  Mont  and  Fouquerolles." 

This  was  the  occasion  on  which  Henri  made  a  state  entry 
into  Rouen  before  attending  the  Assembly  of  Notables,  to  whom 
he  delivered  a  very  striking  speech  which  partially  failed  in  its 
object,  however,  as  the  King's  sincerity  was  doubted  by  many 
people.  He  often  spoke  too  freely  and  promised  too  much,  like 
the  Gascon  he  was,  and  if  we  may  believe  certain  anecdotes, 
Gabrielle  appears  to  have  noticed  that  defect  and  have  cautioned 
him  against  it.  In  the  speech  he  made  to  the  Notables  at  the 
abbey  of  St.  Ouen  there  occurred  the  famous  passage  :  "  I  have 
not  summoned  you  as  my  predecessors  did  to  make  you  approve 
what  they  had  resolved  upon.  I  have  assembled  you  to  receive 
your  advice,  to  trust  in  it  and  follow  it,  briefly  to  place  myself 
in  tutelage  in  your  hands,  a  desire  which  seldom  comes  to  Kings, 
grey-beards,  and  victorious  men.  But  the  violence  of  the  love 
which  I  bear  to  my  subjects,  etc.,  etc." 

Now,  as  Henri  wished  to  ascertain  Gabrielle's  opinion  of 
that  harangue  and  the  effect  it  might  produce,  he  requested  her 
to  station  herself  behind  some  tapestry  which  shut  off  a  part  of 
the  hall,  in  order  that  she  might  hear  everything  that  was  said. 
And  as  soon  as  the  ceremony  was  over,  the  King  asked  her 
what  she  thought  of  his  speech,  whereupon,  we  are  told,  she 
answered  that  she  had  never  heard  a  better  one,  but  had  never- 
theless felt  astonished  on  hearing  him  speak  of  placing  himself 
in  tutelage. 

"  Ventre  saint-gris ! "  Henri  retorted,  "  that's  true,  but  I 
mean  it  with  my  sword  at  my  side !  "^ 

That  admission  of  the  King's  shows  that  Gabrielle's  criticism 
was  well  founded,  and  that  she  was  really  possessed  of  sound 
political  sense.* 

♦  M.  Yung's  work  Henri  IV,  dcrivain  contains  some  interesting  remarks 
concerning  the  King's  speech  at  Rouen,  the  original  draft  of  which,  corrected 
by  Henri  himself,  is  now  in  the  Biblioth^que  Rationale  in  Paris. 


154     FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY   OF  NAVARRE       vii 

Like  most  if  not  all  royal  favourites,  Gabrielle  d'Estr^es 
was  accused  in  her  lifetime  of  impoverishing  the  Kingdom  by 
her  extravagance,  and  some  latter-day  historians  have  pictured 
her  as  an  unscrupulous  creature  carried  away  by  boundless 
greed.  It  is  certain  that  Henri  was  put  to  sore  shifts  for 
money  at  the  period  when  his  liaison  with  Gabrielle  began. 
For  instance,  here  is  an  amusing  passage  from  L'Estoille's 
Journal : 

"  At  this  time  (1594)  the  King's  coach  horses  were  brought 
back  to  him  because  there  was  no  food  for  them.  Addressin*: 
himself  to  Monsieur  d'O,*  he  asked  him  how  that  happened. 

" '  Sire,'  said  he,  '  there  is  no  money."" 

" '  I  am  in  a  very  wretched  state,'  the  King  retorted.  *  I 
shall  have  to  go  about  naked  and  on  foot  before  long.'  And 
turning  to  one  of  his  valets-de-chambrey  he  asked  him  how  many 
shirts  he  had. 

" '  A  dozen.  Sire,'  said  the  valet,  '  but  some  of  them  are 
torn.' 

"  *  And  handkerchiefs,'  said  the  King,  '  have  I  not  eight  ? ' 

"  *  At  present  there  are  only  five,'  the  valet  answered. 

"Thereupon  Monsieur  d'O  told  the  King  that  he  had 
ordered  six  thousand  crowns'  worth  of  linen  in  Flanders  to 
make  him  some  shirts  and  handkerchiefs. 

"  *  That's  the  way,'  said  the  King,  '  they  want  to  make  me 
resemble  those  students  who  are  said  to  wear  furred  gowns  at 
home,  but  who  none  the  less  die  of  cold.' " 

Two  years  later  he  is  found  writing  this  letter  to  Sully  : 
*'  It  is  now  for  you  to  make  up  your  mind  to  follow  my  in- 
structions and  speak  to  me  freely,  and  in  order  that  you  may 
do  so,  I  will  tell  you  to  what  a  state  I  am  reduced,  which  is 
that  I  am  very  near  to  the  enemy,  and  yet  I  hardly  have  a 
horse  on  which  I  can  fight,  or  a  complete  set  of  armour  (Imrnaijs) 
for  my  shoulders.  My  shirts  are  all  torn,  my  doublets  are 
ragged  at  the  elbows.  My  stewpot  is  often  turned  upside 
down  as  there  is  nothing  to  put  in  it,  and  for  two  days  past 

♦  Fran^olfl,  Marquis  d'O,  Master  of  the  Wardrobe,  Sancy's  succossor  as 
Superintendent  of  Finances  and  some  time  Qovernor  of  Paris.  Ho  had  served 
Henri  III,  but  was  confirmed  in  most  of  bis  posts  by  Henri  de  Navarre. 
M.  d'O  died  in  1594,  and  later  Sully  became  Suporintendent  of  Finances. 


vu  LA  BELLE  GABRIELLE  155 

I  have  been  dining  and  supping  with  one  and  another,  as  iny 
own  purveyors  declare  that  they  can  no  longer  supply  anything 
for  my  own  table,  particularly  as  they  have  been  paid  no  money 
for  six  months  past.  Well,  judge  if  I  deserve  to  be  treated  in 
that  manner,  if  I  am  to  suffer  financiers  and  treasurers  to  let 
me  die  of  starvation,  whilst  they  keep  well-served  and  dainty 
tables." 

Sully,  as  we  know,  restored  the  finances  of  the  kingdom, 
and  enabled  the  King  to  support  his  crown  and  dignity  in  a 
proper  fashion.  In  his  later  years  Henri  was  repeatedly  accused 
of  meanness.  "  His  greed  is  abominable,"  said  the  Florentine 
resident  at  the  French  Court.  "  He  is  an  absolute  miser," 
wrote  Aubigne.  "  He  can  neither  give  nor  receive  like  a  King," 
was  the  verdict  of  Mme.  de  Simier.  "He  avoids  gentlemen 
without  fortune  for  fear  lest  they  should  pester  him  with 
requests,"  said  Beauvais-Nangris,  while  Marie  de'  Medici,  Henri's 
second  consort,  never  ceased  complaining  of  his  niggardliness.* 
But  we  do  not  believe  in  the  charge  that  the  King  was  naturally 
a  miser.  As  he  grew  older,  however,  the  thousand  straits  and 
shifts  to  which  he  was  put  taught  him  the  value  of  money ; 
and  he  ended  by  realizing  how  necessary  it  was  that,  after  so 
many  years  of  ruinous  civil  war,  the  treasury  should  be  replenished 
if  France  were  to  be  again  made  a  strong  and  prosperous  king- 
dom. He  did  not  scatter  State  property  broadcast  among  his 
adherents.  Had  the  Huguenot  cause  prevailed  he  would  never 
have  distributed  the  spoils  of  the  Catholic  church  among  greedy 
nobles,  as  our  Henry  VIH  did  at  the  time  of  the  dissolution  of 
the  monasteries.  When  Navarre  heard  that  many  of  his 
courtiers  called  him  a  miser,  he  retorted : 

"A  miser.'  Why,  I  do  three  things  which  are  far  from 
being  the  acts  of  a  miser  :  I  make  war,  I  make  love,  and  I 
build." 

Further,  he  ordered  Sully  to  issue  a  statement  of  the  Crown 
debts  which  had  to  be  met,  and  which  were  gradually  settled 
by  annual  payments.  Exclusive  of  the  cost  of  the  treaties  with 
the  Leaguers  (some  thirty-two  million  livres)  the  total  amounted 

*  See  Louis  BatiSol's  important  and  interesting  volume  MarU  de'  Midicis 
and  the  French  Court,  London,  Chatto  and  Windus,  X908. 


156     FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE       vii 

to  three  hundred  and  seven  millions,*  which,  if  we  accept 
M.  Louis  Arnould's  view  that  a  livre  at  that  period  represented 
seven  francs  of  present-day  money,  would  mean  an  indebtedness 
ofcf'50,000,000. 

In  such  a  position  of  affairs  how  could  a  King,  desirous  of 
acting  rightly,  be  otherwise  than  cautious  in  money  matters  ? 
At  the  time  of  his  second  marriage,  Henri  owed  the  Grand 
Duke  of  Tuscany  alone,  for  repeated  advances  to  himself  and 
his  predecessors,  Charles  IX  and  Henri  III,  a  sum  of  over 
thirty  millions  sterling,  and  indeed  it  was  that  circumstance 
and  the  urgent  need  of  further  money  that  led  to  the  King's 
marriage  with  Marie  de'  Medici.  A  large  part  of  her  nominal 
dowry  never  reached  the  King,  being  simply  written  off  the 
royal  account ;  and  the  amount  she  actually  brought  with  her 
to  France  (some  350,000  crowns  f)  represented  barely  a  tithe  of 
what  she  afterwards  cost  the  King  and  the  French  Treasury, 
for  not  only  did  she  fall  into  the  hands  of  designing  favourites 
but  she  was  carried  away  by  an  insensate  passion  for  jewellery 
which  she  satisfied  regardless  of  expense. 

The  sixteenth  century  was  pre-eminently  an  age  of  ex- 
travagance in  women.  Spendthrift  Queens,  Princesses  and 
graiides  dames  were  then  the  rule,  not  the  exception.  Eleanor 
of  Austria,  the  second  consort  of  Francis  I,  left  heavy  debts 
behind  her  when  at  his  death  she  quitted  the  country.  That 
monarch's  favourites  were  also  grasping  and  prodigal.  Catherine 
de'  Medici,  the  consort  of  the  next  King,  Henri  II,  was  both 
the  richest  and  the  most  extravagant  Queen  France  ever  had, 
one  who  died  hugely  in  debt  in  spite  of  all  her  great  personal 
wealth.  Louise  de  Vaudemont,  the  Princess  of  the  House  of 
Lorraine,  who  espoused  Henri  III,  was  less  wealthy  but  almost 
as  prodigally  inclined,  particularly  in  household  expenditure ; 
while  her  husband  scjuandered  millions  on  his  migiwns.  The 
extravagance  of  his  sister.  Marguerite — Henri  de  Navarre's  first 
wife — is  unquestionable,  and  she  being  followed  by  the  lavish 
Marie  de'  Medici,  the  King  (apart  from  the  expense  of  his 
mistresses)  was  plagued  throughout  life  by  the  many  liabilities 

*  The  total  revenue  of  France,  so  far  as  it  reached  the  State  exchequer,  was 
then  little  more  than  twenty  million  lirres  per  annum, 
t  A  crown  was  worth  three  livres. 


VII  LA  BELLE  GABRIELLE  157 

and  pecuniary  appeals  of  his  successive  consorts.  He  waxed 
mightily  indignant  one  day  when  it  came  to  his  knowledge  that 
in  Marie  de'  Medici's  opinion  he  had  not  done  enough  for  her. 
"  What ! "  said  he  to  Sully.  "  Why,  I  have  given  my  wife  more, 
I  have  made  her  more  presents,  both  to  keep  up  the  ordinary 
expenses  of  her  household,  and  for  supplementary  expenses, 
than  any  other  King  of  France  ever  granted  to  his  wife !  " 
On  the  other  hand,  it  is  undoubtedly  true — as  M.  BatifTol, 
Marie  de'  Medici's  latest  apologist,  points  out — that  previous 
Queens  had  lived  less  luxuriously  and  possessed  large  private 
means. 

In  his  younger  days  Henri  de  Navarre  does  not  appear  to 
have  been  lavish  with  his  mistresses ;  but  at  that  period  of 
his  life  he  had  little  or  nothing  to  give,  and  it  was  neces- 
sary to  love  him  for  his  own  sake.  Moreover,  the  principal 
favourite  of  those  earlier  years,  Corisanda,  was  undoubtedly 
a  naturally  disinterested  woman.  So  long,  too,  as  Henri  was 
merely  a  kind  of  King-errant,  there  was  no  call  on  him  to  keep 
up  any  particular  state  or  for  his  mistresses  to  do  so  either. 
But  the  position  changed  when  he  at  last  made  himself  master 
of  Paris  and  was  recognized  as  sovereign  by  the  greater  part 
of  France. 

It  is  then  that,  however  difficult  his  circumstances  might 
still  be,  we  find  him  showering  gifts  as  well  as  honours  on 
Gabrielle  d'Estr^es.  Of  course,  when  a  man  loves  a  woman  it 
is  his  duty  to  provide  for  her,  and  when  she  presents  him  with 
children  he  should  do  what  he  can  for  them  also.  In  regard  to 
Gabrielle,  as  in  regard  to  many  another  royal  favourite,  the 
point  simply  is  whether  the  King  did  too  much  for  her,  and 
whether  she  was  such  a  greedy,  grasping  creature  as  some  have 
pictured.  There  is  no  question  that  she  gave  Henri  several 
years  of  happiness,  and  that  he  was  the  more  delighted  by  the 
birth  of  their  three  strong  and  healthy  children  as  he  had  no 
living  offspring :  his  daughter  by  Fosseuse  had  been  stillborn, 
it  will  be  remembered,  and  his  son  by  Corisanda  had  passed 
away  in  infancy. 

In  1594,  the  year  of  the  birth  of  C^sar  de  Vendome,  we  find 
that  Gabrielle  acquired,  either  by  royal  grant  or  by  purchase 
with  money  received  from  the  King,  the  lordship  of  Venteuil, 


158     FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE       vii 

between  La  Fertd-sous- Jouarre  and  Coulommiers  in  Brie,  as  well 
as  a  handsome  house  in  Paris.  A  little  later  she  obtained  the 
lordship  of  Cr^y,  a  fortified  town  in  Brie ;  while  in  IMarch, 
1595,  after  securing  the  domain  of  Jaignes,  another  Brie 
lordship,  Henri  bestowed  on  her  the  title  of  Marchioness  de 
Montceaux  and  presented  her  with  the  estate  and  chateau  of 
that  name  which  also  were  in  Brie,  on  the  road  from  Paris  to 
Chalons,  near  the  Manie  and  about  two  leagues  from  Meaux. 
The  chateau  had  been  built  by  the  Primaticcio  for  Catherine 
de*"  Medici  in  or  about  1547 ;  but  that  Queen's  estate  being 
distrained  and  offered  for  sale  in  consequence  of  the  debts 
she  left  behind  her,  Henri  acquired  it  for  his  mistress.  Forty 
years  ago  one  might  still  see  some  remains  of  the  Montceaux 
property,  a  pavilion,  a  ruined  colonnade,  and  a  part  of  the 
grand  staircase,  decorated  with  the  carved  initials  (as  it  was 
thought)  of  Henri  de  Navarre  and  Gabrielle.  They  were  those, 
however,  of  Henri  H  and  Catherine  de'  Medici,  the  C  of  the 
latter's  Christian  name  having  been  mistaken  for  a  G.* 

Montceaux  was  finely  furnished  by  Gabrielle  d'Estrees,  as 
her  inventory  shows,  but  at  her  death  Henri  recovered  possession 
of  the  property  by  placing  a  nominal  amount  to  the  credit  of 
her — and  his — young  children,  and  then  bestowed  it  on  his 
second  consort  Marie  de*  Medici  when  she  gave  birth  to  the 
future  Louis  XHI.  Montceaux  attracted  her  by  reason  of  the 
fact  that  the  other  Medici  Queen,  Catherine,  had  erected  it, 
and  she  enlarged  and  embellished  the  property  regardless  of 
expense,  adding  a  hundred  and  thirty  acres  to  the  park,  build- 
ing a  new  chapel,  additional  pavilions,  spacious  outbuildings 
and  huge  stables,  besides  laying  out  a  tennis  court  and  digging 
a  moat,  in  one  or  another  part  of  which  work  she  employed  such 
famous  architects  as  Jacques  and  Baptiste  Androuet  du  Cerceau 
and  later  Salomon  de  Brosse.  Thus,  in  one  way  or  another, 
Montceaux,  of  which   there   exists   a  fine   view  engraved  by 

*  In  like  manner  the  initials  of  Henri  II  and  Catlierine  on  various  build- 
ings in  Paris  and  the  provinces  were,  until  recent  times,  often  mistaken  for 
those  of  himself  and  his  mistress  Diana  of  Poitiers,  on  account  of  the  manner 
In  which  they  were  carved,  the  Queen's  initial  appearing  on  either  side  of  the 
King's,  and  joining  it  in  such  wise  that  many  supposed  the  two  C's  (the  second 
of  which  was  reversed)  to  be  two  D's.  The  question  is  well  discussed  in 
Fournier's  £nigmet  dea  Bucs  dc  Paris,  1860. 


VII  LA  BELLE  GABRIELLE  169 

Chastillon,  became  a  pattern  of  royal  extravagance,  which  a 
later  generation  imputed  to  Gabrielle  d'Estrees,  instead  of  to 
those  two  pernicious  Florentine  Queens  who  in  turn  did  so 
much  harm  to  France. 

It  was  while  Gabrielle  was  staying  at  the  Benedictine 
Abbey  of  St.  Ouen  at  Rouen,  in  October,  1596,  that  is  at  the 
time  of  the  royal  oration  of  which  we  previously  spoke,  that 
she  gave  birth  to  a  daughter,  who  received  the  Christian  names 
of  Catherine  Henriette,  the  King's  sister  and  the  King  himself 
acting  respectively  as  godmother  and  godfather  at  the  baptism, 
which  was  performed  with  all  the  state  ceremonial  customary 
at  the  christenings  of  Children  (i.e.  Princes  or  Princesses)  of 
France.  This  daughter,  legitimated  by  a  royal  edict  in  March 
the  following  vear,  became  the  wife  of  a  member  of  the  Guise 
family,  Charles  de  Lorraine,  Duke  d'Elbeuf,  in  February,  1619, 
and  died  towards  the  end  of  June,  1633. 

A  few  months  after  the  legitimation  of  Catherine  Henriette, 
that  is  in  July,  1597,  a  further  dignity  was  conferred  on 
Gabrielle.  "The  King,"  writes  L'Estoille  "purchased  the 
duchy  of  Beaufort  for  Madame  la  Marquise  de  Mousseaux 
{»ic  *)  his  mistress,  and  from  a  Marchioness  made  her  a  Duchess, 
which  happened  on  Thursday,  the  10th  of  the  month  of  July  ; 
since  which  day  she  has  been  called  the  Duchess  de  Beaufort, 
but  others  call  her  the  Duchesse  (TOrdure."  The  domains  of 
Beaufort,  it  may  be  explained,  were  in  the  province  of  Cham- 

*  The  spelling  "  Mousseaux  "  frequently  occurs  in  L'Estoille's  Journal,  It 
is  possible  that  Montceaux  was  pronounced  in  that  manner.  Though  the 
difference  between  the  orthography  and  the  pronunciation  of  French  proper 
names  was,  perhaps,  never  so  great  as  one  sometimes  observes  in  this 
country,  it  is  certain  that  such  a  difference  occasionally  occurred.  More  than 
once  the  point  has  been  raised  whether  the  Valois  line  of  Kings  were  not  really 
called  Valais  by  their  contemporaries.  If  one  might  judge  by  the  rhymed 
lampoons  and  pasquinades  which  appeared  at  the  time  of  <the  last  Princes  of 
that  house,  such  would  seem  to  have  been  the  case.  One  of  the  rhymes  of  the 
time  of  the  League  beginning : 

"  Henri  de  Valois  (Valais  ?) 
Qui  a  d6vall6,'* 

may  be  mentioned  as  an  example.  It  should  also  be  remembered,  however, 
that  the  word  Frangais  (French)  was  long  written  Fran9ois.  Nevertheless 
we  hesitate  to  say  whether  the  proper  name  Fran9oi8  (Francis)  was  ever 
pronounced  as  Fran9ais. 


160     FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE       vii 

pagtie,  and  had  previously  ranked  as  a  county,  but  the  King, 
wishing  to  give  his  mistress  as  high  a  position  as  possible  in 
the  noblesse,  issued  letters  patent  raising  the  property  to  the 
status  of  a  duchy.  The  sum  paid  for  the  purchase  of  the 
domain  was  80,000  crowns. 

About  this  time  Gabrielle  also  acquired — by  purchase  from 
the  Duchess  de  Guise — the  lordships  of  Loisicourt  and  Jaucourt 
near  Bar-sur-Aube ;  and  we  may  add  that  not  long  before  her 
death  she  increased  her  property  in  Brie  by  acquiring  the 
domains  of  St.  Jean-les-deux-Jumeaux  and  Montreton.  Like 
Montceaux,  however,  most  of  the  Brie  property  ultimately  went 
to  Marie  de'  Medici.  Finally,  Queen  Marguerite,  in  the  course 
of  her  interminable  negotiations  respecting  both  her  pecuniary 
needs  and  the  divorce  her  husband  desired  to  obtain,  made 
Gabrielle — in  some  degree  perforce — a  present  of  the  Duchy  of 
Etampes,  which  had  formerly  been  held  by  Anne  de  Pisseleu 
and  Diane  de  Poitiers,  the  mistresses  of  Francis  I  and  Henri  H. 
That  gift,  however,  did  not  imply  a  great  revenue,  as  it  only 
carried  with  it  the  right  to  the  payment  of  feudal  and  seig- 
norial  dues,  fees  on  the  sale  of  lands,  succession  duties,  fines  of 
justice,  escheats,  and  dues  payable  for  appointments  to  offices 
and  benefices.  In  that  respect  we  know  by  the  accounts  of 
Marie  de'  Medici  *  that  the  Duchy  of  the  Bourbonnais  only 
yielded  4300  livres,  that  of  Auvergne  9280  livres,  and  the 
county  of  Nantes  3772  livres  per  annum. 

Among  the  citizens  of  Paris  at  this  time,  particularly  the 
Catholics  and  the  Parliamentarians,  there  were  a  good  many 
malcontents,  as  was  only  natural.  They  had  been  embittered 
by  the  preachings  of  the  League,  sorely  tried  by  the  civil  war, 
the  sieges  of  their  city,  the  outbreaks  of  the  plague  and  other 
misfortunes ;  and  thus  many  of  them  regarded  Gabrielle  as  a 
leach  who  was  draining  the  last  resources  of  the  kingdom,  a 
mere  wanton  who  was  filling  the  Court  with  parasites,  insult- 
ing the  poorly  circumstanced  wives  of  honest  citizens  by  an 
impudent  display  of  luxury,  and  deriding  their — more  or  less — 
virtuous  lives  by  the  exhibition  of  her  triumphant  shameless- 
ness.  The  many  passages  in  which  L'Estoille  refers  to  the 
favourite's  luxury,  and  charges  her  with  greed,  venality,  ambition 

*  See  Batmol,  l.c. 


VII  LA  BELLE  GABRIELLE  161 

and  tyranny  remind  one  of  some  passages  that  came  from  the 
pen  of  that  typical  English  bourgeois,  Mr.  Pepys,  who  with  the 
customary  cant  of  his  species  was  not  above  frolicking  on 
the  sly  himself,  but  became  quite  scandalized  by  the  goings 
on  of  My  Lady  Castlemaine,  the  Duchess  of  Portsmouth  and 
Mistress  Nell  Gwynne.  In  mentioning  those  three  fair  and  frail 
creatures  let  it  not  be  supposed  that  we  desire  to  liken  Gabrielle 
d'Estrees  to  them,  for  we  are  convinced  that  she  was  a  much 
better  woman  than  any  one  of  that  trio.  But  Pierre  Taisan  de 
I'Estoille,  grand  audknder  of  the  Chancellery  of  Paris,  was 
undoubtedly  the  French  Pepys  of  his  period. 

"On  Sunday,  November  6,  1594,"  he  writes,  "the  son  of 
Mme.  de  Sourdis  [Gabrielle's  aunt  *]  was  baptised  at  ten  o'clock 
in  the  evening  at  the  Church  of  St.  Germain  I'Auxerrois,  in 
Paris,  when  the  King  was  the  compere  (godfather)  with  Mme. 
de  Liancourt,  who  was  clad  that  day  in  a  gown  of  black  satin, 
so  laden  with  pearls  and  gems  that  she  could  not  hold  herself 
up ;  and  it  was  said  that  Mmes.  de  Nemoux  [Nemours]  and 
Montpensier  [both  Princesses]  had  served  as  her  tirewomen  for 
this  ceremony.  M.  de  Montpensier  carried  the  saltcellar,  the 
Marechale  de  La  Chastre  f  carried  the  infant,  which  was  bap- 
tised by  its  uncle  the  Bishop  of  Maillezais  [Vendee].  From  the 
moment  when  the  King,  who  was  dressed  in  grey,  entered  the 
church  until  he  left  it,  he  did  not  cease  laughing  with  the  Lady 
of  Liancourt  and  caressing  her,  sometimes  in  one  way  sometimes 
in  another." 

Six  days  later,  Saturday,  November  12,  L'Estoille  writes: 
"  I  have  been  shown  a  kerchief  which  a  Paris  embroiderer  has 
just  finished  for  the  Lady  of  Liancourt ;  she  is  to  wear  it  to- 
morrow at  a  ballet,  and  the  price  agreed  upon  with  him  is 
1900  crowns,  which  she  is  to  pay  at  once." 

"  On  Wednesday,  November  16,"  so  L'Estoille  subsequently 
states,  "  the  King  gave  the  Lady  of  Liancourt  the  office  of 
M.  de  Brou,  a  member  of  the  Grand  Council,  who  died  in  Paris 
a  few  days  previously,  so  as  to  enable  her  to  make  her  journey 

♦  See  p.  131,  ante, 

t  Daughter  of  Guy  de  Chabot,  Baron  de  Jamac  (who  killed  La  Chataig- 
neraye  in  the  famous  duel),  and  wife  of  Claude  de  la  Ch&tre,  Marshal  of 
France,  1593-1614. 

M 


162  FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE   mi 

to  Lyons."  This  means  that  Gabrielle  became  entitled  to  the 
dues  which  would  be  payable  on  the  appointment  of  M.  de 
Brou'^s  successor. 

In  the  following  month  L'Estoille  relates  an  anecdote  which 
recalls  both  one  about  Nell  Gwynne  and  the  Duchess  of  Ports- 
mouth, as  told  by  Pepys,  and  another  about  Mme.  de  Mont- 
espan  as  related  by  the  Princess  Palatine.  *'  On  Monday,  the 
Qth,""  says  he,  "  a  printer  named  Chapus,  who  recently  arrived 
in  this  city  from  Geneva,  told  me  that,  having  gone  to  the 
Louvre  on  some  serious  business,  he  met  at  the  door  of  the 
said  Louvre  Mme.  de  Liancourt,  who  was  magnificently  arrayed 
and  accompanied ;  and  knowing  her  not,  but  seeing  that  every 
one  paid  her  honour,  he  stopped  to  ask  who  she  might  be, 
and  was  dumfounded  when  an  archer  of  the  Guard  answered 
without  lowering  his  voice :  *  It  is  nothing  of  any  account,  my 

friend,  it  is   only  the  King's '    Whereat  the  poor   man 

remained  quite  astonished." 

"  On  Friday,  March  17, 1595,''  L'Estoille  tells  us,  « there  was 
great  thunder  in  Paris,  with  lightning  and  tempest,  while  the 
King  was  hunting  in  the  country  round  Paris  with  his  Gabrielle, 
the  newly-created  Marchioness  de  Montceaux,  she  by  the  King's 
side  and  he  holding  her  hand.  She  was  on  hoi*seback,  riding 
like  a  man,*  dressed  entirely  in  gi*een ;  and  she  returned  with 
him  to  Paris  in  that  attire." 

Gabrielle,  by  the  way,  was  as  fond  of  green  as  Henri  was  of 
grey.  The  attire  she  wore  on  the  occasion  mentioned  above  was 
probably  similar  to  a  costume  which  is  described  in  the  inventory 
made  of  her  wardrobe  after  her  death:  **A  mantle  and  a 
cUvantiere  \i.e.  divided  skirt]  to  be  worn  on  horseback,  of  satin 
of  zizolin  colour,  f  with  silver  embroidery,  the  cuffs  trimmed 
with  silver,  set  in  batons  romjnis,  and  purflings  of  green  satin. 
The  mantle  lined  with  green  figured  satin,  and  on  the  facings 
buttonholes  embroidered  in  silver.  And  the  said  devantiere 
lined  with  taffety  of  zizolin  colour,  with  a  hat  of  taffety,  also 

*  L'Estoille's  remark  seems  to  indicate  that  he  thought  it  unusual  for 
a  woman  to  bestride  a  horse.  Originally,  however,  it  had  been  the  common 
practice.  There  are  early  Spanish  paintings  of  the  Flight  into  Egypt  in  which 
the  Virgin  is  shown  bestriding  the  donkey  which  Joseph  leads. 

t  Now  Zimolin,  from  the  Italian  zuzzulino,  a  reddish  violet  colour. 


vii  LA  BELLE  GABRIELLE  163 

zizolin  colour,  and   trimmed   with  silver.     Estimated   at  two 
hundred  crowns."  * 

In  November,  1596,  shortly  after  the  Assembly  of  the 
Notables  at  Rouen,  L'Estoille  wrote  that  people  had  repeated 
at  Court  "  a  prophecy  made  by  a  great  magician  of  the  Low 
Countries,  which  said  that  the  King  would  be  killed  in  his  bed 
towards  the  end  of  this  year  by  a  conspiracy  of  the  greatest 
men  of  his  kingdom,  to  which  was  added  a  story,  made  up 
intentionally,  about  a  great  defeat  of  the  Christians  by  the 
Turks;  which  victory  was  attributed  to  the  justice  which  the 
Grand  Seignior  had  inflicted  on  a  hussy  he  kept,  by  killing  her 
with  his  own  hand  in  order  to  content  his  people  and  the  folk 
of  his  Court,  to  whom  she  was  very  odious.  And  since  then,  so 
it  was  said,  all  happiness  had  attended  him.  Which  story 
having  come  to  the  King's  ears,  he  laughed  at  it  derisively,  as 
well  as  at  the  prophecy,  saying  that  all  that  would  not  prevent 
him  from  kissing  his  mistress,  as  indeed  he  does  before  every- 
body, and  she  the  same  to  him,  even  at  the  Council.  And 
about  that  time,  as  she  was  brought  to  bed  of  a  daughter  at 
Rouen, t  the  King  went  every  day  to  see  her."" 

Early  in  1597,  while  chronicling  the  baptism  of  the  son  of 
Constable  Henri  de  Montmorency  in  the  chapel  of  the  asylum 
of  the  Enfants  Rouges, }  L'Estoille,  after  mentioning  that  the 
King  held  the  child  over  the  font,  adds :  "  Madame  la  Marquise 
[Gabrielle]  was  also  there,  magnificently  arrayed,  and  dressed 
all  in  green,  and  the  King  amused  himself  in  keeping  her 
coiffure  in  order,  and  told  her  that  she  had  not  enough  diamonds 
in  her  hair ;  for  she  only  had  twelve,  and  it  was  said  that  she 
ought  to  have  had  fifteen."  A  few  days  later  our  chroniqueur 
relates  that  the  King  had  "  sent  for  some  of  the  principal  men 
of  his  courts,  and  those  whom  he  knew  to  be  the  most  easy 
circumstanced  of  his  city  of  Paris,  and  asked  them  for  money  in 
such  a  manner  that  they  found  themselves  prevented  from  re- 
fusing him,  although  they  were  minded  to  do  so.     Nevertheless, 

*  That  is,  taking  Amould's  estimate,  about  £170  of  our  money. 

t  See  ante,  p.  169. 

X  Orphans  from  the  H6tel  Dieu,  called  enfants  rouges  because  they  were 
dressed  in  red.  The  asylum  was  established  by  Marguerite  of  AngoulSme, 
author  of  the  Heptameron. 


164     FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE       vir 

he  spends  all  his  time  in  playing  at  tennis,  and  is  usually  at 
the  "Sphere''  where  Madame  la  Marquise  and  Mesdames  de 
Sourdis  and  de  Sagonne  *  go  every  day  to  watch  him  play ;  and 
he  borrows  money  [to  pay  for  the  play?]  from  Mme.  de 
Mousseaux,  and  caresses  her  a  great  deal  and  kisses  her  before 
everybody." 

It  has  been  assumed  that  Gabrielle's  influence  over  Henri 
was  pernicious,  that  her  allurements  deprived  him  of  all  vigour 
and  energy,  reduced  him  to  much  the  same  supineness  as  that 
which  overcame  Rinaldo  when  he  was  caught  in  Armida's  toils. 
Michelet  took  that  view,  and  one  might  adopt  it  if  L'Estoille's 
Journal  stopped  at  a  certain  point.  But  this  pepysian  diarist 
was  not  a  violent  partisan,  and  every  now  and  again  some 
statements  which  he  makes  are  refuted  by  later  ones.  It  is,  of 
course,  quite  true  that  at  the  period  we  have  now  reached, 
1596-1597,  a  good  deal  still  remained  to  be  done  in  order  to 
ensure  to  Henri  the  full  and  peaceful  possession  of  his  kingdom. 
For  instance,  although  the  Duke  de  Mayenne  had  submitted  to 
the  royal  authority,  his  relative,  Philippe  Emmanuel  of  I^orraine, 
Duke  de  Mercoeur,  still  held  a  great  part  of  Brittany  in  the 
name  of  the  League.  So  far,  moreover,  no  peace  had  been 
arrived  at  with  the  Spaniards,  whose  forces,  commanded  by 
Archduke  Albert^of  Austria,  Governor  of  the  Low  Countries,  as 
well  as  Cardinal  Archbishop  of  Toledo,  continually  thi*eatened 
northern  France.  It  was  with  their  help  that  Calais  was  seized 
in  1595  and  held  for  the  League,  while  in  the  following  year 
the  little  fortified  town  of  Ardres  surrendered  to  the  Archduke 
Albert's  forces.  To  contend  with  that  state  of  affairs  Henri, 
slightly  tired  perhaps  of  long  campaigning,  relied  for  a  while 
on  his  lieutenants,  and  thus  the  Parisians  began  to  murmur. 

L'Estoille,  who  does  not  hesitate  to  call  the  commonalty  a 
"  headstrong,  inconstant,  and  feeble  animal,"  now  shows  us  Paris 
**  saying  as  much  ill  of  the  King  as  it  had  formerly  said  good  of 
him,"  and  taking  as  its  excuse  for  this  the  circumstance  that 
"  he  amused  himself  rather  too  much  with  Madame  la  Marquise." 
Under  date  Sunday,  March  23, 1 597,  when  Lent  began,  L'Estoille 
pictures  the  King  still  amusing  himself.  *'  He  made  up  a 
masquerade  of  sorcerers  and  went  to  see  all  the  company  of 
*  Mme.  de  Sagoime  was  the  widow  of  one  of  Oabrielle's  uncles. 


vn  LA  BELLE  GABRIELLE  165 

Paris.  He  went  to  the  Presidente  Saint- Andre''s,  to  Zamefs,* 
and  all  sorts  of  other  places,  always  having  at  his  side  the 
Marchioness,  who  unmasked  him  and  kissed  him  wherever  he 
entered.''  In  that  wise,  indeed,  Henri  prolonged  his  escapade 
through  the  night,  only  returning  to  the  Louvre  at  eight  o'clock 
in  the  morning. 

But  twenty  days  later,  Wednesday,  April  12,  the  eve  of 
Mid  Lent,  L'Estoille  has  a  very  different  tale  to  tell :  "  While 
one  was  amusing  oneself,"  says  he,  "  with  laughing  and  dancing, 
there  came  the  sore  tidings  of  the  surprise  of  the  town  of 
Amiens  by  the  Spaniard,  who  had  turned  our  ballets  into  rods 
with  which  to  whip  us.  At  which  news  Paris,  the  Court,  the 
dancing,  and  all  the  festivities  were  greatly  disturbed.  And 
even  the  King,  whose  composure  and  magnanimity  are  not 
easily  shaken,  was  astonished  as  it  were  by  this  blow.  Never- 
theless, looking  up  to  God,  as  he  usually  does  more  in  adversity 
than  in  prosperity,  he  said  aloud  : 

"  *  This  blow  has  come  from  Heaven !  Those  poor  folk 
[the  inhabitants  of  Amiens]  have  undone  themselves  through 
refusing  the  little  garrison  which  I  wished  to  send  them.' 

"  Then,  after  some  brief  reflection,  he  added  :  *  I  have  acted 
the  King  of  France  enough,  now  I  must  act  the  King  of 
Navarre  ! '  And  turning  to  the  Marchioness,  who  was  weeping, 
he  said  to  her,  *  We  must  set  the  contests  of  love  aside,  my 
mistress,  and  mount  on  horse,  to  wage  another  kind  of  war.' 

"  As  he,  indeed,  did  that  very  same  day,  going  first  at  the 
head  of  his  company,  in  order  that  people  might  see  that  fear  had 
no  place  in  his  soul,  and  could  not  gain  admittance  into  his 
heart,  which  he  showed  to  be  very  resolute  in  this  adversity." 

The  citizens  of  Paris,  reassured  by  the  King's  gallant  de- 
meanour, acclaimed  him  on  his  departure,  thereby  inciting  "  all 
his  nobility,"  says  L'Estoille,  "to  fight  well  and  remain  firm 
under  the  leadership  of  so  brave  and  generous  a  King."  His 
composure  never  left  him,  writes  Lescure.  Bad  news  came 
from  all  directions.  The  remnants  of  the  League  were  again 
active.  Poitiers  was  said  to  have  been  taken  by  surprise.  The 
rebellious  Lorrainers  were  regaining  courage.     The  Parliament 

*  S^bastien  Zamet,  a  very  wealthy  banker  of  Italian  origin,  and  of  whom 
Henri  often  borrowed  money.    We  shall  speak  of  Zamet  again. 


166     FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE      vii 

was  refusing  to  register  edicts.  The  Count  d'Auvergne,*  other- 
wise the  "  Prodigal  Son,*"  fled  from  Court.  But  nothing  seemed 
to  alarm  the  King.  He  lectured  the  recalcitrant  Parliament, 
pardoned  the  malcontents  who  took  to  seditious  courses,  laughed 
at  things  which  might  have  filled  another  with  distress ;  and, 
returning  to  Paris  for  a  while  after  the  adoption  of  certain 
measures,  again  took  to  playing  tennis  at  the  "  Sphere."  "  But 
that,""  says  L'Estoille,  "did  not  prevent  his  Majesty  from 
watching  over  and  giving  orders  about  all  that  was  necessary 
for  undertaking  the  siege  of  Amiens  during  the  following 
month,  and  when  that  was  come  he  again  dismissed  play  and 
love,  and  set  out  in  person,  acting  as  King,  captain  and  soldier 
at  one  and  the  same  time." 

That  is  certainly  not  the  picture  of  a  Prince  emasculated  by 
dalliance,  neglecting  his  duties  and  his  interests  under  what 
Michelet  styled  the  enervating  tyranny  of  Gabrielle  d'Estrees. 
We  find  that  she  gave  all  her  ready  money  and  pledged  all  her 
jewellery  for  the  purposes  of  the  Amiens  expedition.  At  the 
same  time  she  did  not  possess  as  much  strength  of  mind  as 
her  royal  lover ;  she  lacked  the  courage  to  face  the  enmity  of 
the  multitude.  Referring  to  that  eve  of  Mid  Lent  when  the 
news  of  the  surprise  of  Amiens  first  reached  Paris,  L'Estoille 
declares :  "  Madame  la  Marquise,  who  was  very  much  frightened, 
more  by  her  conscience  than  by  anything  else,  was  ready  before 
the  King  was,  and  departed  an  hour  before  he  did,  in  her 
litter,  not  feeling  safe  in  Paris,  so  she  said,  as  the  King  was 
leaving  it." 

Even  if  we  admit  that  account  to  be  correct,  which  is  not 
certain,  for  Gabrielle's  departure  may  have  been  advised  by 
Henri  himself,  a  lack  of  courage  in  such  circumstances,  on  the 
part  of  a  woman  occupying  so  invidious  a  position  as  she  did, 
is  hardly  a  matter  for  grave  censure.  If  Henri  had  failed  in 
his  endeavours  to  prevent  the  Spaniards  from  overrunning 
northern  France,  the  populace  of  Paris  might  well  have  sought 
a  victim.  Moreover,  Gabrielle  dreaded  slander  and  could  not 
laugh  at  it  as  the  King  so  often  did.  There  is  the  well-known 
story  of  the  ferryman  who,  not  recognizing  either  her  or  Henri, 
boldly  expressed  his  opinion  of  them  while  he  was  ferrying 
*  Charles,  son  of  Charles  IX  by  his  mistress  Mario  Touchet. 


VII  LA  BELLE  GABRIELLE  1G7 

them  across  the  river.  The  man  having  complained  of  the 
taxes,  Henri  said  to  him — 

"  But  does  not  the  King  intend  to  amend  all  those  taxes  ?  " 

"  Oh,  the  King  is  a  fairly  good  fellow,""  replied  the  ferry- 
man, "  but  he  has  a  mistress  who  requires  so  many  fine  gowns 
and  so  many  gewgaws  that  there  is  no  end  to  it  all,  and  we 
have  to  pay  for  it.  It  might  be  allowable  if  she  belonged  only 
to  him,  but  it's  said  that  she  lets  many  another  caress  her." 

Thereupon,  according  to  the  story,  Gabrielle  indignantly 
talked  of  having  the  man  hanged. 

"  You  are  foolish,""  Henri  said  to  her ;  "  this  is  only  a 
poor  devil  soured  by  poverty.  I  have  made  up  my  mind  that 
he  shall  pay  no  more  dues  for  his  ferryboat,  and  I  am 
certain  that  he  will  sing  every  night :  *  Vive  Henri  and  Vive 
GabrieUe!'"* 

The  siege  of  Amiens  lasted  six  months,  for  the  Spaniards 
made  a  very  stout  resistance.  Henri  more  than  once  desired  to 
meet  the  Archduke  Albert's  forces  in  a  pitched  battle,  but 
Mayenne,  who  was  with  him  and  behaved  right  loyally,  would 
not  allow  him  to  incur  such  a  risk,  feeling,  perhaps,  that  in  an 
engagement  in  the  open  country  the  royal  army  might  not  pre- 
vail over  the  Spanish  infantry  which  was  then  reputed  to  be  the 
finest  in  the  world.  Thus  the  whilom  chief  of  the  League  did 
not  cease  repeating  to  the  King :  "  No,  Sire,  you  have  come 
here  to  take  Amiens,  and  not  to  fight  a  battle." 

On  the  other  hand,  there  were  some  occasional  sharp  en- 
counters, and  Henri  had  full  confidence  in  his  army,  as  is  shown 
by  his  famous  letter  to  his  able  lieutenant,  Louis  de  Balbis- 
Bertons,  Lord  of  Crillon,  which  is  so  often  misquoted  on  the 
authority  of  that  inveterate  and  often  intentional  misquoter, 
Voltaire.  According  to  him  Henri  wrote  to  Crillon  :  "  Hang 
thyself,  brave  Crillon,  we  have  fought  at  Arques  and  thou  wast 
not  there.  .  .  .  Farewell,  brave  Crillon,  I  love  you  a  tort  et  a 
travers.""  That  version  was  the  more  inexcusable  as  the  actual 
text  of  the  letter  had   been   published  long  before  Voltaire 

•  We  have  given  the  story  in  the  same  fonn  as  Lescure  quotes  it  from 
Sauval.  There  are  several  versions  of  it.  L'Estoille  gives  a  very  detailed 
one  in  that  part  of  his  narrative  which  was  discovered  and  first  printed  by 
Halphen.    The  date  assigned  to  the  incident  by  L'Estoille  is  1598. 


168     FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE       vii 

composed  his  Henriade.*  Here  is  what  Henri  actually  wrote 
according  to  the  text  given  by  Berger  de  Xivrey  in  the  Recueil 
des  lettres-nmsives  de  Henri  IV.  The  original  was,  in  our  time, 
still  preserved  in  the  Crillon  archives  : 

"  Brave  Grillon  (sic\  hang  yourself  for  not  having  been  here 
near  me  last  Monday,  on  the  finest  occasion  that  has  ever  been 
seen,  and  which,  perhaps,  will  never  be  seen  again.  Believe 
that  I  greatly  desired  you  at  it.  The  Cardinal  f  came  to  see 
us  in  great  fury  but  has  gone  off  in  great  shame.  I  hope  to  be 
next  Thursday  in  Amiens,  where  I  shall  make  but  little  stay, 
as  I  mean  to  undertake  something,  for  I  now  have  one  of  the 
finest  armies  that  one  can  imagine.  It  lacks  nothing  but  the 
brave  Grillon,  who  will  always  be  welcomed  and  well  regarded 
by  me.  A  Dieu.  This  XX  September,  at  the  camp  before 
Amiens. — Henry.""  % 

But  let  us  return  to  Gabrielle  d"'Estrdes.  The  story  of  the 
ferryman  supplies  at  least  some  indication  of  the  manner  in 
which  she  was  regarded  by  the  commonalty.  With  respect  to 
her  alleged  unfaithfulness  there  is,  as  we  previously  said,  no 
proof  whatever.  With  regard  to  her  greed  we  have  already 
spoken  of  the  principal  domains  comprised  in  her  landed 
property.  Let  us  now  say  something  about  the  various  other 
gifts  which  she  received  from  the  King.  She  certainly  does 
not  appear  to  have  been  a  woman  of  the  same  nature  as  Henri's 
next  mistress,  Henriette  d'Entragues,  who  set  a  price  on  every 
kiss  she  gave,  and  who,  as  a  mere  preliminary,  cost  the  King  a 
hundred  thousand  crowns.  During  her  liaison  of  about  nine 
years'  duration,  however,  Gabrielle  undoubtedly  received  many 
gifts,  several  of  which  passed  to  her  numerous  and  unscrupulous 
relations,  who  constantly  speculated  upon  her  position.     Such 

•  That  is,  saya  Fournier,  in  Le  BoucUer  d'Honneur,  by  P.  Bening,  Avignon, 
1616,  8vo. 

t  That  is  the  Cardinal  Archduke  Albert. 

X  In  these  days  when  French  historical  writers  make  such  strenuous  efforts 
to  arrive  at  accuracy  it  is  pitiful  to  find  Voltaire's  erroneous  version  of  the 
above  letter  perpetuated  by  such  a  publication  as  Larousse's  Encyclopedia — 
both  the  Nouveau  Larousse  and  the  Petit  Larousse  also.  It  will  be  observed 
that  Henri  does  not  "  thee-and-thou  "  Crillon,  or  write  to  him  about  the  battle 
of  Arquos.  The  expression  "  hang  yourself,  etc.,"  was,  says  Fournier,  a  cus- 
tomary one  with  the  King.  It  occurs  in  letters  of  his  to  two  of  his  captains, 
Fervacques  and  Harambure. 


vii  LA  BELLE  GABRIELLE  169 

was  notably  the  case  with  her  aunt  and  so-called  chaperon,  the 
Marchioness  de  Sourdis,  who  by  this  means  and  with  the  help 
of  her  lover  Cheverny,  Chancellor  of  France,  acquired  a  very 
large  fortune. 

It  does  not  appear,  however,  that  Gabrielle  was  particularly 
eager  in  soliciting  gifts  of  her  royal  lover.  She  was  generally 
content  to  accept  what  he  offered.  At  the  outset  of  the  liaison 
an  allowance  of  four  hundred  crowns  a  month  was  made  to  her 
from  the  privy  purse.  This  was  raised  to  five  hundred,  and 
eventually,  after  the  King  had  decided  to  marry  her,  to  a 
thousand  crowns.  At  the  same  time  there  were  many  handsome 
gifts.  For  instance,  in  1593,  the  King  allotted  to  her  20,000 
crowns  to  be  levied  on  the  dues  payable  for  the  transfer  of 
judicial  offices  and  for  the  guardianship  of  nobles  under  age,  in 
the  Duchy  of  Normandy.  That  does  not  imply,  however,  that 
the  whole  amount  was  levied  in  one  year.  In  1594  there  was  a 
gift  of  33,000  crowns  for  the  purchase  of  property,  and  in  other 
years  we  find  Henri  assigning  to  his  favourite  some  of  the  fees 
payable  as  seneschaPs  dues  in  Poitou,  Angoumois,  Saintonge 
Aunis,  La  Rochelle,  the  duchy  of  Alenjon,  etc.  All  the  known 
letters-patent  on  those  matters  are  quoted  by  M.  Desclozeaux 
in  his  work  on  La  Belle  Gabrielle.  In  the  aggregate  they 
certainly  represent  a  large  amount  of  money,  but  it  must  be 
pointed  out  that  for  several  years  Gabrielle  distinctly  held  the 
position  of  Vice-reine,  which  entailed  no  little  expenditure,  and 
also  had  to  constitute  appanages  for  her  children. 

So  far  as  Henri's  correspondence  with  her  has  come  down 
to  us,  presents  are  not  often  mentioned  in  it.  When  they  are  it 
is  a  question  of  some  lover's  gift  or  a  mere  attention.  "  I  am 
sending  you  a  bouquet  of  orange  flowers,  which  has  just  been 
sent  to  me,"  he  writes  on  June  16,  1593.  "  I  found  only  an 
hour  ago  a  means  of  completing  your  set  of  plate :  you  see  how 
I  take  care  of  you,"  he  remarks  a  week  afterwards.  "  I  am 
sending  you  a  company  of  fairly  good  violin-players,  to  divert 
both  yourself  and  your  subject,  who  will  cherish  you  extremely," 
he  says  in  December,  1594.  Three  years  later,  L'Estoille 
pictures  him  dining  with  Gabrielle  at  the  house  of  one  of  the 
Gondis — who  so  often  negotiated  the  loans  he  contracted  with 
Francesco  and  Ferdinando  de'  Medici,  Grand  Dukes  of  Tuscany 


170     FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE      vti 

— on  which  occasion  he  bargained  for  a  ring,  priced  at  eight 
hundred  crowns,  which  he  wished  to  give  his  mistress.  As  the 
vendor,  however,  would  not  reduce  that  price  to  his  satisfaction, 
the  King  did  not  buy  it,  "  but  contented  himself  with  giving 
little  Cesar  a  silver  *  mathematical '  comfit  box,  on  which  the 
twelve  signs  of  the  heavens  were  engraved,  and  which  was  sold 
him  by  a  merchant  jeweller  named  Du  Carnoi.  He  bargained 
for  many  other  things  at  the  fair  [of  St.  Germain].  But  for 
things  which  were  priced  to  him  at  twenty  crowns,  he  only 
offered  six,  and  thus  they  made  very  little  by  seeing  him." 

It  was  that  kind  of  haggling,  no  doubt,  which  led  to 
Henri's  reputation  for  miserliness ;  but  we  rather  admire  him 
for  refusing  to  allow  himself  to  be  cheated  by  Italian  jewellers 
and  others,  who  either  on  the  plea  that  Kings  were  rare  or 
because  they  knew  that  he  would  endeavour  to  beat  them  down, 
raised  their  prices  immediately  they  saw  him. 

The  inventory  of  Gabrielle's  portable  property,  jewellery, 
wardrobe,  works  of  art  and  furnishings,  sets  out  a  total  estimate 
of  156,322  crowns,  which,  taking  the  crown  (three  livres)  as 
being  worth  say  twenty  francs  of  the  present  French  currency, 
would  be  equivalent  to  about  =£?125,000.  Does  that  seem  a 
very  extraordinary  fortune  for  the  favourite  of  a  King  of  France, 
who  had  no  wife  to  provide  for — in  her  time,  at  all  events — as 
the  unfortunate  Marguerite  was  still  languishing  in  Auvergne  ? 
Is  it  an  amount  which  would  particularly  appeal  to  the 
daughter  of  some  millionaire  beef-canner  of  the  United  States  ? 
There  was,  of  course,  also  the  landed  property  which  Gabrielle 
had  either  received  as  gifts  or  else  had  purchased,  but  any 
crown  estates  were  assigned  to  her  merely  for  life  and  reverted 
to  the  King  at  her  death,  while  the  purchased  estates  were 
intended  to  form  appanages  for  her  three  children,  though  in 
the  sequel  several  of  them  passed  to  Marie  de"*  Medici.  On  the 
whole,  considering  the  duration  of  the  limson  and  the  exalted 
position  which,  by  the  King's  own  desire,  Gabrielle  d'Estrees  had 
to  fill,  and  in  regard  to  which  we  have  the  testimony  of  more 
than  one  foreign  ambassador,  we  are  inclined  to  think  that  she 
was  a  less  expensive  royal  favourite  than  many  who  figured  at 
the  Court  of  the  old  French  monarchy. 

Michelet,  who  was  very  much  prejudiced  against  Gabrielle, 


vii  LA  BELLE  GABRIELLE  171 

represented  her  as  an  extremely  prosaic,  commonplace  creature, 
who  after  some  years  of  delicate  beauty  became  stout  and 
massive,  kept  an  eye  on  the  main  chance,  turned  the  wittiest  of 
Kings  into  a  mere  bourgeois  and  a  credulous  and  doting  father. 
There  is  just  a  little  truth  and  much  exaggeration  in  that 
portrait.  Gabrielle  certainly  grew  stout — a  now  much  adver- 
tised cure  for  adiposity  did  not  exist  at  that  period,  and  with 
increasing  years  far  too  many  Queens,  Princesses,  and  grandes 
dames  became  afflicted  with  an  outrageous  emhcmpoint.  Never- 
theless, Henri's  love  letters  to  Gabrielle  show  that  she  always 
retained  a  charm  which  bound  him  to  her  admiringly.  Michelet 
declares  that  she  materialized  and  debased  him.  To  that 
assertion  the  following  extracts  from  the  King's  letters  supply 
the  best  of  answers. 

"  I  write  to  you,  mes  cKeres  amours^  from  the  feet  of  your 
portrait,  which  I  worship  only  because  it  was  done  for  you,  not 
that  it  resembles  you.  I  can  be  no  competent  judge  of  it,  for 
I  have  painted  you  all  perfection  to  my  soul,  my  heart,  and  my 
eyes." 

"  My  beautiful  angel,  if  it  were  allowable  for  me  to  impor- 
tune you  at  every  moment  with  the  remembrance  of  your 
subject,  I  believe  that  the  end  of  each  of  my  letters  would  be 
the  beginning  of  a  new  one.  ...  I  wear  only  black,  and, 
indeed,  I  am  a  widower  of  all  that  can  give  me  any  joy  and 
contentment." 

"  I  do  not  know  what  charm  you  have  used,  but  I  did 
not  bear  previous  absences  so  impatiently  as  I  do  this  one. 
It  seems  to  me  that  a  century  has  already  elapsed  since  I 
departed  from  you.  There  is  no  need  for  you  to  solicit  my 
love.  I  have  neither  artery  nor  muscle  that  does  not  at  every 
moment  bring  the  thought  of  seeing  you  before  me,  and  make 
me  feel  distressed  at  your  absence.  Believe  me,  my  dear 
sovereign,  never  did  love  do  me  such  violence  as  it  does  now. 
I  own  that  I  have  every  reason  to  let  it  lead  me.  And  so  I  do 
so  with  a  naivete  that  bears  witness  to  the  reality  of  my  affection 
which  I  am  sure  you  do  not  doubt." 

"  Not  on  a  single  day  have  I  failed  to  send  you  a  messenger 
(laquais).  My  love  renders  me  as  exacting  respecting  my  duty 
as  respecting  your  good  grace,  which  is  my  only  treasure.  Believe, 


172     FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE       vii 

my  beautiful  angel,  that  I  esteem  the  possession  of  it  as  highly 
as  the  honour  of  gaining  ten  battles.  Be  glorious  in  the  fact 
that  you  have  vanquished  me,  who  was  never  entirely  vanquished 
save  by  you." 

"  For  one  day  I  waited  patiently  at  having  no  news  of  you ; 
for  on  calculating  the  time  [I  found]  it  was  bound  to  be  so. 
But  on  the  second  day  I  see  no  reason  for  it,  except  that  your 
servants  are  lazy  or  have  been  captured  by  the  enemy,  for  to 
attribute  the  fault  to  yourself  has  never  yet  occurred  to  me  ; 
for,  my  beautiful  angel,  I  am  too  sure  of  your  affection,  which 
is  certainly  well  due  to  me,  for  never  was  my  love  greater,  or 
my  passion  more  violent.'^ 

"  Come,  come,  mes  cheres  amours^  and  honour  with  your 
presence  one  who,  were  he  free,  would  travel  a  thousand  leagues 
to  cast  himself  at  your  feet,  never  again  to  stir  from  them." 

"  Mes  cheres  amours^  the  truth  must  be  said,  we  love  each 
other  well ;  certainly,  for  a  woman,  none  is  like  you  ;  and  for  a 
man,  none  equals  me  in  knowing  how  to  love.  My  passion 
remains  the  same  as  when  I  first  began  to  love  you,  my  desire 
to  see  you  again  is  more  violent  than  it  was  then :  briefly  I 
cherish,  adore,  and  honour  you  marvellously  well." 

"  You  will  see  a  horseman  who  loves  you  dearly,  who  is 
called  King  of  France  and  Navan*e,  a  title  which  is  assuredly 
very  honourable,  but  very  burdensome  ;  that  of  your  subject  is 
a  far  more  delightful  one.  All  three  together  are  good,  at 
whatsoever  sauce  they  may  be  served,  and  for  my  part  I  am 
resolved  to  surrender  them  to  none."" 

Seven  months  before  Gabrielle's  death  Henri  writes  to 
her :  *'  I  cherish  your  good  grace  more  than  I  do  my  life,  and 
yet  I  am  fond  of  myself."  The  following  expresses  a  pretty 
thought :  "  I  make  this  letter  very  short  so  that  you  may  get 
to  sleep  again  directly  you  have  read  it.""  And  there  is  also 
this :  "  To  spend  the  month  of  April  apart  from  one's  mistress 
is  not  to  live " — words  which  bring  to  mind  Tennyson"'s  line 
about  a  young  man^s  fancy  turning  to  thoughts  of  love  at  spring 
time.  Henri,  however,  penned  the  phrase  when  he  was  forty- 
five  years  old,  and  Gabrielle  twenty-seven. 


VIII 

LA   BELLE   GABRIELLE 
III,  Disappointment  and  Death 

Sully  and  the  Favourite — Henri  in  Brittany — His  Divorce  and  Matrimonial 
Plans — Sully  opposes  his  Marriage  with  Gahrielle — The  Edict  of  Nantes — 
Birth  of  Gabrielle's  son  Alexandre  —  Baptism  of  that  child  —  Quarrel 
beween  Gabrielle  and  Sully — Henri  supports  his  Minister — Gabrielle's 
Alarm — Priests  preach  against  her — Queen  Marguerite  and  Gabrielle — 
The  Divorce  Negotiations — Henri's  Constancy  to  Gabrielle — His  Last 
Letter  to  her — Rumours  of  her  Elevation  to  the  Throne — The  Negotia- 
tions at  Kome — Gabrielle  comes  to  Paris  for  Easter — Her  Farewell  to 
Henri — Her  Presentiment  of  Death — Zamet  the  Banker  and  his  House — 
Gabrielle's  Pregnancy — Her  sudden  Illness — She  sends  for  the  King — A 
proposed  Marriage  in  extremis — The  King's  vain  Haste — He  learns  that 
Gabrielle  is  Dead — Circumstances  of  her  Death — Was  she  Poisoned  ? 
— Improbability  of  that  Charge. 

The  character  of  Henri's  famous  minister  Maximilien  de 
Bethune,  Baron  de  Rosny  and  Duke  de  Sully,  has  been 
diversely  estimated.  It  goes  without  saying  that  he  was  an 
extremely  able  man,  and  a  strong  one,  but  his  moral  worth, 
once  so  highly  extolled  by  zealous  Protestant  writers,  was  by 
no  means  so  great  as  they  wished  us  to  imagine.  No  little 
hypocrisy  and  cunning  lurked  beneath  his  rugged  exterior,  his 
brutal  roughness,  his  spartan  austerity.  Yet  according  to  his 
lights,  he  was  the  best  minister  and,  perhaps,  the  best  friend 
that  Henri  de  Navarre  ever  had.  He  lent  himself  to  several 
unclean  transactions  for  the  sake  of  his  sovereign  and  master, 
such,  for  instance,  as  the  promise  of  marriage  affair  between 
Catherine  de  Navarre  and  the  Count  de  Soissons,  and  the  last 
great  passion  of  the  King's  life — his  love  for  the  Princess  de 
Conde,  of  which  we  shall  speak  hereafter.  Further,  by  reason 
perhaps  of  his  very  nature,  egotistical,  avaricious,  proud,  vain 


174     FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE      vni 

and  vindictive  as  he  was,  Sully  achieved  very  little  success  in 
diplomacy,  and  inspired  feelings  of  sympathy  in  but  few  of  his 
contemporaries.  At  the  same  time,  as  financial  dictator  of 
France,  to  use  Michelefs  expression,  he  rendered  his  sovereign 
and  his  country  incalculable  services.  And,  again,  he  acted 
rightly  and  did  good  service  to  the  State  when,  as  sedition  was 
always  following  sedition,  he  insisted  on  the  decapitation  of  the 
rebellious  Marshal  Biron,  the  son  of  the  King's  old  friend, 
killed,  as  we  related,  at  Epernay.  Henri  would  have  pardoned 
the  offender  if  only  for  his  father's  sake,  but  Sully  insisted  on 
a  punishment  which,  as  repeated  acts  of  clemency  had  failed, 
seemed  the  only  course  likely  to  prevent  future  factious 
attempts. 

With  respect  to  Gabrielle  d'Estrees,  to  whom  Sully  owed 
his  elevation,  apart  from  certain  private  grievances  to  which 
we  shall  presently  refer,  he  became  opposed  to  her  chiefly 
because  the  King  desired  to  marry  her  and  make  her  Queen  of 
France.  He  and  other  politicians  trembled  at  the  thought  of 
all  that  this  might  imply  in  the  future.  Doubtless,  in  the 
King's  lifetime,  Gabrielle  would  be  generally  recognized  as  his 
consort,  but  what  would  happen  at  his  death  ?  On  marrying 
Gabrielle,  Henri  would  have  to  make  their  son,  Cesar,  born  out 
of  wedlock,  heir  appareht  to  the  throne.  He  could  not  well 
act  otherwise.  He  could  not,  in  fairness  to  that  son,  devise 
the  crown  to  some  younger  one  that  might  be  bom,  perhaps, 
subsequent  to  his  marriage  with  Gabrielle.  Any  such  course 
would  provoke  furious  dissension  in  the  royal  house.  And, 
besides,  would  other  Princes  of  France,  having  claims  of  various 
degree  to  the  succession  to  the  throne,  be  ready  at  some  future 
date  to  accept  the  bastard  Cesar  as  their  rightful  King  ? 
Would  not  sedition  spring  up  on  all  sides  as  soon  as  C^sar 
might  assert  his  claims  ?  Would  not  civil  war  break  out,  and 
once  more  rend  the  kingdom  asunder?  The  thought  of  all 
those  |>erils  arose  in  the  minds  of  Sully  and  other  statesmen, 
and  it  must  be  admitted  that  their  estimate  of  the  possibilities 
was  not  exaggerated.  But,  as  Michelet  remarks,  after  fore- 
seeing the  future  perils,  they  plunged,  a  little  later,  into  an 
immediate  one,  by  counselling  Henri's  marriage  with  Marie  de' 
Medici,  thus  once  again  admitting  the  foreign  enemy  to  the 


vni  LA  BELLE  GABRIELLE  175 

Court  of  France,  with  its  train  of  adventurers  and  adventu- 
resses, robbers  and  traitors.  We  shall  have  to  speak  of  that 
marriage  presently,  but  it  is  certainly  remarkable  that  Henri 
de  Navarre,  however  pressed  for  money  he  might  be,  should 
have  assented  to  it,  he,  who  so  well  knew  the  Medici  character, 
who  had  seen  Catherine  at  work,  who  had  found  himself  in  her 
power,  who  had  devoted  her  to  the  infernal  gods  and  rejoiced 
at  the  news  of  her  death. 

As  long  as  Gabrielle  lived  we  believe  that  Henri  really  had 
no  thought  of  marrying  any  other  woman,  and  that  Michelet  is 
right  when  he  expresses  the  view  that  she  would  have  won  the 
day  by  the  force  of  affection  and  habit.  She  would  have  done 
so,  we  feel,  even  in  spite  of  the  opposition  of  Sully,  whom  she 
had  somewhat  clumsily  displeased. 

This  was  in  connection  with  the  grand  mastership  of  the 
artillery,  an  important  post,  though  not  as  yet  one  of  the 
high  Offices  of  State.  It  was  bestowed  in  1596  on  Francois 
d'Espinay-Saint-Luc,  who  was  killed,  however,  at  the  siege  of 
Amiens  in  the  autumn  of  the  following  year.  Sully  was  then 
very  desirous  of  obtaining  the  post,  but  a  second  competitor 
appeared  in  the  field,  none  other  indeed  than  Gabrielle's  father, 
Antoine  d'Estrees,  who  urged  her  to  solicit  it  of  the  King, 
on  his  behalf.  She  did  so,  and  her  request  was  granted.  The 
military  services  of  Antoine  d'Estrees  scarcely  justified  the 
appointment ;  still  he  was,  in  that  respect,  a  more  capable 
man  than  Sully  ;  the  latter,  however,  was  grievously  offended  on 
finding  a  post  which  he  himself  coveted  conferred  on  the  father 
of  the  King's  favourite.  In  gratitude  perhaps  for  his  own 
advancement  he  had  previously  rendered  services  to  the  Estrees 
family,  notably  in  respect  to  the  growing  influence  of  the 
Italian  financial  coterie  at  the  Court,  an  influence  due  to 
Henri's  need  of  money  and  which  the  Estrees  regarded  as 
opposed  to  their  own.  Disappointed,  then,  in  his  desire  to 
gain  the  grand  mastership  of  the  artillery,*  Sully  now  also 
became  an  opponent  of  the  Estrees.  At  the  Council  he  had 
often  previously  sided  with  Chancellor  Cheverny  and  Councillor 

*  Subsequently  to  Gabrielle's  death  in  1599,  Sully  purchased  it  from 
Antoine  d'Estr^es,  with  the  assent  of  the  King,  who  in  1601  raised  the  post  to 
the  rank  of  a  great  office  of  state. 


176      FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE      vm 

de  Fi*esne,*  who,  largely  for  private  reasons,  hoped  to  see  Henri 
marry  Gabrielle ;  but  he  now  went  over  altogether  to  the  side 
of  La  Varenne,  comptroller  general  of  posts,  and  Zamet  the 
financier,  both  of  whom,  it  has  been  asserted,  were  opposed  to 
the  idea  of  a  marriage  between  the  King  and  his  favourite. 
That  is  by  no  means  certain,  however,  and  in  any  case  they 
were  not  men  to  oppose  anything  on  the  ground  of  principle, 
for  self-interest  and  advancement  were  the  chief  thoughts  of 
their  lives. 

Guillaume  Fouquet,  Marquis  de  La  Varenne  f  and  Baron 
de  Sainte-Suzanne,  is  said  by  Aubigne  to  have  begun  life  as 
an  assistant  in  the  kitchens  of  Catherine  de  Navarre,  Henri's 
sister,  but  according  to  Palma  Cayet  his  family  had  long  been 
honourably  known  in  the  service  of  the  NavaiTese  sovereigns. 
He  figures  in  documents  of  the  Chambre  des  Comptes  of 
Navarre  (1585)  as  Guillaume  Fouquet  de  Lavarande,  "train- 
bearer  *'  to  King  Henri  at  a  salary  of  forty  crowns  a  year.  By 
dint  of  suppleness,  wit,  and  services,  sometimes  very  equivocal 
and  sometimes  very  important  ones,  he  soon  made  his  way  from 
the  royal  anterooms  to  the  King's  cabinet.  While  at  one 
moment  one  finds  him  occupying  in  regard  to  Henri  a  position 
akin  to  that  of  Chiffinch  in  regard  to  our  second  Charles,  at 
others  he  is  sent  on  very  serious  missions,  such  for  instance  as 
to  solicit  military  help  from  Queen  Elizabeth,  or  to  summon 
Aumont  and  Longueville  to  the  King's  support  at  the  time  of 
the  campaign  against  Mayenne  in  Normandy.  On  one  occasion, 
it  has  been  said.  La  Varenne  performed  an  extraordinary  feat, 
passing  himself  off  as  a  representative  of  the  League,  journeying 
to  Spain  as  such,  securing  an  audience  of  Philip  II,  obtaining 
from  that  monarch  confidential  particulars  concerning  his  designs 
in  regard  to  France,  and  contriving  to  make  good  his  escape 
before  his  trickery  was  discovered.  If  that  story  be  true  (we 
have  some  doubts  about  it)  so  ingenious  and  useful  a  man 
could  not  be  left  unrewarded.  At  all  events,  for  one  service  or 
another  La  Varenne  secured  in  turn  a  barony,  a  marquisate,  the 
collar  of  the  order  of  St  Michael,  and  the  offices  of  comptroller 

*  A  connection  of  the  Beauvilliera  family.    See  p.  106,  ante. 
t  He  wrote  bia  name  La  Varane  and  King  Henri  also  Rpella  it  that  way  in 
bis  correspondence.    La  Varenne  is  a  more  modem  form. 


vin  LA  BELLE  GABRIELLE  177 

of  the  postal  services  and  lieutenant-governor  of  Anjou.  In 
1603,  when  the  Jesuits  were  again  allowed  to  exercise  their 
ministry  freely  throughout  the  whole  of  France — they  had  been 
allowed  to  return  thither  before  the  death  of  Gabrielle  d'Estrees* 
— La  Varenne,  whom  they  were  said  to  have  protected  for  some 
years,  largely  assisted  them  to  obtain  that  permission. 

If  we  have  sketched  La  Varenne's  character  and  career  at 
some  little  length  it  is  because  he  was  long  supposed  to  have 
played  a  leading  role  in  Gabrielle's  last  days.  In  fact,  until  a 
certain  discovery  was  made  in  our  own  times,  a  letter  attributed 
to  him  was  generally  accepted  as  containing  the  one  authentic 
account  of  her  death.  That  is  a  point,  however,  which  may  be 
discussed  presently.  Let  us  now  say  something  of  a  man  who 
certainly  figured  somewhat  prominently  in  Gabrielle's  life,  and 
who,  according  to  the  traditional  accounts,  was  also  connected 
with  her  death.  This  was  Sebastiano  Zamet,  a  remarkably 
shrewd  and  dexterous  Italian  of  lowly  birth,  who  rose  to  a 
position  of  great  importance  in  France.  He  was  born  in  or 
about  1549  at  Lucca,  where,  it  is  asserted,  his  father  carried 
on  the  calling  of  a  shoemaker.  Attracted  to  France,  like  so 
many  of  his  compatriots,  at  the  time  when,  under  Catherine 
de'  Medici,  Italian  influence  was  so  great  at  the  Court  of  the 
Louvre,  Zamet  entered  that  Queen's  service,  becoming,  it  is 
asserted,  shoemaker  to  her  majesty  and  the  ladies  of  her  retinue. 
He  soon  made  his  way,  thanks  to  his  marked  talent  for  intrigue, 
and  on  being  appointed  valet  of  the  wardrobe  to  Henri  III, 
ingratiated  himself  with  the  latter's  mignons,  lent  them  money 
at  high  interest,  and  steadily  increased  his  gains,  in  such  wise 
that  already  in  1585  he  had  70,000  crowns  invested  in  the  State 
Salt  Farm  or  Monopoly.  Siding  at  last  with  the  League,  Zamet 
won  the  confidence  of  the  Duke  de  Mayenne,  who  made  him 
his  treasurer,  and  in  whose  eventual  submission  to  Henri  de 
Navarre  he  played,  in  conjunction  with  Gabrielle  d'Estrees,  an 
important  part. 

*  That  is  a  rather  important  point,  as  some  writers  have  accused  them  of 
having  brought  about  her  death  as  a  revenge  for  their  expulsion.  As  a  matter 
of  fawt,  nearly  all  that  they  asked  of  the  French  Crown  had  been  granted  them 
in  her  lifetime ;  but  it  is  true  that  Henri,  who  had  not  forgotten  Jean  Chfttel's 
attempt  on  his  life,  was,  until  1603,  unwilling  to  allow  them  in  the  diocese  of 
Paris. 

N 


178     FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE      vin 

If  Zamet  was  really  hostile  to  the  royal  favourite  he  certainly 
did  not  show  it.  He  was  repeatedly  mixed  up  in  her  affairs, 
notably  in  regaixl  to  property  which  she  acquired ;  and  she,  on 
her  side,  rendered  this  fortunate  partisan — as  capitalists  were 
then  denominated — some  valuable  services.  Henri  de  Navarre's 
pecuniary  necessities  inclined  him  to  be  friendly  with  such  a 
wealthy  and  resourceful  man  as  Zamet,  and  Gabrielle  certainly 
countenanced  the  favour  which  he  acquired  and  ever  afterwards 
retained  with  the  King.  Zamet  had  been  naturalized  a  French- 
man in  1581,  at  the  same  time  as  two  brothers  who  had  followed 
him  to  France,  and  for  some  yeai-s  he  lived  with  a  mistress,  a 
young  woman  of  good  birth,  known  as  Madeleine  Le  Clerc, 
Demoiselle  du  Tremblay,  by  whom  he  had  several  children. 
To  show  how  intimate  Gabrielle  d'Estrees  became  with  the 
financier  it  may  be  mentioned  that  she  assisted  him  not  only 
to  marry  his  mistress,  but  also  to  obtain  the  full  legitimation 
of  their  progeny  born  out  of  wedlock,  a  matter  of  considerable 
difficulty  in  those  days  among  people  of  Zamet's  position, 
whatever  in  that  respect  might  be  the  peculiar  privileges  of 
kings. 

It  has  been  surmised,  and  it  is  possible,  that  in  assisting 
Zamet  with  respect  to  his  children  Gabrielle  sought  to  prepare 
the  way  for  the  legitimation  of  her  own  offspring  by  the  King. 
But  in  any  case  the  service  rendered  to  the  financier  was  an 
important  one ;  and  although  Zamet  was,  as  we  have  said,  a 
man  who  chiefly  sought  money  and  self-advancement,  employ- 
ing all   sorts  of  means   to  secure   them,*  his   position  while 

*  After  the  marriage  of  King  Henri  with  Mario  de'  Medici,  Zamet  ingra- 
tiated himself  with  the  new  Queen-consort  to  whom,  indeed,  hy  reason  of  her 
extravagance,  he  soon  became  well-nigh  indispensable.  While  he  neglected  no 
opportunity  of  amassing  money  his  loyalty  to  Uenri  seems  certain,  for  on  one 
occasion  he  warned  the  King  of  an  Italian  conspiracy  in  which  Concini  was 
concerned.  After  Henri's  assassination,  however,  Zamet,  like  the  genuine 
courtier  he  was,  went  over  to  the  Concini  party.  He  died  in  1614,  leaving  two 
sons,  respecting  the  elder  of  whom,  Jean,  a  distinguished  general-officer,  it  is 
related  that  on  seeing  his  troops  retreating  at  some  engagement,  he  inquired 
the  reason,  and  on  hearing  that  they  had  neither  powder  nor  shot  left  them, 
retorted :  "  Forward  I  you  at  least  have  your  swords  and  your  finger-nails  I  " 
This  Jean  Zamet  married  during  his  father's  lifetime,  and  there  is  a  story  to 
the  effect  that  the  notary  appointed  to  draw  up  the  marriage  contract  inquired 
of  the  father  by  what  lordships  he  should  describe  him :  "  Write  lord  of 
1,700,000  crowiu  1 "  replied  tbo  old  miUionaiie  financier  with  a  laugh.    In 


VIII  LA  BELLE  GABRIELLE  179 

Gabrielle  remained  favourite  became  so  high,  and  she  was  in 
one  or  another  way  so  constant  a  customer  of  his,  that  he  can 
have  had  no  reason  for  plotting  against  her. 

The  particulars  we  have  given  respecting  La  Varenne  and 
Zamet  render  it  doubtful  whether  Sully,  however  hostile  he  may 
have  become  to  Gabrielle,  found  any  great  support  in  those  two 
councillors.  One  turns  from  that  account  of  the  great  financial 
minister*'s  work,  Les  Economies  royales,  with  the  impression  that 
he  was  at  heart  a  vain,  jealous,  and  envious  man,  one  who  set 
his  ambition  on  becoming  the  King''s  sole  confidant  and  mentor. 
It  must  be  noted  that  Les  Economies  royales  was  not  issued 
until  1638,  that  is  but  three  years  before  Sully's  death,  and 
subsequent  to  the  publication  of  many  volumes  dealing  wholly 
or  in  part  with  the  life  and  reign  of  Henri  de  Navarre,*  some 
of  which  works  slighted  the  minister  altogether,  while  others, 
in  recording  the  events  of  the  period,  by  no  means  assigned  to 
him  that  unfailing  sagacity  and  preponderant  influence,  which 
he,  in  his  own  work,  afterwards  claimed  to  have  possessed  and 
exercised.  Sully  had  one  defect  in  common  with  Aubigne ;  he 
was  too  much  inclined  to  take  credit  to  himself  for  everything, 
he  wished  posterity  to  believe  that  his  had  been  the  one  sole 
master  mind  of  his  epoch.  Perhaps  he  imagined  that  national 
and  private  archives  would  never  yield  up  their  secrets,  that 
generation  after  generation  would  always  accept  without 
challenge  or  demur  the  statements  which  he  himself  dictated. 
For  some  two  centuries  after  his  death  such  was  certainly  the 
case,  but  a  school  of  zealous  historical  inquiry  arose,  and,  little 
by  little,  the  impeccable  Sully  was  found  making  "  mistakes," 
and  telling  fibs,  which,  perhaps,  he  imagined  would  never  be 
detected. 

M.  Adrien  Desclozeaux  in  his  valuable  work  on  Gabrielle 
d'Estrees  exposes  several  of  the  afore-mentioned  fibs  which  are 
distinctly  damaging  to   Sully's  reputation.     What  is  to   be 

point  of  fact,  however,  he  was  officially  described  as  Lord  of  Beauvoir  and 
Cazabelle,  Councillor  to  the  King,  and  Superintendent  of  the  buildings  of 
Fontainebleau.  His  second  son,  S^bastien,  became  Bishop  of  Langres  and 
almoner  to  Marie  de'  Medici,  and  was  mixed  up  in  some  of  the  earlier  Port 
Royal  disputes. 

*  Such  as  those  of  Palma  Cayet,  1605;  Legrain,  1614;  Aubign^,  1616; 
Dupleix,  1621 ;  L'EatoiUe,  1621 ;  P.  Mathieu,  1631,  etc. 


180     FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE      viii 

thought  of  a  statesman  who,  in  order  to  persuade  his  con- 
temporaries and  posterity  of  his  exceeding  intimacy  with  the 
King,  falsified  the  letters  he  received  from  him  ?  Sully  must 
have  had  those  letters  before  him  whilst  he  was  preparing 
Les  Economies  royales.  ^Vhy,  then,  should  they  begin  in  his 
versions  with  the  familiar  expression  ^^Mon  ami — my  friend," 
when  they  really  begin  "  Monsieur  de  Rosny,"  and  end  with 
the  condescending  commonplace,  "  Your  cousin,  Henry "  ? 
Perhaps  Sully  imagined  that  the  original  letters  would  never 
be  found,  and  printed  in  any  other  work  save  his  own.  It  is 
true,  of  course,  that  all  of  them  have  not  been  recovered,  and 
it  is  possible  that  Henri  may  have  addressed  his  minister  on 
one  or  two  occasions  in  the  fashion  that  minister  asserts.  But, 
according  to  M.  Desclozeaux,  in  none  of  the  letters  which  have 
survived  does  that  occur. 

Again,  there  are  Sully's  claims  in  respect  to  the  negotiations 
for  the  divorce  of  Henri  and  Marguerite ;  though  whatever  he 
may  assert  on  that  head  it  is  certain  that  he  had  little  if  any- 
thing to  do  with  the  matter  for  several  years.  Marguerite's 
confidant  in  that  business  was  another  of  her  husband's 
Huguenot  adherents,  Du  Plessis-Momay,  with  whom  she 
carried  on  a  correspondence,  most  of  which  is  extant ;  and  on 
one  occasion,  when  Sully  wrote  to  her,  anxious  as  he  was  to  play 
a  role  in  the  affair,  she  left  his  letter  unanswered  for  many 
months. 

But  there  is  something  even  more  curious.  Sully  is  found 
setting  up  a  claim  that  he  made  journeys  to  England  on  two 
occasions,  that  is  in  1601  and  1603.  The  latter  embassy  is 
of  course  well  known,  but  as  regards  the  former  mission,  a 
secret  one,  connected  with  a  proposal  for  joint  action  on  the 
part  of  England  and  France  in  regard  to  Ostend,  modern 
research  *  seems  to  have  proved  that  although  the  minister 
proceeded  as  far  as  Calais  and  interviewed  an  English  envoy 
there,  he  never  actually  crossed  the  straits,  so  that  his  account 
of  his  experiences  in  our  country  would  simply  be  an  impudent 
concoction.  Desclozeaux  goes  so  far  as  to  declare  that  Sully — 
a  Picard  be  it  noted,  and  in  old  France  the  Picards  had  a 

*  Mission  de  Jean  de  Thumery,  Sieur  de  Boiasise,  by  M.  Laffleur  de 
Kermalngant,  Paris,  Didot,  188C ;  and  Dosclozoauz,  I.e. 


vin  LA  BELLE  GABRIELLE  181 

dreadful  reputation  for  untruthfulness — was  simply  an  in- 
veterate liar.  However  that  may  be,  he  was  nearly  eighty 
years  of  age  when  Les  Economies  royales  appeared,  and  there 
are  various  proofs  that  his  memory  had  then  become  defective. 
At  the  same  time  it  seems  certain  that  on  looking  backward 
over  a  long  and  busy  life,  he  was  inclined,  like  a  good  many 
other  old  men,  to  exaggerate  his  own  achievements,  and  to 
tell  fibs  in  a  spirit  of  senile  vanity.  The  worst  is  that  when 
once  you  begin  to  doubt  a  man  who  is  narrating  his  own  career 
you  doubt  him  always.  At  every  page  you  turn,  you  ask  your- 
self :  How  much  truth  is  there  in  this  ?  Is  it  strictly  accurate  ? 
Is  it  exaggerated  ?  Is  it  entirely  false  ?  Thus  it  is  with  Sully, 
who  can  never  more  be  accepted  as  an  unimpeachable  authority, 
particularly  in  those  instances  when  he  is  recounting  events  in 
which  he  claims  to  have  played  a  conspicuous  part. 

The  reader  may  remember  that  in  the  famous  letter  which 
King  Henri  addressed  to  M.  de  Crillon  during  the  siege  of 
Amiens  *  he  spoke  of  the  fine  army  he  had  got  together  and 
of  his  intention  of  undertaking  some  enterprise.  He  must  have 
referred,  we  think,  to  the  reconquest  of  Brittany,  the  greater 
part  of  which  province  was  still  held  by  the  Duke  de  Mercoeur  f 
ostensibly  on  behalf  of  the  now  almost  defunct  League,  though 
more  than  once  this  Prince  of  the  House  of  Lorraine  had  laid 
claim  to  the  rank  of  Duke  of  Brittany  by  reason  of  his  wife''s 
descent  from  the  old  line  of  the  Penthievres,  who,  after  a 
struggle  of  over  a  hundred  years'*  duration  (1312-1422),  had 
been  finally  vanquished  by  the  House  of  Montfort  in  their 
efforts  to  secure  possession  of  the  duchy.  Mercoeur  himself  was 
the  eldest  son  of  Nicolas  de  Lorraine,  Count  de  Vaudemont, 
and  the  step-brother  of  Queen  Louise,  consort  of  Henri  HI ; 
whilst  his  wife,  known  as  Mile,  de  Martigues  prior  to  her 
marriage,  was  the  only  child  of  Sebastien  de  Luxembourg,  Duke 
de  Penthievre.  At  one  moment  Mercoeur  had  even  seized  Rennes 
by  virtue  of  his  pretensions,  but  had  been  driven  out  of  the  city 
as  a  rebel,  as  the  Parliament  and  the  citizens  decided  to  recog- 
nize the  authority  of  Henri  de  Navarre  directly  they  received 
the  assurance  that  he  would  maintain  the  Catholic  faith.  In 
other  parts  of  the  Duchy,  however,  and  notably  in  those  regions 
*  See  p.  168,  ante.  t  See  p.  161,  ante. 


182   FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE   vm 

now  known  as  the  departments  of  Finist^re,  Morbihan  and 
Loire  Inf^rieure,  Mercoeur  remained  supreme,  having  his  head- 
quarters in  the  city  of  Nantes. 

To  reduce  that  gi'eat  rebel,  almost  the  only  one  of  any  note 
remaining  in  France,  became  Henri  de  Navarre's  chief  concern 
after  the  victorious  siege  of  Amiens.  There  was,  we  think,  no 
actual  fighting,  or  if  so  it  was  relatively  unimportant.  The 
States  of  Brittany,  assembled  at  Rennes,  invited  the  King  to 
take  possession  of  his  own,  and  Mercceur  deemed  it  best  to 
negotiate.  Henri  advanced  on  Brittany  by  way  of  Angers  and 
was  accompanied  by  Gabrielle,  although  at  this  time  (early  in 
1598)  she  was  again  expecting  to  become  a  mother.  They 
stayed  together  at  the  famous  castle  identified  with  our 
Angevin  kings,  but  it  was  during  some  absence  of  Henri's  that 
Mercceur  sent  his  wife  thither  to  treat  for  terms.  Thereupon 
Gabrielle,  acting  either  on  her  own  initiative  or  by  the  advice 
of  those  who  were  with  her,  issued  orders  that  the  Duchess 
was  to  be  refused  admittance  to  the  city,  it  being  realized  that 
this  move  on  Mercoeur's  part  was  prompted  by  a  desire  to 
prolong  negotiations.  The  attitude  assumed  by  the  royal 
favourite  did  much  to  shorten  them.  Mercoeur  realized  that 
the  royal  party  was  in  earnest,  and  agreed  to  surrender.  On 
March  20,  1598,  the  King  issued  a  proclamation  announcing  his 
reconciliation  with  the  rebellious  noble,  and  a  solemn  thanks- 
giving procession  was  held  at  Angers. 

Gabrielle  had  played  an  important  part  in  the  negotiations, 
and  one  clause  in  the  agreement  which  was  arrived  at  affected 
her  particularly,  and  shows  how  mistaken  were  those  of  her 
contemporaries  who  imagined  her  to  be  a  woman  possessed  of 
little  understanding  and  shrewdness.  The  Duke  de  Mercoeur, 
by  virtue  of  his  territorial  possessions,  which  were  confirmed  to 
him,  was  probably  at  that  time  the  wealthiest  noble  in  France. 
He  had  a  daughter,  Franf-oise  de  Lorraine,  who  would  be,  and 
indeed  became,  the  greatest  heiress  of  the  age.  This  girl  was 
then  four  years  and  a  few  months  old.  Gabrielle,  on  the  other 
hand,  had  her  son  Cesar,  whom  the  King  proposed  to  create 
Duke  de  Vend6me  and  who  was  nearly  four  years  old.  Why 
should  not  those  children  become  husband  and  wife  ?  The 
original  idea  seems  to  have  been  entirely  that  of  Gabrielle,  the 


viii  LA  BELLE  GABRIELLE  183 

woman  who  is  said  to  have  been  "  simple,"  destitute  of  initiative 
and  politic  sense.  It  was  adopted  by  the  King,  and  on  April 
5,  sixteen  days  after  the  formal  reconciliation  between  Henri 
and  Mercoeur,*  the  little  Cesar  and  the  little  Franjoise  were 
solemnly  affianced  at  Angers  by  Cardinal  de  Joyeuse,  and  their 
marriage  contract  was  signed.  On  that  occasion,  be  it  noted, 
all  the  ceremonial  customary  at  the  betrothals  of  Children  of 
France  was  observed.     And  Sully  was  presentf 

From  Angers  Henri  and  Gabrielle  repaired  to  Nantes,  and 
there  little  Cdsar  was  appointed  successively  captain  of  the  city 
and  governor  of  Brittany,  doubtless  to  the  amusement  of  many 
of  the  good  Bretons.  At  Nantes,  moreover,  Gabrielle  was 
delivered  of  her  expected  child,  which  proved  to  be  a  boy.  As 
the  happy  and  ever-victorious  father  had  bestowed  the  name 
of  C^sar  on  the  first  son  with  whom  his  mistress  had  pre- 
sented him,  he  doubtless  thought  that  there  could  be  no  more 
appropriate  appellation  for  the  new  arrival  than  that  of 
Alexandre.  If  we  may  be  allowed  to  use  a  colloquialism  it 
was,  perhaps,  a  case  of  going  "  one  better " ;  though  we  will 
not  undertake  to  decide  whether  the  Macedonian  or  the  Roman 
conqueror  was  the  greater  man.  Gabrielle's  condition  of  health 
constrained  her  to  remain  at  Nantes  for  some  time  after 
her  accouchement,  and  meanwhile  Henri  proceeded  to  Rennes, 
making  a  state  entry  into  that  city  on  May  9  (1598),  when  the 
presidial  court  and  the  seneschal  met  him  at  All  Saints  Gate, 
and  presented  him  with  some  new  city  keys  of  silver  gilt, 
made  expressly  for  the  occasion.  "They  are  beautiful  keys 
indeed,""  the  King  is  said  to  have  remarked,  "  but  I  prefer  the 
keys  to  the  hearts  of  the  inhabitants." 

Now,  according  to  Sully,  one  day  during  that  stay  at 
Rennes,  the  King,  after  dining  with  the  ProcurorJ  of  the 
city,  went  upstairs  to  see  M.  de  Bouillon  §  who  was  staying  in 

*  The  Eling  facetiously  called  him  "  Duke  of  Mercury." 

t  There  is  a  strange  error  in  M,  Batiffol's  erudite  work  on  Marie  de' 
Medici.  He  says  that  in  1609  that  Queen  was  obliged  to  assent  to  Cesar's 
marriage  with  Fran9oi8e,  "  arranged  two  years  previously  by  Henri  IV " 
[Batifiol,  English  edition,  p.  153].    But  they  were  affianced  in  1598. 

X  Otherwise  the  Alloui  or  Ahi.    Allocatus  in  Ducange. 

§  Henri  de  La  Tour  d'Auvergne,  Viscount  de  Turenne,  married  in  1591  to 
Charlotte  de  La  Marck,  who  as  heiress  brought  him  the  Duchy  of  Bouillon  and 
Principality  of  Sedan* 


184     FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE      viii 

the  house  and  ill  with  gout.  On  coming  down  again  Henri 
met  Sully  in  the  courtyard,  and  taking  him  by  the  hand  led 
him  into  the  garden  where,  while  walking  up  and  down  the 
paths,  they  engaged  in  a  long  discussion  which  the  King 
initiated,  and  which  embraced  such  questions  as  his  divorce,  his 
re-marriage,  and  the  succession  to  the  throne.*  After  referring  to 
certain  "  beautiful  and  magnificent  designs  "  which  we  need  not 
recapitulate,  the  King  said  to  Sully  :  "  There  is  only  one  defect 
and  one  thing  lacking  in  them,  but  that  does  not  cease  worrying 
me,  in  such  wise  that  it  almost  robs  me  of  my  courage,  and  I 
have  no  other  design  save  to  live  on  from  day  to  day,  as  people 
say.""  And  by  way  of  specifying  the  matter  which  worried  him, 
the  King  added ;  "  It  is  to  know  who  will  profit  by  all  my 
work  when  I  am  gone,  whether  my  labour  will  have  a  just 
reward,  such  as  I  hold  to  consist  in  good  fame  throughout  the 
world,  in  the  praise  which  will  be  bestowed  on  me,  the  gratitude 
which  will  be  granted  and  the  affection  which  will  be  manifested 
to  my  person  and  memory  by  those  who  will  succeed  me."" 

The  King  thus  broached  the  question  of  the  succession  to 
the  throne,  which  was  complicated  by  that  of  his  marriage — 
the  stumbling-block  which  he  was  always  encountering,  the 
obstacle  which  might  well  prevent  him  from  founding  a  dynasty 
— "  that  is,"  said  he,  "  if  I  do  not  dispose  myself  to  give 
France  children  of  my  own,  which  is  a  thing  I  have  always 
and  infinitely  desired,  and  of  which  I  have  had  good  hope  since 
the  Archbishop  of  Urbino,  the  Sieurs  du  Perron,  d'Ossat,  de 
Marquemont,  t  and  other  ecclesiastics  at  Rome,  have  sent  me 

•  According  to  Sully  also,  there  had  been  a  conversation  between  them  on 
this  same  subject  two  years  previously  (1596)  while  they  were  together  in  the 
high  terraced  gardens  of  the  beautiful  ch&teau  of  Oaillon.  On  that  occasion, 
the  King,  after  setting  forth  his  ideals  of  happiness  and  glory,  had  begged  his 
minister  "  to  deliver  him  from  his  wife  [Queen  Marguerite]  and  enable  him  to 
fmd  another  of  a  condition  suited  to  his  birth,  one  of  gentle  and  complaisant^ 
humour,  who  would  love  him,  and  whom  he  would  be  able  to  love,  and  who 
would  further  give  him  children  soon  enough  so  that  he  might  have  sufficient 
years  at  his  disposal  to  bring  tHem  up  in  his  own  style,  and  make  brave, 
gallant  and  skilful  Princes  of  them." 

t  Jacques  Davy  du  Perron  has  been  previously  referred  to  (p.  130,  ante). 
He  was  a  native  of  Beam,  acted  as  reader  to  Henri  III,  then  took  orders  and 
delivered  a  striking  panegyric  on  Mary  Queen  of  Scots  after  her  execution. 
Elevated  to  the  Bishopric  of  Evreux  in  1595,  he  was  sent  to  Bome  to  negotiate 


vin  LA  BELLE  GABRIELLE  185 

advices  that  the  Pope  will  in  every  way  facilitate  my  divorce 
{desmariage)^  so  much  does  he  desire  and  wish  that  I  may  leave 
the  succession  to  the  Kingdom  of  France  free  and  indisputable." 

So  a  divorce  from  Marguerite  was  to  be  granted,  and  that 
matter  settled,  the  King  would  require  another  wife.  It  was 
in  these  words — still  according  to  Sully — that  he  portrayed  his 
ideal :  "  A  woman  so  well  '  conditioned '  that  I  may  not  cast 
myself  into  this  life''s  greatest  misfortune,  which,  in  my  opinion, 
is  to  have  an  ugly,  ill-tempered,  and  despotic  wife,  instead  of 
the  ease  and  contentment  which  I  should  desire  to  find  in  that 
state  of  life.  If  one  could  obtain  wives  according  to  one's  wish, 
in  order  that  I  might  not  repent  me  of  so  hazardous  an  under- 
taking I  would  choose  one  who,  among  other  good  points, 
would  comply  with  several  principal  conditions,  that  is  to  say, 
beauty  of  person,  modesty  (pudicite)  of  life,  complaisance  of 
humour,  shrewdness  of  mind,  fruitfulness  of  body,  eminence 
of  extraction,  and  greatness  of  estate.  .  .  .  But,*"  added  the 
King,  quickly,  "  I  think,  my  friend  Isic  in  Sully],  that  this 
woman  is  dead,  or  perhaps  not  yet  bom  or  near  being  born.'" 

Nevertheless,  Henri  and  his  minister  (still  according  to  the 
latter)  passed  all  the  eligible  Princesses  of  Europe  in  review, 
successively  examining  their  claims  and  rejecting  one  after 
the  other,  for  there  seemed  to  be  neither  royal  maiden  nor 
widow,  whether  abroad  or  in  France,  to  whom  some  valid 
objection  could  not  be  taken.  By  this  time  Sully  realized  what 
his  master  was  driving  at,  and  strove  to  conceal  his  appre- 
hensions beneath  an  assumption  of  jocularity.  Being  so  good 
a  man,  he  may  not  have  read  Rabelais,  so  it  is  probable  that 
he  derived  from  Holy  Writ,  and  not  from  Pantagruel,  the  scheme 
which  he  proposed  to  the  King — which  was,  that  all  the  maids 
of  France  should  be  assembled  and  examined  in  the  hope  there 
might  be  found  among  them  one  who  (like  Esther)  would 
obtain  grace  and  favour  in  the  monarch's  sight.     Henri  took 

the  absolution  and  divorce  of  Henri  de  Navarre.  With  him  went  Amaud 
d'Ossat,  a  brilliant  pupil  of  Bamus  and  Cujas,  who  had  acted  as  secretary  to 
Cardinals  Hippolyte  d'Este  and  Joyeuse  when  they  were  French  ambassadors 
at  Rome. 

Amaud  d'Ossat  became  a  Cardinal  in  1599,  and  da  Perron  (who  was  also 
appointed  grand  almoner  of  France)  was  made  one  in  1604.  Marquemont 
was  a  less  important  ecclesiastical  luminary. 


186     FAVOURITES   OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE      vin 

the  jest  in  good  part,  but  he  at  last  became  somewhat 
impatient  at  Sully''s  persistence  in  playing  the  stupid. 

"  Oh  the  cunning  animal  you  are ! "  said  he,  "  you  could 
choose  one  very  well  if  it  pleased  you,  even  the  one  I  think, 
for  there  is  none  that  has  not  heard  some  rumour  of  it.  But 
I  see  very  well  what  you  are  aiming  at,  in  playing  the  stupid 
and  the  ignoramus.  It  is  to  make  me  name  her,  and  I  will  do 
so,  for  you  will  admit  to  me  that  all  those  points  may  be  found 
in  my  mistress,  not  that  I  mean  to  say  that  I  have  thought  of 
marrying  her,  but  I  would  like  to  know  what  you  would  say 
of  it  if,  for  lack  of  another,  that  fancy  should  some  day 
take  me."" 

This  was  a  direct  thrust,  but  Sully  met  it  in  an  evasive  way, 
for  he  desired,  he  says,  to  avoid  a  conflict.  The  King,  however, 
requested  him  to  examine  the  matter  as  a  mere  hypothesis  and 
give  his  opinion  on  it,  saying  that  he  might  speak  out  freely 
as  they  were  together,  in  private,  so  that  he  (Sully)  had  no 
reason  to  fear  the  displeasure  which  might  result  from  an 
adverse  opinion  publicly  expressed. 

The  minister  declares  that  he  thereupon  explained  his  views 
with  all  frankness.  "  I  will  tell  you.  Sire,"  he  answered,  "  that 
apart  from  the  general  blame  that  you  might  incur,  and  the 
shame  which  repentance  would  bring  when  the  transports 
(bouillons)  of  love  were  cooled,  that  I  can  think  of  no  ex- 
pedients suitable  to  contend  with  the  intrigues  and  em- 
barrassments and  to  reconcile  the  various  pretensions  which 
would  arise  with  respect  to  your  children,  born  in  such  diverse 
and  irregular  circumstances.  The  more  so  as,  apart  from  the 
good  stories  that  have  been  told  me  (which  were  least  known 
to  yourself,  and  yet  you  were  not  entirely  ignorant  of  them, 
particularly  of  that  of  Messire  Alibour  *  which  wtis  spread  about 
so  much,  for  I  know  that  Regnardiere  one  day  told  you  some- 
thing about  it,  in  ambiguous  words  which  you  nevertheless  well 
understood,  though,  not  wishing  it  to  appear  so,  you  availed 

*  See  p.  141,  ante.  Judging  by  the  rolls  of  the  King's  medical  household, 
the  correct  orthography  of  this  doctor's  name  appears  to  have  been  Ailleboust. 
He  became  first  surgeon  to  King  Henri,  at  a  salary  of  400  crowns  per  annum, 
in  1593,  when  he  succeeded  Marc  Miron.  Henri's  medical  household  was  the 
largest  ever  formed  by  any  King  of  France,  being  composed  of  sixty-five 
persons,  physicians,  surgeons,  barber-surgeons  and  their  assistants. 


VIII  LA  BELLE  GABRIELLE  187 

yourself  of  the  displeasure  of  Monsieur  rAmiral  *  to  have  him 
[Regnardi^re]  beaten,  so  that  he  might  be  forced  to  withdraw 
from  court)  apart  from  those  stories,  I  say,  the  first  of  your 
children,  since  such  you  call  them,  cannot  deny  that  he  was 
born  in  double  adultery  ;  t  the  second  that  you  will  now  have, 
will  think  himself  more  favoured,  as  it  will  only  be  in  simple 
adultery  ;  J  while  those  who  will  come  afterwards,  when  you  are 
married,  will  not  fail  to  assert  that  they  alone  ought  to  be 
held  legitimate — of  all  which  difficulties  I  will  leave  you  to 
think  at  your  leisure,  before  saying  more  of  the  matter  to 
you."" 

"  That  will  not  be  unfitting,''  the  King  rejoined,  "  for  you 
have  said  enough  for  the  first  time,  of  which  I  promise  you  I 
will  never  tell  my  mistress  anything,  for  fear  lest  it  should  put 
you  on  bad  terms  with  her.  For  it  is  true  that  she  likes  you, 
and  even  more,  esteems  you,  though  there  is  always  some  doubt 
in  her  mind  that  you  will  not  be  very  favourable  to  the  advan- 
tages I  should  like  to  confer  on  her  and  her  children,  for  she 
says  that  you  always  place  the  State  and  my  glory  so  much  to 
the  fore,  that  it  seems  as  if  you  have  more  regard  for  them  than 
for  my  contentment  and  my  person."" 

Sully's  account  of  this  interview  cannot  be  accepted  without 
a  few  grains  of  salt.  We  doubt  whether  he  was  so  venturesome 
as  to  allude  to  the  Ailleboust  affair,  and  we  doubt  some  of  the 

•  The  Orand  Admiral  of  France  referred  to  above  was  either  the  second 
Marshal  Biron,  who  resigned  the  post  of  admiral  in  the  year  of  the  Ailleboust 
affair  and  C6sar  de  Vendome's  birth ;  or  else  Biron's  successor,  Andr6  de 
Brancas  de  Villars,  husband  of  Gabriello  d'Estr^es'  sister  Juliette  Hippolyte. 
Villars  is  more  likely  to  have  quarrelled  with  the  person  called  Regnardi^re 
over  any  tittle-tattle  reflecting  on  the  royal  favourite. 

t  At  the  time  of  the  birth  of  C6sar  de  Vendome  (June,  1594)  Henri  of 
course  was  married  to  Marguerite  de  Valois,  while  GabrieUe's  marriage  to 
M.  de  Liancourt  still  held  good,  not  having  been  annulled  xmtil  the  following 
January. 

X  The  above  phrase  is  somewhat  ambiguous.  Sully  does  not  really  refer  to 
the  second  child,  who  was  a  girl,  and  as  such  could  have  no  claim  to  the  suc- 
cession to  the  throne  (Salic  law).  He  alludes  to  the  second  son,  Alexandre, 
Chevalier  de  Vendome  and  ultimately  Grand  Prior  of  France  (St.  John  of 
Jerusalem).  But  he  writes  in  the  future  tense,  saying  le  secoyid  que  vous 
aurez  a  prisent.  Aurez  is  probably  a  mistake  for  avez,  for  if  Sully's  alleged 
conversation  with  the  King  took  place  at  Rennes  this  must  have  been  some 
time  in  May,  and  Alexandre  de  Vendome  was  born  in  AprU. 


188      FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE      viii 

grandiloquent  language,  particularly  the  concluding  words  re- 
specting himself,  which  he  ascribes  to  the  King,  but  it  is  in- 
teresting to  find  him  admitting  that  Henri  held  Gabrielle  to 
be  the  one  woman  who  possessed  the  qualities  which  he  desired 
to  find  in  a  wife  :  beauty  of  person,  modesty  of  life,  complaisance 
of  humour,  shrewdness  of  mind,  and  so  forth.  Sully''s  objections 
to  the  match  are  in  accordance  with  opinions  expressed  by  other 
prominent  men  of  the  time  ;  and  with  regard  to  rival  claims  on 
the  part  of  Henri's  children  they  were  well  justified,  for  it  so 
happened  that  in  later  years  these  children  went  to  law  on  the 
subject  of  family  property,  their  dispute  entirely  turning  on  the 
question  as  to  which  of  them  was  the  most  legitimate.  Had 
one  of  them  then  been  King  of  France  no  mere  lawsuit  would 
have  settled  their  differences,  and  thus  one  can  well  understand 
with  what  apprehension  the  marriage  of  Henri  and  his  favourite 
was  regarded  by  far-seeing  men. 

On  the  other  hand,  it  is  certain  that  the  King  was  deeply 
attached  to  Gabrielle,  and  we  feel  that  she  would  have  proved 
a  wife  after  his  own  heart  There  is  something  ludicrous  in 
Sully's  words  about  the  transports  of  love,  or,  to  translate  him 
literally,  its  "  boiling  bubbles,"  cooling  down,  for  at  the  date  of 
his  conversation  with  his  master.  May,  1598,  there  had  been 
plenty  of  time  for  that  to  happen,  the  liaison  having  lasted  for 
several  years.  It  was,  assuredly,  less  a  violent  passion  than  a 
sincere  attachment,  based  on  similar  tastes,  ideas,  humour,  and 
mutual  esteem,  which  now  bound  Henri  to  Gabrielle.  She  was 
no  longer  the  fresh  young  beauty  of  the  days  of  Compiegne, 
Mantes  and  Chartres,  although  she  was  still  only  some  seven- 
and-twenty  years  of  age.  Her  last  portraits  show  that  while 
her  face  had  become  full,  perhaps  slightly  flabby,  some  of  the 
features  were  marked  as  if  by  care  or  suffering.  Her  health 
must  have  been  indifferent  if  the  statements  made  respecting 
the  post-mortem  examination  of  her  remains  can  be  relied  upon, 
for  they  assert  that  both  the  lungs  and  the  liver  were  found  to 
be  in  an  unhealthy  state  and  that  renal  calculus  was  developed 
to  a  degree  surprising  in  one  so  young.* 

She  had  also  become  stout,  to  what  extent  one  cannot  well 

•  Letter  from  President  de  Vernhyes  of  the  Cour  des  Aides  of  Auvergne  to 
the  Duico  de  Veutadour.    We  shall  refer  again  to  that  important  document. 


VIII  LA  BELLE  GABRIELLE  189 

say,  the  reliable  portraits  of  her — crayon  drawings  at  the 
Louvre  and  elsewhere — showing  only  her  head  or  at  the  utmost 
her  head  and  shoulders.  But  in  any  case  twenty-seven  is  an 
early  age  for  a  woman  to  put  on  flesh  to  such  a  degree  that  her 
contemporaries  should  describe  her  as  stout.  This  may  have 
been  due  to  some  natural  predisposition,  but  we  strongly  sus- 
pect that  la  Belle  Gabrielle  was  somewhat  unduly  fond  of  the 
pleasures  of  the  table. 

Reference  is  made  to  her  personal  appearance  in  two  English 
documents  to  which  we  have  not  yet  alluded.  They  are  official 
letters  from  our  envoys  in  France.  The  first  one,  dated 
February  3,  1596,  O.S.,  is  addressed  to  Queen  Elizabeth  in 
person  by  Sir  Henry  Unton,*  who  had  for  a  time  commanded 
a  small  body  of  English  soldiers  in  that  part  of  Brittany  which 
did  not  accept  the  Duke  de  Mercoeur's  rule.  Unton's  account 
of  his  presentation  to  King  Henri's  mistress  is  most  unfavour- 
able to  her.  He  regarded  her  as  a  person  of  no  consequence, 
one  of  very  simple  mind  and  incapable  of  dealing  with  State 
affairs.  She  wore  a  gown  of  satin  without  any  ornaments,  he 
says,  with  a  velvet  cap  on  her  head,  all  which  fitted  her  very 
badly,  and  her  face  was  grossly  painted.  It  happens,  however, 
that  Unton's  account  of  Gabrielle  cannot  well  be  accepted.  A 
born  courtier,  as  well  as  a  fairly  good  soldier,  he  wished  to 
make  his  way  in  the  world,  and  in  that  respect  he  could 
assuredly  take  no  better  course  than  that  of  singing  the  praises 
of  the  Virgin  Queen  and  disparaging  the  French  favourite. 
An  intensely  loyal  admirer  of  his  sovereign,  he  had  one  day 
challenged  and  fought  the  young  Duke  de  Guise,  son  of  Henri 
le  Balafre,  for  daring  to  speak  impudently,  lightly  and  over 
boldly  of  the  bright  Occidental  Star ;  and  the  letter  which  he 
writes  her  a  propos  of  Gabrielle  breathes  the  same  spirit  of 
admiring  fervour.  Henri  took  him  aside,  it  appears,  and  asked 
him  what  he  thought  of  his  mistress;  whereupon  the  ready- 
witted  and  ingenious  Unton  replied  that  he  knew  a  better,  and 
in  proof  thereof  he  produced  a  portrait  of  Elizabeth,  at  which 
the  King  of  France  gazed,  he  says,  "  with  passion  and  admira- 
tion.*"'  It  would  be  pleasant  to  know  if  that  portrait  in  any 
degree  resembled  the  "great  Eliza,"  who  was  then  over  sixty 
*  Sometimes  spelt  Umpton. 


I 
190     FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE      viii 

years  of  age  and  a  bag  of  bones.  Would  Henri  de  Navarre 
have  fallen  in  love  with  her  had  he  seen  her  in  the  flesh  ?  We 
cannot  say.  In  respect  to  love  he  certainly  did  some  very  ex- 
traordinary things,  and,  after  all,  toiis  les  gouts  sont  dans  la 
nature.  Poor  Unton  did  not  live  long  enough  to  reap  any 
reward  for  his  outrageous  flattery  of  his  vain  old  mistress,  for, 
accompanying  Henri  to  the  siege  of  La  Fere,  he  died  there  of  a 
"purple  fever""  less  than  six  weeks  after  writing  the  letter  to 
which  we  have  referred.* 

Sir  Robert  Cecil,  later  Lord  Salisbury,  is  the  other  English- 
man giving  some  account  of  Gabrielle.  Writing  an  oflicial 
letter  from  Paris,  whither  he  had  gone  on  some  mission  in 
March,  1598,  he  describes  her  as  "  stout  but  really  pleasant  and 
gracious.  ...  I  spoke  with  her  for  a  moment,"  he  adds ;  "  she 
expressed  herself  well  and  courteously.  ,  .  .  She  spoke  to  me  of 
the  Queen  [Elizabeth]  with  much  respect,  and  expressed  her 
desire  to  receive  her  commands."  f  That  is  brief,  but  probably 
nearer  to  the  truth  than  Unton's  disparaging  epistle. 

On  one  point  both  English  writers  confirm  the  French 
accounts  that  Gabrielle  was  present  at  state  functions,  such  as 
the  receptions  of  foreign  envoys,  and  was  regarded  as  the  principal 
personage  at  Court  after  Henri  himself.  In  the  middle  of 
1598,  when  she  and  the  King  had  returned  to  Paris  after  the 
pacification  of  Brittany,  L'Estoille  pictures  them  for  us  at  the 
midsummer  rejoicings  at  the  Hotel  de  Ville,  which  Henri,  with 
the  co-operation  of  Francois  Miron,  the  famous  Prevot  des 
Marchands,  and  Androuet  du  Cerceau,  the  great  architect,  was 
then  endeavouring  to  complete.  "  The  collation  there  was 
magnificent,"  writes  L'Estoille.  "  Madame  de  Guise  served  the 
Duchess  de  Beaufort  [Gabrielle],  who  was  seated  in  a  chair,  and 
to  whom  with  many  curtseys  (rSverences)  Madame  de  Guise 
presented  the  dishes.  She,  with  one  hand,  took  what  she  found 
most  to  her  taste,  while  the  other  hand  she  gave  the  King  to 
kiss,  he  being  near  her."  No  doubt  the  sight  of  the  endear- 
ments in  which  his  Majesty  publicly  indulged  amused  some  of 

*  It  is  in  the  Public  Record  Office.    State  Papers,  France,  120. 

t  We  translate  the  above  from  Desclozeaux,  not  having  the  English  text 
before  us.  He  makes  the  usual  French  mistake  of  calling  both  Unton  and 
Cecil  "lords." 


vra  LA  BELLE  GABRIELLE  191 

the  onlookers,  but  other  Parisians  may  well  have  been  more 
particularly  struck  by  the  obsequious  manner  in  which  no  less  a 
lady  than  the  widow  of  Henri  le  Balafre,  sometime  "  King  of 
the  Barricades,''  and  almost  ruler  of  France,  waited  on  the 
mistress  whom  their  sovereign  delighted  to  honour. 

During  the  following  month.  President  Claude  Groulart  of 
Rouen,*  who,  by  the  way,  often  lent  Henri  money,  in  such  wise 
that  the  royal  indebtedness  to  him  amounted  at  last  to  the 
huge  sum  of  500,000  crowns,t  repaired  by  the  King's  desire  to 
St.  Germain-en-Laye  to  see  him  there,  perhaps  in  relation  to 
some  further  loan.  From  St.  Germain,  as  Groulart  relates  in 
his  memoirs,  he  accompanied  Henri  to  Paris  and  afterwards  to 
Montceaux,  Gabrielle's  favourite  residence.  And  there,  after 
supper,  says  the  President,  "  the  King  made  me  take  a  couple 
of  turns  up  and  down  the  long  alley,  he  holding  Madame  la 
Duchesse's  hand  on  one  side,  and  I  being  on  the  other."  That 
same  evening  Henri  spoke  to  the  President  on  the  subject 
which  so  constantly  occupied  his  thoughts — the  absolute  deter- 
mination at  which  he  had  arrived  to  secure  a  divorce  from 
Queen  Marguerite  and  "  to  contract  another  marriage  immedi- 
ately afterwards."  To  us  the  inference  is  obvious.  In  spite  of 
the  conversation  with  Sully  at  Rennes  early  that  spring,  the 
King  firmly  persisted  in  his  design  to  make  Gabrielle  his  wife. 

Now,  however,  came  an  episode  in  which  Sully  again  figured, 
and  which,  according  to  his  account,  turned  entirely  to  Gabrielle's 
confusion.  On  December  13  that  same  year,  her  son  Alexandre 
was  baptized  at  St.  Germain-en-Laye,  the  rite  being  performed 
with  all  the  ceremonial  usual  at  the  baptism  of  Princes  and 
Princesses  of  France.  Pierre  de  Gondi,  Cardinal  de  Retz  and 
Archbishop  of  Paris, J  officiated;  the  King  acted  as  one  of  the 
godfathers,  selecting  as  his  compere  his  cousin,  the  Count  de 
Soissons — the  Princess  Catherine's  unfortunate  lover — who  was 

*  See  p.  152,  ante. 

t  There  are  acknowledgments  of  the  debt  under  the  King's  own  hand. 

X  The  Gondi  family  came  to  France  with  Catherine  de'  Medici  and  secured 
many  high  offices.  One  branch  became  hereditary  introducers  of  ambassadors, 
another  generals  of  the  galleys;  while  others  of  the  family  obtained  some 
of  the  highest  preferments  in  the  Church,  three  of  them  becoming  Cardinals. 
The  one  mentioned  above  was  born  in  1532,  became  Archbishop  of  Paris  in 
1570,  and  secured  the  dignity  of  Car4inal  in  1587. 


192      FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY   OF  NAVARRE      viii 

now  "  Grand  Master  of  France,""  *  while  the  godmother  was 
Diane,  Duchess  d'Angouleme,  a  natural  daughter  of  Henri  H. 

According  to  Sully's  own  account,  he  was  much  upset  by 
all  the  magnificence  displayed  on  this  occasion,  and  the  King 
having  admitted  to  him  "  that  a  great  deal  more  had  been  done 
than  he  had  commanded,"  the  minister  resolved  upon  decisive 
action  against  the  royal  favourite.  Thus,  when  an  order  was 
issued  on  the  treasury  to  pay  "the  heralds,  trumpeters,  and 
hautboys  for  their  services  at  the  baptism  of  Alexandre  Mon- 
sieur, as  Child  of  France,"  Sully  refused  to  honour  it,  and  issued 
another  one  for  a  reduced  amount  on  the  privy  purse.  Com- 
plaint was  speedily  made  to  him.  "  Monsieur,"  he  was  told, 
*'the  amounts  payable  at  the  baptisms  of  Children  of  France 
have  long  since  been  regulated."  "  What  is  that  to  me  ? " 
retorted  the  Superintendent  of  Finances,  "  Go,  go ;  I  shall  do 
nothing.     There  are  no  Children  of  France  !  " 

The  officials  went  off  to  complain  to  Gabrielle ;  and  Sully — 
so  he  says — being  anxious  to  forestall  the  favourite's  applications 
to  the  King,  hurried  to  the  latter  in  order  to  lay  before  him 
the  scandalous  and  reckless  claims  which  had  been  inspired  by 
an  impatient  ambition  in  its  anxiety  to  wring  from  the  monarch 
compromising  favours  which  might  seem  tantamount  to  pro- 
mises !  Thereupon  Henri,  still  according  to  Sully,  told  him  to 
go  and  see  the  Duchess  de  Beaufort  and  bring  her  to  her  senses. 
Sully  repaired  to  the  Cloitre  St.  Germain — in  reality  the 
Deanery  of  St.  Germain  TAuxerrois,  the  residence  of  Mme.  de 
Sourdis,  Gabrielle's  aunt,  with  whom  she  was  staying — and  met 
with  what  he  regarded  as  an  impertinent  as  well  as  hostile 
reception.  Forthwith  he  returned  to  the  King,  who,  being  put 
on  his  mettle,  got  into  the  minister's  coach  and  drove  to  the 

*  The  office,  which  can  be  traced  back  to  that  of  the  comes  palatii  and  the 
maltster  officiorum  of  ancient  times,  was  really  that  of  a  chief  major-domo. 
When  the  post  of  grand  seneschal  was  abolished  some  of  its  attributions  passed 
to  the  Constable  of  France  and  others  to  the  Souverain  Maitre  de  I'Hdtel,  who 
exercised  authority  over  the  whole  royal  household  and  its  expenditure.  On 
the  appointment  of  Antoine  de  Croy  in  1463  the  title  of  the  office  was  altered 
to  the  very  inappropriate  one  of  Grand  Maitre  de  France.  The  post  took  rank 
as  the  third  of  the  great  offices  of  state,  being  preceded  by  those  of  the  Con- 
stable and  the  Chancellor  of  France.  At  the  death  and  accession  of  each 
successive  monarch  it  was  the  Grand  Maitre  who  announced  thoso  events  ixx 
the  well-known  words :  "  The  King  is  dead,  long  live  the  King  I " 


VIII  LA  BELLE   GABRIELLE  198 

deanery.  Finding  the  Duchess  on  the  threshold,  ready  to  do 
him  the  honours  of  the  house,  Henri  took  hold  of  her  hand  ; 
but,  says  Sully  triumphantly,  "  without  either  kissing  or 
caressing  it,  or  saying  a  single  complimentary  word  as  he 
usually  did,"  and  in  that  fashion  he  led  her  to  her  room,  where, 
after  closing  the  door  and  making  sure  that  they  were  all  three 
alone,  he  said  to  his  mistress,  while  holding  her  hand  in  one  of 
his,  and  Sully's  in  the  other  : 

"  Come,  madam,  vrai  Dieu,  what  is  all  this  ?  What !  Are 
you  purposely  seeking  to  anger  me  and  try  my  patience.  Is 
that  the  fine  advice  you  receive  ?  Well,  par  Dieuy  I  swear  to 
you  that  if  you  think  of  continuing  in  this  fashion,  you  will 
find  yourself  very  far  from  your  hopes,  for  I  will  not  lose  the 
best  and  most  loyal  servant  I  ever  had  *  on  account  of  any 
foolish  fancies  which  are  put  in  your  head  by  I  know  whom.  .  .  . 
And  it  is  necessary  you  should  understand  that,  having  loved 
you  principally  because  I  found  you  gentle,  gracious,  and  good 
humoured,  and  neither  obstinate  nor  peevish,  if  you  suddenly 
change,  as  you  are  doing,  you  will  make  me  believe  that  all  that 
was  feigned  by  you,  and  that  you  will  revert  to  the  nature  of 
other  women  as  soon  as  I  have  raised  you  to  the  position  you 
desire." 

On  hearing  this  speech,  which  was  "  that  of  a  master  and 
not  of  a  lover,"  Gabrielle,  according  to  Sully,  could  at  first  only 
weep  and  sob  and  kiss  the  King's  hand,  but  at  last,  breaking 
out  in  spite  of  herself,  she  exclaimed,  as  she  cast  herself  on  the 
bed,  "  Oh  God !  I  shall  never  be  able  to  live  after  such  a  dis- 
grace, to  see  you  preferring  a  servant  f  of  whom  so  many  people 
complain  to  a  mistress  whom  everybody  praises  ! "" 

The  King,  affected  by  her  despair,  weakened  for  an  instant, 
but  recovering  his  energy  he  bade  Gabrielle  make  peace  with 
the  minister  whom  she  had  offended,  and  advised  her  to  practice 
patience  and  moderation  in  future,  promising  her  that  "  if  she 
would  love  him  as  usual  and  live  with  him  and  his  good  servants, 
with  the  same  gentle  disposition  as  in  the  past,  he,  on  his  side, 
would  also  love  her  as  he  ought." 

*  It  will  be  noted  that  it  is  Sully  himself  who  ascribes  these  words  to  the 
King. 

t  She  is  said  to  have  previously  called  Sully  a  volet. 

o 


194     FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE     viii 

But  as  Gabrielle  still  continued  sobbing  and  complaining 
and  again  unluckily  referred  to  the  minister  as  a  valet,  Henri's 
patience  became  exhausted,  and  he  told  her  (still  according  to 
Sully)  "  that  if  he  were  reduced  to  the  necessity  of  choosing 
between  them,  he  would  be  the  better  able  to  dispense  with  ten 
mistresses  like  herself  than  with  one  servant  such  as  his  minister." 
Thereupon  Gabrielle  realized,  it  is  alleged,  how  great  had  been 
her  blunder,  and  exerted  herself  to  repair  it,  so  that  outwardly, 
at  all  events,  a  reconciliation  was  arrived  at. 

Now  M.  Desclozeaux,  to  whose  exhaustive  study  of  Gabrielle 
d'Estrees""  career  we  have  previously  refeiTed,  holds  very  strongly 
that  the  aforesaid  scene  between  the  King,  the  favourite,  and 
the  minister  never  took  place  at  all,  and  that  Sully'^s  narrative 
is  entirely  a  concoction.  We  are  not  inclined  to  go  as  far  as 
that,  but  we  feel  that  Sully's  account  of  the  affair  is  at  least 
greatly  exaggerated.  It  contains  some  statements  which  seem 
very  improbable.  Sully  was  not  yet  the  all-powerful  personage 
he  became.  He  talks  of  his  own  coach,  and  he  had  none  at  the 
date  of  the  alleged  incident.  His  rank  did  not  entitle  him  to 
have  a  coach.  He  only  acquired  one  after  he  became  a  great 
officer  of  State  as  Grand  Master  of  the  Artillery.  Next  he 
speaks  of  driving  the  King  to  Gabrielle's,  when  the  Deanery  of 
St.  Germain,  where  she  was  installed,  abutted  on  the  Louvre,  so 
that  the  King  merely  had  to  take  a  few  steps  in  order  to  reach 
it  But  the  most  important  point  of  all  is  the  alleged  cause  of 
the  quarrel,  the  baptism  of  Alexandre  de  Vendome  as  a  Child 
of  France. 

Alexandre''s  elder  brother  Cesar  had  come  into  the  world  in 
very  troublous  times,  when  Henri  had  barely  made  himself 
master  of  Paris,  and  the  League  still  lorded  it  in  various  parts 
of  France.  Thus  there  was  no  particular  fuss  at  Cesar's  baptism. 
But  when  the  second  child  of  the  liaison^  Catherine  Henriette, 
was  born  at  Rouen  in  1596,  circumstances  had  greatly  changed. 
The  King's  position  was  more  assured,  Gabrielle's  hold  on  his 
affections  had  become  stronger  and  stronger,  and  he  already 
contemplated  making  her  his  wife.  Now,  Catherine  Henriette 
was  baptized  at  Rouen  with  all  solemnity  and  ceremonial  as  a 
Child  of  France.  President  Groulart,  an  unimpeachable  authority 
on  such  a  matter,  gives  a  vivid  account  of  the  function  in  his 


VIII  LA  BELLE   GABRIELLE  195 

memoirs.  Sully  accompanied  the  royal  party  to  Normandy  at 
that  time — it  was  then  that,  according  to  his  own  account,  he 
had  in  the  gardens  of  Gaillon  a  first  conversation  with  the 
King  on  the  subject  of  the  royal  divorce.*  Moreover,  he  actually 
attended  the  baptism  of  Catherine  Henriette.  Why,  then,  did 
he  not  protest  against  the  illegality  and  cost  of  the  ceremonial 
which  was  adopted .''  Why  also  did  he  not  protest  against  the 
betrothal  ceremony  at  Angers  when  Cesar  de  Vendome  was 
affianced  to  Franfoise  de  Mercoeur  ?  He  was  also  present  on  that 
occasion.  Why  did  he  reserve  all  his  thunders  for  the  baptism 
of  Alexandre,  in  whose  case  the  Court  simply  followed  the  pre- 
cedent established  at  that  of  Catherine  Henriette  ?  Sully  talks 
of  scandalous  claims  and  compromising  favours  as  if  they  were 
something  quite  novel  and  had  not  been  already  granted  twice 
previously. 

On  that  point,  then,  his  account  of  the  affair  is  open  to 
grave  suspicion.  We  are  ready  to  believe  that,  as  a  careful 
Superintendent  of  Finances,  he  objected  to  a  large  outlay  at 
the  baptism  of  Gabrielle's  son,  for  which  reason,  indeed,  he  may 
well  have  "  cut  down  the  bill "  presented  to  him ;  but  we  doubt 
whether  he  ever  raised  the  question  of  privilege  in  the  manner 
he  asserts  he  did,  and  we  doubt  yet  more  strongly  his  account 
of  the  scene  between  Henri  and  Gabrielle.  According  to  his 
own  showing  it  had  a  very  tame  conclusion,  and  it  certainly  led 
to  nothing,  Henri  persisting  in  his  intention  to  marry  his 
mistress  in  spite  of  all  advice  to  the  contrary. 

The  idea  of  the  match  was  certainly  resented  in  several 
quarters,  and  from  time  to  time  very  unfavourable  rumours 
reached  Gabrielle.  Like  many  folk  of  those  days  she  inclined 
to  a  belief  in  astrologers,  crystal-gazers,  palmists,  and  other 
necromancers,  and  consulted  them  respecting  her  future.  At  a 
comparatively  early  period,  according  to  L'Estoille,  one  necro- 
mancer told  her  that  she  would  come  to  the  point  of  almost 
securing  what  she  desired,  but  that  a  little  child  would  prevent 
her  from  doing  so,  whereat  she  was  distressed  to  the  depths  of 
her  heart,  for  her  one  desire  was  at  least  to  die  Queen  of  France. 
"  Some  fortune-tellers  informed  her  that  she  would  only  be 
j|iq,rried  once,"  says  Nicolas  Pasquier,  in  one  of  his  letters, 
*  See  footnote,  p.  181,  ante. 


196     FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE      vni 

"  others  that  she  would  die  young ;  some  that  a  child  would 
destroy  her  hopes ;  some  that  a  pei-son  in  whom  she  placed  all 
her  confidence  would  play  her  an  evil  trick.  Coeffier,  a  councillor 
of  the  prSsidial  court  of  Moulins,  who  concerned  himself  with 
astrology  and  succeeded  in  it,  predicting  in  turn  the  death  of 
Henri,  Duke  de  Guise,  the  fall  of  the  League,  the  taking  of 
Calais,  the  Savoy  war,  and  the  death  of  Henri  IV,  announced 
to  her  that  she  would  never  become  Queen."** 

In  the  autumn  of  that  year,  1598,  with  which  we  are  now 
dealing,  the  King,  says  L'Estoille,  committed  to  prison  a  certain 
Le  Thuillier,  "  because  he  had  told  the  Duchess  at  Montceaux, 
in  the  King's  presence,  that  there  was  danger  lest  the  King 
should  some  day  desert  her,  for  which  reason  he  offered  her 
a  philter,  with  which  she  was  to  rub  her  lips,  and  afterwards 
kiss  the  King  in  order  to  enchain  him  to  her  for  ever."  That 
occurred  in  October;  in  the  following  December,  exactly  a 
fortnight  after  the  baptism  of  Alexandre  de  Vendome,  Gabrielle 
was  attacked  from  the  pulpit  by  two  Parisian  ecclesiastics,  one 
of  them  preaching  at  St.  Leu  cum  St.  Gilles  (Rue  St.  Denis) 
and  the  other  at  St.  Jean  de  Beauvais,  adjoining  the  College 
de  Dormans.  A  certain  Chavagnac,  who  preached  at  the  latter 
church,  declared  that  "  a  lewd  woman  in  the  Court  of  a  King 
was  a  dangerous  monster,  and  caused  much  evil,  particularly 
when  she  was  encouraged  to  raise  her  head.*"  One  can  well 
understand  that,  amidst  sinister  warnings  and  ecclesiastical 
denunciations,  Gabrielle  became  distressed,  and  sometimes 
wept  at  night,  as  her  maid,  Gratienne  Mareil,*  subsequently 
affirmed. 

Nevertheless,  it  seemed  as  if  her  desires  would  be  fulfilled. 
She  was  on  excellent  terms  with  Queen  Marguerite,  who  had 
recently  (November  11,  1598)  transferred  to  her  the  seignorial 
rights  over  the  duchy  of  Etampes,  and  with  whom  on  various 
occasions  she  had  been  in  direct  communication.  Marguerite 
had  written  favourably  about  her  as  far  back  as  1595,  and  in 
February,  1597,  she  addressed  her  personally,  designating  her  as 
her  sister,  asking  for  her  friendship,  begging  that  she  would 
communicate  her  requests  to  the  King  through  her  own 
beautiful  lips,  which  would  lend  them  the  authority  that  they 
*  She  entored  the  service  of  Marie  de'  Medici. 


vrii  LA  BELLE  GABRIELLE  197 

lacked.  All  the  old  stories  that  Marguerite  was  not  willing 
to  consent  to  a  divorce  at  this  stage  seem  to  have  been  dis- 
proved by  modem  research.  She  desired  it,  as  she  herself  said, 
for  the  sake  of  her  own  personal  safety  and  freedom  ;  but  at 
the  same  time  she  laid  down  conditions,  the  pecuniary  ones 
being  a  sum  of  250,000  crowns  to  pay  her  debts,  and  a  life 
pension  of  50,000  crowns. 

Henri,  on  his  side,  showed  great  activity.  President 
Brulart  de  Sillery  was  despatched  as  special  envoy  to  Rome, 
in  order  to  expedite  matters  there,  and  writing  to  him  in 
October,  1598,  Henri  appealed  to  his  zeal,  saying  that  now  his 
kingdom  was  at  peace,  he  also  wished  to  have  his  own  mind  at 
rest,  which  could  only  be  effected  by  a  solution  of  his  matri- 
monial difficulties.  On  January  20  in  the  following  year,  the 
King  wrote  to  the  Pope  personally,  begging  his  Holiness  to 
grant  the  favour  he  solicited,  for  it  was  one  that  he  would 
esteem  as  much  as  if  the  Pontiff  were  to  grant  him  and  his 
kingdom  a  new  life.  Yet  Clement  VIII  still  hesitated.  He 
well  knew  that  it  was  Henri''s  intention  to  marry  Gabrielle, 
and  acting,  perhaps,  under  the  influence  of  French  or  Italian 
personages  opposed  to  the  match,  he  perpetually  deferred  his 
decision.  But  at  last  President  Sillery  and  Bishop  d'Ossat 
ceased  soliciting,  and  began  to  threaten.  If  the  Pope  would 
not  annul  the  King's  present  marriage,  the  King  would  act 
regardless  of  the  Pope,  even  as  King  Henry  of  England  had 
done ;  and  thus  the  threat  of  a  fresh  schism  arose  before  the 
perplexed  Pontiff. 

Henri  was  thoroughly  in  earnest,  and  in  perfect  agreement 
with  Gabrielle.  Whenever  they  were  momentarily  separated 
he  hastened  to  write  to  her,  in  fact,  she  received  two  letters 
from  him  the  day  before  she  died  ;  but  those  final  missives  have 
been  lost,  like  othei*s,  and  the  last  letter  from  Henri  to  his 
mistress  now  extant  is  dated  October  29,  1598.  It  breathes  as 
much  love  as  any  of  the  earlier  ones. 

"  I  caught  the  stag  in  an  hour  with  the  greatest  possible 
enjoyment,  and  I  arrived  here  at  four  o'clock  and  alighted  at 
my  little  lodging.  .  .  .  My  children  came  to  meet  me  there,  or, 
to  put  it  better,  they  were  brought.  My  daughter  is  greatly 
improving  and  becoming  a  beauty,  but  my  son  [Alexandre]  will 


198     FAVOURn^ES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE      viii 

be  handsomer  than  his  elder  brother.  You  entreat  me,  mes 
cheres  amours^  to  carry  away  with  me  as  much  love  as  I  left 
with  you.  Ah !  how  that  has  pleased  me,  for  I  feel  so  much 
love  that  I  thought  I  must  have  carried  all  away  with  me,  and 
feared  that  none  might  have  remained  with  you.  I  am  now 
about  to  hold  communion  with  Morpheus,  but  if  he  shows  me 
any  one  save  yourself  in  my  dreams,  I  will  for  ever  forsake  his 
company.  Good  night  to  myself,  good  morrow  to  you,  my 
dear  mistress.     I  kiss  your  beautiful  eyes  a  million  times." 

On  February  3,  1599,  Marguerite  signed,  at  Usson,  a  fresh 
procuration  for  the  settlement  of  the  divorce.  It  reached  the 
Louvre  on  February  9,  and  was  at  once  despatched  to  Rome. 
The  Pope  was  now  said  to  be  favourably  inclined,  and  the  early 
annulment  of  the  marriage  was  expected.  On  March  2,  Shrove 
Tuesday,  Henri  gave  Gabrielle  his  coronation  ring,  set  with  a 
large  diamond  en  table,  and  estimated  to  be  worth  nine  hundred 
crowns,  as  a  betrothal  ring,  adding  thereto  some  fine  specimens  of 
the  goldsmith''s  art  recently  presented  to  him  by  various  cities. 
And  it  was  arranged  that  the  marriage  should  take  place  on 
or  about  Quasimodo  Sunday — the  first  after  Easter. 

Gabrielle,  though  again  pregnant,  busied  herself  with  various 
preparations.  She  had  a  house  of  her  own  in  Paris,  one  at  the 
comer  of  the  Rue  Fromenteau,  hard  by  the  river  gate  of  St. 
Nicolas,  but  she  lived  at  the  Louvre  whenever  the  King  was  in 
the  city,  occupying  the  bedchamber  of  the  Queens  of  France, 
and  this  she  proposed  to  refurnish,  for  which  purpose  she 
bought  a  variety  of  articles,  including  a  magnificent  bed  with 
hangings  of  velvet,  all  crimson  and  gold.  And  her  bridal  robe 
was  also  made,  this  likewise  being  of  velvet,  elaborately  em- 
broidered with  gold  on  a  foundation  of  carnation  hue.  It  cost 
a  thousand  crowns.  For  her  ears  the  King  gave  her  two 
diamonds  valued  at  thirteen  hundred  crowns  apiece. 

But  such  preparations  did  not  suffice.  It  was  necessary 
that  the  future  Queen  should  be  surrounded  by  warm  partisans 
and  defenders.  The  man  on  whom  Henri  largely,  if  not  chiefly, 
relied  in  that  respect,  was  one  who  afterwards  became  a  traitor, 
the  second  Marshal  Duke  de  Biron.  It  was  arranged  he  should 
marry  Gabrielle's  sister  Fran^oise  d'Estrees,  and  he  was  pro- 
mised the  reversion  of  the  post  of  Constable  of  France,  on 


VIII  LA  BELLE  GABRIELLE  199 

Montmorency's  death,  as  well  as  the  counties  of  P^rigord 
and  Bigorre.  Members  or  connections  of  the  Estr^es  family 
governed  all  northern  France.  Brittany  was  held  by  devoted 
officers  on  behalf  of  the  little  C6sar  de  Vendome,  who,  directly 
after  the  marriage  of  his  parents,  would  become  Dauphin  of 
France.  His  betrothal  to  the  wealthy  young  Franfoise  de 
JVIercoeur  was  to  be  annulled,  and  he  was  to  be  betrothed  to  the 
daughter  of  the  Duke  of  Savoy  in  return  for  that  ruler's  support. 
Franpoise,  on  the  other  hand,  was  to  find  a  new  Jiance  in  the 
person  of  the  boyish  Prince  de  Conde.  Mile,  de  Guise  was  to 
espouse  Gabrielle's  brother  Annibal.  And  there  were  other 
alliances,  either  arranged  or  projected,  in  order  that  the  cause 
of  Gabrielle  as  Queen-consort,  and  that  of  her  son  Cesar,  as 
Heir-apparent,  might  have  powerful  support.  As  M.  Desclo- 
zeaux  remarks,  after  reviewing  the  plans,  what  a  change  they 
might  have  effected  in  the  destinies  of  France !  The  Vendome 
race  would  have  become  the  royal  house,  there  would  have  been 
no  Marie  de'  Medici  with  her  scandalous  Italian  favourites,  no 
Louis  Xni  with  his  Richelieu  to  establish  absolute  power,  no 
Louis  XIV  to  exhaust  the  resources  of  the  country,  no  Louis 
XV  to  complete  its  ruin,  no  fated  Louis  XVI,  and,  perhaps,  no 
guillotine.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is  impossible  to  surmise  what 
might  have  happened  had  events  taken  the  course  which  Henri 
and  Gabrielle  desired. 

During  Lent  they  repaired  to  Fontainebleau.  Gabrielle,  as 
we  have  said,  was  expecting  another  child,  and  her  health  was 
bad,  as  appears  from  the  statements  of  L'Estoille,  Sully,  and 
others.  Without  entering  into  details,  we  may  say  that  there 
are  grounds  for  believing  that  she  had  never  recovered  properly 
from  her  previous  accouchement,  and  to  that  cause  we  think 
may  be  ascribed  all  that  was  soon  to  happen.  The  first  writers 
who  related  Gabrielle's  death  did  not  attribute  it  to  any  but 
natural  causes.  But  after  the  publication  of  Sully's  Economies 
royales^  several  historians  adopted  the  view  that  she  had  been 
poisoned.  This  was  largely  on  account  of  a  letter  inserted  in 
Sully's  work,  and  stated  to  have  been  written  to  him  by  Guillaume 
Fouquet  de  la  Varenne.*  Either  Sully  quoted  the  letter  from 
memory  (thirty  years  after  it  was  written)  or  he  concocted  it, 
•  See  pp.  176, 177,  ante. 


200   FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE   vm 

or  La  Varenne  told  a  number  of  gross  untruths.  Desclozeaux 
believes  that  the  missive  was  one  of  Sully*'s  various  fabrications 
(based,  perhaps,  on  a  vague  recollection  of  some  conversation 
between  himself  and  La  Varenne),  and  so  did  the  erudite  Jules 
Loiseleur,  librarian  of  the  city  of  Orleans,  who  in  1873  dis- 
covered an  important  document  which  entirely  changed  the 
aspect  of  the  case  and  demolished  several  more  or  less  fantas- 
tical theories,  including  the  striking  romance  previously  devised 
by  Michelet  on  the  basis  of  Sully "'s  allegations. 

This  document  was  a  long  letter  written  partly  in  cypher, 
and  containing,  in  addition  to  more  or  less  general  information 
of  a  political  character,  a  circumstantial  account  of  Gabrielle's 
last  days  and  death.  It  was  written  by  an  important  personage, 
who  was  in  a  good  position  to  know  all  the  facts,  that  is,  M.  de 
Vemhyes,  Chief  Judge  of  the  Cour  des  Aides  of  Montferrand 
and  a  member  of  the  Supreme  Council  of  Navarre.  Devoted  to 
King  Henri,  M.  de  Vemhyes  was  the  leader  of  the  royal  party 
in  Auvergne,  where  in  previous  times  he  had  done  much  to 
keep  the  League  in  check.  He  was  in  Paris  at  the  time  of 
Gabrielle''s  death,  he  saw  her  corpse,  and  sprinkled  holy  water 
upon  it,  and  the  letter  in  which  he  related  everything  was 
a  confidential  communication  addressed  by  him  to  another 
important  personage,  the  Duke  de  Ventadour,  Lieutenant- 
Governor  of  Languedoc.  From  the  political  standpoint, 
Vemhyes  regarded  Gabrielle's  death  as  fortunate,  for  he  felt 
that  her  marriage  with  the  King  would  have  led  to  great 
trouble  in  France.  But  in  respect  to  all  the  rest  his  narrative 
is  a  most  sober  and  impartial  one. 

Let  us  now  see,  then,  what  actually  happened,  adding  to 
Vemhyes"  account  a  few  particulars  from  other  sources.  Easter 
was  drawing  near,  and  at  that  solemn  season  of  the  year,  when 
it  is  usual  to  confess  and  seek  absolution  for  one's  sins  in  order 
to  partake  of  the  Sacrament  in  a  right  spirit,  it  was  deemed 
fitting  that  Henri  and  Gabrielle  should  momentarily  separate. 
In  fact,  the  King's  confessor,  Rene  Benoit,  is  said  to  have  in- 
sisted on  it,  and  it  was  therefore  arranged  that  Henri  should 
remain  during  the  holy  days  at  Fontainebleau  and  that  Gabrielle 
should  repair  to  Paris.  The  King  decided,  however,  to  go  with 
her  a  part  of  the  way— indeed,  he  could  hardly  bring  himself  to 


VIII  LA  BELLE  GABRIELLE  201 

leave  her — in  such  wise  that  they  went  on  together,  with  their 
escort,  from  Fontainebleau  to  Melun,  where  they  supped,  and 
thence  to  Savigny,  where  they  slept  on  the  night  of  Monday, 
April  5. 

All  accounts  agree  that  Gabrielle  was  in  a  very  despondent 
mood,  this  being  due  probably  to  her  state  of  health.  L'Estoille, 
repeating  the  rumours  of  the  time,  says  that  both  she  and  the 
King  had  recently  dreamt  that  they  would  soon  be  separated 
for  ever.  Sully  declares  that  when  the  King  left  her — some  of 
his  courtiers  had  to  compel  him  to  do  so — she  begged  him  to 
take  care  of  her  children  and  provide  for  the  needs  of  her 
servants,  as  if  she  felt  sure  she  would  never  see  him  again, 
whereat  Henri  was  greatly  affected.  Vernhyes  supplies  some 
confirmation  of  that  account ;  however,  when  Gabrielle  took 
boat  in  order  to  proceed  to  Paris  by  way  of  the  Seine,  the  King 
was  persuaded  to  return  to  Fontainebleau. 

With  Gabrielle  went  several  female  servants  and  her  mid- 
wife, Mme.  Dupuy,  while  Montbazon  and  Bassompierre  accom- 
panied her  by  order  of  the  King.  She  arrived  in  Paris  at  three 
o'clock  the  same  day,  Tuesday,  April  6,  and  landed  near  the 
Arsenal.  That  was  then  the  official  residence  of  her  father, 
who,  it  will  be  remembered,  was  Grand  Master  of  the  Artillery. 
Gabrielle  was  met  by  her  sister  Diane,  Marechale  de  Balagny, 
who  also  lived  at  the  Arsenal,  and  her  brother  Annibal,  Marquis 
de  Coeuvres.  AVith  them  were  the  Duchess  and  Mile,  de  Guise, 
the  Duchess  de  Retz  and  her  children,  the  Duchess  de  Mercceur, 
and  Mesdames  de  Martigues.  Gabrielle  went  into  the  Arsenal 
with  Mme.  de  Balagny,  but  they  afterwards  repaired  to  the 
neighbouring  residence  of  Sebastien  Zamet,  the  financier.  This 
was  a  handsome  pile  of  red  brick  and  stone  work,  with  large 
grounds  adorned  with  fountains  and  stretching  between  the 
Rue  de  la  C6risaie  and  the  Rue  Beautreillis,  the  site  having 
previously  been  occupied  by  the  famous  Hotel  St.  Paul. 

The  place  had  a  bad  reputation.  Zamet  largely  made  his 
fortune  by  pandering  to  the  gilded  youth  of  his  time,  and  even 
King  Henri  appears  to  have  availed  himself  of  the  financier''s 
residence  for  passing  assignations.  However,  Zamet  was  a  use- 
ful man,  very  friendly,  too,  with  Gabrielle,  as  we  previously 
said,  and  as  he  had  heard  of  the  favourite's  arrival  and  prepared 


202      FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE     viii 

a  collation,  Gabrielle  paid  him  a  visit.  She  then  partook 
of  something  which  disagreed  with  her,  as  many  things  might 
have  done,  given  her  condition.  Some  accounts  say  it  was  an 
orange,  others  a  salad,  but  most  agree  in  mentioning  a  lemon. 
That  is  likely  enough,  for  even  some  present-day  women  have 
an  abnormal  fancy  for  acid  fruits.  In  any  case,  Gabrielle  was 
feeling  indisposed  when  she  took  leave  of  Zamet,  for,  contrary 
to  the  statements  of  La  Varenne's  alleged  letter  to  Sully,  she 
did  not  sleep  at  the  banker's  house,  but  entered  her  litter  and 
repaired  to  the  residence  of  her  aunt,  Mme.  de  Sourdis,  that  is, 
tlie  Deanery  of  St.  Germain  TAuxerrois,  adjacent  to  the  Louvre. 
It  is  true  that  Mme.  de  Sourdis  was  not  in  Paris  at  that  moment, 
but  in  going  to  the  deanery  Gabrielle  followed  the  course  she 
always  took  when  the  King  was  not  in  Paris  and  her  own  house 
was  not  ready  to  receive  her. 

The  story  in  Sully  that  she  slept  that  night  at  Zamefs 
house  is  scarcely  worthy  of  examination.  She  had  come  to 
Paris  for  a  special  purpose,  to  perform  an  act  of  contrition,  to 
confess,  seek  absolution,  purify  herself,  as  it  were,  before  her  pro- 
jected nuptials.  At  heart,  there  is  proof  of  it,  she  was  in  some 
degree  a  sceptic,  but  in  her  position  it  was  absolutely  necessary 
that  she  should  comport  herself  as  a  good  Catholic,  and  in 
particular  be  on  her  guard  against  scandal,  such  as  would  have 
arisen  had  she  taken  up  her  quarters  at  Zamefs  ill-famed  abode. 
We  feel,  therefore,  that  one  may  confidently  believe  President 
de  Vernhyes  when  he  tells  us  that  directly  after  the  collation 
Gabrielle  repaired  to  the  deanery. 

That  night,  or  on  the  following  morning  (Wednesday, 
April  7),  still  feeling  unwell,  she  despatched  a  messenger  to 
Mme.  de  Sourdis,  who  was  at  Chartres  with  her  husband,  he 
being  governor  there.  Gabrielle  wished  Mme.  de  Sourdis  to 
join  her,  as  she  feared  that  her  indisposition  might  become 
more  serious,  and  it  was  a  natural  course  to  take,  for  Mme.  de 
Sourdis  had  long  been  her  chaperon,  and  would  appear 
to  have  possessed  both  brains  and  energy.  As  it  happened, 
however,  the  lady  was  detained  at  Chartres  by  a  riot  due  to  her 
husband's  violence  in  assaultinff  some  tax  collector  of  the  muni- 
cipality.  At  the  Arsenal  or  at  Zamefs,  on  the  previous  after- 
noon. Gabrielle  had  heard  there  was  to  be  a  musical  service  at 


VIII  LA  BELLE  GABUIELLE  203 

the  celebration  of  Tenebrae  at  the  chapel  of  St.  Antoine  belong- 
ing to  the  abbey  of  that  name,  and  feeling  better  in  the  latter 
part  of  the  day  she  decided  to  attend  it.  This  was  on  Wednes- 
day, not  Thursday,  as  asserted  in  La  Varenne''s  alleged  letter. 
Gabrielle  repaired  to  the  Petit  St.  Antoine  in  her  litter,  and 
with  her  went  the  Princesses  of  I^orraine  and  several  other 
ladies,  in  their  coaches.  In  attendance  on  the  favourite  was 
M.  de  Montbazon,  Captain  of  the  Royal  Guard,  with  several  of 
his  archers. 

At  the  service,  says  Les  Amours  du  Grand  Alcandre,  which 
is  not  all  romance,  for  it  confirms  President  de  Vernhyes"'  con- 
fidential missive  in  several  important  respects,*  Gabrielle  sat 
beside  Mile,  de  Guise  (long  the  reputed  author  of  that  work), 
to  whom  she  mentioned  that  she  had  that  day  received  two 
letters  from  the  King.  The  heat  in  the  church  was  great,  how- 
ever, and  Gabrielle  felt  so  ill  at  ease  that  after  the  service  she 
would  not  go  to  supper  at  Zamet's,  as  she  was  invited  to  do, 
but  returned  direct  to  the  deanery,  where  she  at  once  went  to 
bed,  complaining  of  a  violent  headache. 

On  the  following  morning  (Thursday,  April  8)  she  attended 
mass  at  the  neighbouring  church  of  St.  Germain  TAuxerrois 
and  partook  of  the  Sacrament.  About  two  o'clock  in  the 
afternoon  she  again  felt  unwell,  complaining  of  extreme  thirst. 
At  four  o'clock  she  went  to  bed  again,  and  was  seized  with  the 
pains  of  labour,  followed  by  convulsions,  which  came  on 
repeatedly  during  the  next  four  hours.  She  was  much  worse 
on  the  following  day — Good  Friday,  we  presume.  It  was 
necessary  that  she  should  be  delivered  of  her  child,  but  she 
was  in  so  exhausted  a  state  that  nature  refused  assistance.  We 
ask  the  sensitive  reader's  forgiveness  for  entering  into  a  few 
details,  but  it  is  necessary  to  do  so  in  helping  to  refute  one  of 
the  great  "poisoning"  romances  of  history.  At  last,  then, 
about  two  o'clock,  after  there  had  been  a  great  deal  of  hemor- 
rhage, the  medical  men  who  had  been  summoned  to  attend 
Gabrielle  resorted  to  embryotomy,  and  the  infant  was  re- 
moved in  pieces.  In  the  course  of  the  treatment,  Vernhyes 
tells  us,  she  was  cupped  three  times,  and  three  clisters  and  four 

*  Further    confirmation   is    supplied   by   tbe   despatches  of   Francesco 
Contarini,  the  Venetian  envoy  in  France. 


204      FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE      via 

suppositories  were  administered  to  her,  though  they  all 
failed  to  have  the  effect  which  the  doctors  desired  to  produce. 
Until  six  o'clock  Gabrielle  remained  in  a  convulsive  condition, 
with  such  distortions  of  the  face  and  other  parts  of  the  body 
"  that  the  doctors  told  me,""  said  Vernhyes,  "  they  had  never 
seen  the  like  before.""  "  At  the  said  hour  of  six  o"'clock,'"  he 
adds,  "  she  lost  the  powers  of  speech,  hearing,  sight  and  motion, 
and  remained  in  that  state  until  five  o"'clock  on  the  morning 
of  Saturday  [April  10],  when  she  gave  up  the  ghost  after  a 
most  frightful  agony."" 

The  cause  assigned  for  her  death  after  the  post-mortem 
examination  was  congestion  of  the  brain,  and  that  organ  was 
certainly  affected,  as  were  the  lungs,  the  liver,  and  the  kidneys, 
in  which  last  was  found  a  large  pointed  calculus.  We  strongly 
doubt,  however,  whether  modern  science  would  have  subjected 
Gabrielle  to  anything  like  the  treatment  which  her  doctors 
adopted.  We  do  not  know  at  what  precise  moment  their 
services  were  requisitioned,  but  a  year  or  two  later,  when  Henri 
had  married  Marie  de'  Medici  and  wished  to  appoint  Mme. 
Dupuy,  Gabrielle"'s  midwife,  in  the  same  capacity  to  the  new 
Queen,  a  certain  Mme.  Louise  Bourgeois,  alias  Boursier,  who 
was  supported  by  Leonora  Galigtu,  competed  for  the  post,  and 
a  great  dispute  arose,  in  the  course  of  which  Gabrielle"'s  former 
maid,  Gratienne  Mareii,  who  had  entered  the  new  Queen"'s  service, 
preferred  charges  of  neglect  against  Mme.  Dupuy  in  relation 
to  the  accouchement  which  had  resulted  in  Gabrielle\s  death. 
In  the  result  the  King  ceased  supporting  Mme.  Dupuy "s  claim, 
and  gave  the  office  to  Mme.  Boursier.  Desclozeaux  mentions 
a  pamphlet  which  was  issued  by  the  latter  on  this  subject 

Judging  by  the  available  evidence,  we  are  strongly  of 
opinion,  and  every  medical  friend  whom  we  have  consulted 
agrees  with  us,  that  the  circumstances  of  Gabrielle''s  accouche- 
ment fully  account  for  her  death.  It  is  certain,  too,  that  she 
had  been  in  a  bad  state  of  health  ever  since  becoming  enceinte. 
She  had  known  no  such  trouble  at  previous  times,  but,  bearing 
in  mind  the  charges  of  negligence  preferred  against  Mme. 
Dupuy,  we  believe,  as  we  said  before,  that  she  had  never 
properly  recovered  after  the  birth  of  her  son  Alexandre. 

In  the  alleged  La  Varenne  letter,  Gabrielle  is  spoken  of  as 


VIII  LA  BELLE  GABRIELLE  205 

being  almost  deserted  in  her  last  hours.  La  Varenne  is  even 
made  to  speak  of  having  this  dying  woman  in  his  arms.  All 
that,  however,  is  sheer  nonsense.  With  or  near  Gabrielle  at  the 
time  were  her  sister,  Mme.  de  Balagny,  the  Duchess  and  Mile, 
de  Guise,  Mesdames  de  Retz,  de  Martigues  and  de  Mercoeur, 
in  addition  to  doctors,  servants  and  sisters  of  charity,  so  that 
with  regard  to  attendance  nothing  at  all  was  lacking.  Gabrielle, 
however,  had  a  presentiment  that  she  would  not  recover,  and 
thinking  less  of  herself  than  of  her  children's  interests,  she 
fixed  her  last  hopes  on  a  marriage  in  extremis  ;  with  which  object 
she  despatched  to  the  King  one  of  the  gentlemen  of  his  bed- 
chamber, Bernard  de  Peichpeyroux,*  Baron  de  Beaurain,  who 
was  to  summon  Henri  to  her  side. 

La  Varenne,  who  was  certainly  on  the  spot,  then  intervened. 
Influenced  by  some  of  the  high  personages  whose  wish  it  was 
to  prevent  a  marriage,  he  set  out  in  hot  haste  and  made 
his  way  to  Fontainebleau,  for  the  purpose  of  dissuading  the 
King  from  the  journey.  His  departure  took  place,  apparently, 
at  about  four  o'clock  on  the  afternoon  of  Thursday,  April  8. 
But  whatever  he  may  have  said  to  the  King,  he  did  not 
prevent  the  latter  from  deciding  to  return  to  Paris  and  from 
despatching  his  valet  Beringhem  to  announce  his  coming. 
So  far,  then.  La  Varenne  had  failed  in  his  purpose,  but  he  was 
not  yet  beaten.  He  hastened  back  towards  the  capital, 
travelling  more  swiftly  than  Beringhem,  and  on  meeting 
Marshal  d'Omano  and  Bassompierre  (with  whom  there  is 
reason  to  believe  he  had  conferred  before  undertaking  his 
journey)  he  informed  them  that  he  had  been  unable  to  restrain 
the  King,  and  suggested  that  they  should  do  so.  Ornano  imme- 
diately started  with  that  object,  and  on  reaching  Villeneuve- 
St.  Georges  met  or  called  on  President  Pomponne  de  Bellievre, 
with  whom  he  had  a  conference.  He  further  stopped  the 
King's  messenger,  Beringhem,  and  proceeded  with  Bellievre  to 
Juvisy,  where  they  met  the  King  himself,  who  was  travelling  in 
all  haste  towards  the  capital.  On  the  Friday,  then,  at  Juvisy, 
twenty  hours  before  Gabrielle  actually  expired,  Bellievre 
informed  Henri  that  she  was  at  the  very  last  extremity,  that 
^he  could  neither  speak  nor  hear,  and  that  it  would  serve  no 
•  Spelt  Puypeyrovuc  in  most  accounts. 


206      FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE     viii 

earthly  purpose  for  him  to  proceed  to  Paris.  The  grief- 
stricken  monarch  wished  to  do  so,  however,  and  both  Ornano 
and  Bellievre  had  great  difficulty  in  prevailing  on  him  to  go 
back.  He  is  even  said  to  have  fainted  (he  had  been  subject  to 
fainting  fits  in  moments  of  strong  emotion),  but  at  last  a  coach 
was  found,  and  in  this,  instead  of  on  horseback,  he  returned  to 
Fontainebleau  in  a  state  of  great  distress.  His  children  by 
Gabrielle  were  there  at  the  time,  and  the  grief  of  little  Cesar 
on  hearing  of  his  mother's  death  was  extreme.  He  was,  perhaps, 
too  young  to  realize  that  in  losing  her  he  had  also  lost  the 
Crown  of  France. 

We  read  also  of  Gabrielle's  brother,  the  Marquis  de  Coeuvres, 
being  prostrated  with  gi'ief,  and  of  consolation  being  offered  to 
him  by  Brother  Ange,  Duke  de  Joyeuse,  sometime  Admiral 
and  Marshal  of  France,  who,  for  the  second  time  in  his  career, 
had  assumed  the  cowl  of  a  Capuchin.  Most  of  the  womenfolk- 
were  also  deeply  distressed.  When  President  de  Vernhyes  went 
to  sprinkle  holy  water  on  the  corpse,  he  found  the  Duchess  de 
Guise  shrieking  and  weeping.  Her  daughter  also  was  in  tears. 
But,  according  to  L'Estoille,  Mme.  de  Martigues,  who,  while 
Gabrielle  was  in  her  last  agony,  kept  on  advising  her  to  seek 
the  intercession  of  one  or  another  saint,  stealthily  removed 
some  valuable  rings  from  the  dying  woman's  fingers,  and  affixed 
them  to  her  chaplet.  Unfortunately  for  her,  a  nun  who  was 
present  observed  that  dishonest  action,  and  she  was  compelled  to 
restore  her  purloinings.  As  for  Gabrielle's  father,  all  accounts 
agree  that  he  evinced  great  callousness  at  his  daughter's  death, 
and  simply  endeavoured  to  remove  from  her  house  whatever 
furniture  and  valuables  he  could.  Most  of  the  deceased 
favourite's  jewellery  had  remained  with  the  King  at  Fontaine- 
bleau, and  with  regard  to  the  rest  M.  de  Bellievre  appeared 
upon  the  scene,  and  intervened  with  sufficient  speed  to  recover 
the  greater  part  of  it.  Further  pillaging  was  stopped  by  the 
interposition  of  Franpois  Miron,  the  Pr<5v6t  des  Marchands, 
to  whom  Henri  sent  an  urgent  letter  on  the  subject. 

All  the  funeral  ceremonial  was,  by  the  King's  express  com- 
mand, such  as  was  observed  at  the  death  of  a  member  of  the 
House  of  France.  One  of  the  despatches  of  Francesco  Contarini, 
the  Venetian  envoy,  supplies  some  interesting  particulars.     In 


VIII  LA  BELLE  GABRIELLE  207 

accordance  with  the  usage  of  the  time  a  wax  effigy  of  the 
deceased  favourite  was  prepared  and  exhibited  in  solemn  state.* 
On  its  head  was  set  a  ducal  coronet,  the  body  was  clad  in  gold- 
embroidered  robes,  perhaps  indeed  those  which  Gabrielle  had 
prepared  for  her  nuptials ;  and  having  been  thus  arrayed  the 
effigy  was  placed  in  a  sitting  posture  on  a  magnificent  bed — 
the  very  one  which  the  deceased  had  purchased  for  the  Chamber 
of  the  Queens  at  the  Louvre — while  above  this  bed,  which 
was  set  on  a  platform  with  three  steps,  there  depended  a 
baldachin  of  cloth  of  gold.  The  ceremony  did  not  take  place 
at  the  deanery  where  Gabrielle  had  actually  died,  but  in  the 
hall  of  her  own  house,  f  the  Maison  des  Trois  Degr^s,  as  it  was 
called,  close  to  the  Porte  St.  Nicolas.  Two  heralds,  on  whose 
black  tabards  appeared  the  golden  lilies  of  France,  stood  at  the 
foot  of  the  bed,  and  offered  holy  water  to  the  Princes  and  other 
high  personages  who  presented  themselves.  The  hall  was  draped 
with  hangings  from  the  Louvre.  On  each  side  of  the  bed  was 
an  altar,  at  which  priests  constantly  officiated.  Archers  of  the 
Royal  Guard,  gentlemen  and  valets  de  clmmhre  of  both  the 
King"'s  and  Gabrielle"'s  households  were  in  attendance.  Clad  in 
deep  mourning,  her  relatives  received  the  visitors.  At  the  usual 
meal- times  dishes  were  tendered  to  the  effigy,  as  if  it  were  a 
living  being,  and  Princesses  assisted  in  that  service.  The 
number  of  people  who  presented  themselves  was  large,  and, 
according  to  L'Estoille,  many  of  them  appeared  to  be  very 
well  pleased  that  the  King"'s  favourite  was  dead. 

After  the  effigy  had  been  exhibited  for  four  days  in  the 
manner  we  have  mentioned,  there  came  a  solemn  requiem  mass 
at  St.  Germain  I'Auxerrois,  and  then  the  funeral  procession 
was  formed;  a  great  cavalcade  of  Princes  and  nobles,  with 
Princesses  and  ladies  of  high  estate  in  their  coaches,  all  of  them 

*  Lescure  imagines  that  the  corpse  was  exhibited,  but  that  was  not  the 
case.  The  practice  of  setting  up  wax  effigies  was  very  old.  We  are  told  that 
Jehan  Perreal  worked  day  and  night  beside  the  corpse  of  Louis  XII  preparing 
the  effigy  for  that  monarch's  obsequies.  Some  of  our  readers  may  have  seen 
the  Westminster  Abbey  effigies. 

t  It  was  purchased  in  1596  from  M.  de  Schomberg.  Previous  to  that  date 
Gabrielle  had  owned  the  Hotel  du  Bouchage,  acquired  for  her  by  the  Kling 
from  Henri,  Duke  de  Joyeuse,  at  a  time  when  Count  du  Bouchage  was  his 
appellation.  It  was  at  that  earlier  residence  of  Gabrielle's  that  Ch&tel 
attempted  to  assassinate  the  King. 


208     FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE      viii 

escorting  the  bier  on  which  were  placed  two  coffins,  one  contain- 
ing the  remains  of  Gabrielle,  and  the  other  those  of  the  little 
child,  who,  the  fortune-tellers  had  predicted,  would  prevent  the 
realization  of  her  supreme  desire.  Nevertheless,  the  honours, 
says  the  Venetian  ambassador,  were  such  as  were  rendered  at 
the  obsequies  of  a  Queen  of  France.  In  stately  fashion  the 
cortege  betook  itself  to  the  ancient  fane  of  St.  Denis,  and  there 
a  second  solemn  requiem  mass  was  celebrated  amid  all  the 
tombs  of  Merovingian,  Carlovingian  and  Capetian  monarchs, 
their  consorts  and  their  sons :  Dagobert  and  Clovis  II,  Pepin 
the  Short  and  Bertha  with  the  Big  Foot,  Charles  the  Bald 
and  St.  Louis,  Charles  the  Victorious  and  Anne  of  Brittany, 
Francis  I  and  Catherine  de'  Medici,  and  many  more.*  But 
Gabrielle's  remains  were  not  destined  to  remain  at  St  Denis ; 
they  were  presently  conveyed,  still  with  much  pomp  and  ceremony, 
to  the  abbey  of  Notre  Dame  la  Royale,  otherwise  Maubuisson, 
near  Pontoise,  of  which  her  sister,  Angelique  d''Estrees,  was 
abbess.  There  she  lay  side  by  side  with  many  daughters  of 
departed  Kings,  until  the  foolish  iconoclasts  of  the  Revolution 
shattered  the  tombs  and  defaced  the  sanctuary.f 

The  King  went  into  mourning  for  the  woman  he  had  loved, 
wearing  during  the  first  week  nothing  but  black,  which  was 
a  noteworthy  departure  from  the  etiquette  of  the  times,  for 
Gabrielle  was  not  of  the  blood  royal.  Afterwai*ds,  for  a  period 
of  three  months,  Henri  restricted  himself  to  violet  habiliments. 
The  news  of  his  mistress's  death  had  been  conveyed  post-h«iste 

*  At  tbe  time  of  the  first  Revolution  St.  Denis  contained,  of  the  Capetian 
line  alone,  the  tombs  of  twenty-nine  out  of  thirty-two  Kings  (from  Hugues 
Capet  to  Louis  XV  inclusively)  and  of  eighteen  of  their  consorts.  The 
ancient  church  of  the  Parisian  Abbey  of  St.  Germain  des  Pr^s  was,  however, 
the  resting-place  of  many  Merovingian  sovereigns,  including  Childebert  I  and 
Ultragotha,  Ghilp^ric  and  Fr^d^gonde,  Child6ric  II  and  Bachilde,  etc. 

t  We  previously  mentioned  (p.  118)  that  the  D'Estr^es  sisters  and  their 
brother  were  called  the  seven  deadly  sins  by  the  lampoonists  of  the  time.  In 
that  connection  Tallemant  prints  the  following  lines  d  propoi  of  Gabrielle's 
funeral : 

"  J'ai  vu  passer,  par  ma  fen^tre, 

Les  six  p4oh68  mortels  vivants, 

Conduits  par  le  b&tard  d'un  prdtre, 

Qui,  tons  ensemble,  allaiont  chantant 

Un  requiescat  in  pace, 

Pour  le  septi^me  tr6paBs6." 


VIII  LA  BELLE  GABRIELLE  209 

to  his  sister,  Princess  Catherine,  now  Duchess  de  Bar,  and  she 
immediately  wrote  him  the  following  letter  : 

"  My  dear  King, 

"  I  know  that  words  cannot  afford  a  remedy  to  your 
extreme  sorrow.  That  is  why  I  will  only  employ  them  to 
assure  you  that  I  feel  it  as  keenly  myself,  for  both  the  extreme 
affection  I  bear  you,  and  the  loss  I  have  suffered  of  so  perfect 
a  friend,  compels  me  to  do  so.  Believe,  my  dear  King,  that 
I  will  ever  love  and  serve  as  mother  to  my  nephews  and  niece ; 
and  I  very  humbly  beg  you  to  remember  that  you  promised  me 
my  niece.*  If  it  pleases  you  to  give  her  me  I  will  treat  her 
with  the  same  friendship  and  care  as  if  she  were  my  own 
daughter.  Monsieur  my  husband  expresses  to  you  his  regret 
by  the  messenger  he  is  sending  you.  Would  to  God,  my  King, 
that  I  might  alleviate  your  grief  by  sacrificing  a  few  years  of 
my  own ;  I  wish  by  all  my  affection  that  I  could  do  so,  and  with 
those  true  words  I  kiss  you,  my  dear  brave  King,  a  thousand 
times."' 

Henri  answered  that  letter  in  these  words  : 

"My  dear  Sister, 

I  received  your  visit  f  with  much  consolation,  I 
have  great  need  of  it,  for  my  affliction  is  as  incomparable 
as  was  she  to  whom  it  is  due;  regrets  and  lamentation 
will  attend  me  to  the  grave.  Nevertheless,  as  God  brought 
me  into  the  world  for  this  Kingdom  and  not  for  myself, 
all  my  understanding  and  care  will  be  devoted  henceforth 
solely  to  its  advancement  and  preservation.  The  root  of 
my  love  is  destroyed,  it  will  not  sprout  again,  but  that  of 
my  friendship  will  remain  ever  green  for  you,  my  dear 
sister,  whom  I  kiss  a  million  times. 

"This  15th  April,  1599,  at  Fontainebleau. 

"  Henry.^  t 

*  It  will  be  remembered  that  the  Princess  Catherine  was  godmother  to 
Gabrielle's  daughter.    The  Princess  herself  had  no  children. 

t  This  must  be  a  slip  we  think,  the  word  "  letter  "  being  intended. 

X  We  have  adhered  to  the  usual  French  spelling,  "  Henri,"  in  this  volume, 
except  in  our  title  and  such  quotations  as  the  above  letter ;  but  the  King 
himself  always  wrote  "  Henry,"  as  was  often  done  by  Frenchmen  at  his  period. 
It  might,  however,  have  seemed  pedantry  on  our  part  had  we  departed  from 
the  spelling  now  universally  adopted  in  France. 

P 


210     FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE      viii 

The  Parliament  of  Paris  and  the  foreign  ambassadors 
tendered  condolences  to  the  bereaved  monarch.  One  of  the 
latter,  however,  Contarini  the  Venetian,  lost  no  time  in  turning 
Gabrielle's  death  to  account.  There  is  a  despatch  of  his  dated 
April  10 — and  written,  therefore,  only  a  few  hours  after  the 
favourite  had  expired — in  which  he  mentions  that  he  has 
advised  Cardinal  de  Gondi's  secretary  of  the  event,  with  the  view 
of  negotiating  a  marriage  between  the  King  and  the  Grand 
Duke  of  Tuscany^s  niece — Marie  de"*  Medici.  That  match 
had  been  first  suggested  by  Gondi  in  1592,  and  the  subject  had 
been  revived  in  1597,  when  the  King"'s  pecuniary  position 
had  become  more  difficult,  both  by  reason  of  his  indebtedness 
to  the  Grand  Duke  and  others,  and  his  need  of  ready  money. 
There  was  a  certain  Florentine  canon  in  Paris,  one  Francesco 
Bonciano,  an  agent  of  the  Grand  Duke,*  who  keenly  desired  to 
bring  about  the  match.  Nevertheless,  despite  every  effort  to 
effect  it,  the  King  seems  to  have  regarded  the  negotiations 
merely  as  a  possible  means  of  raising  a  fresli  loan,  without  in 
any  way  binding  himself  to  espouse  the  Princess  Marie.  Al- 
though he  gave  Gabrielle's  predecessor,  Corisanda,  a  promise  of 
marriage,  which  he  never  kept,  and  although  in  like  way  he 
gave  another  to  her  successor,  Henriette  d'Entragues,  and 
also  dishonoured  it,  we  feel,  as  we  have  previously  said,  that  in 
the  case  of  Gabrielle  he  was  sincere  and  would  have  made  her 
his  wife  had  she  lived  a  little  longer. 

It  is  mainly  on  account  of  the  opposition  offered  to  that 
marriage  by  important  French  personages  of  the  time,  and  on 
account  of  the  attempts  to  induce  Henri  to  espouse  Marie  de' 
Medici,  that  some  writers  have  inclined  to  the  view  that 
Gabrielle  was  actually  poisoned.  What,  it  might  be  said,  could 
be  more  natural,  under  the  circumstances  of  the  case  ?  Was 
not  the  very  name  of  Medici  synonymous  with  secret  murder  ? 
Was  there  not  a  whole  crew  of  Italians  at  hand  :  Zamet,  the 
Gondis,  Bonciano,  men  not  likely  to  hesitate  about  removing 
an  obstacle  to  plans  which  they  favoured  ?  We  hold,  however, 
that  the  Medici,  like  the  Borgias,  were  far  less  black  than  some 
historians  have   painted   them,  while,  as  for  Zamet  and   the 

*  He  resided  with  Cardinal  do  Gondi,  and  was,  perhaps,  the  "  secretary  "  to 
whom  Contarini's  despatch  refers. 


VIII  LA  BELLE  GABRIELLE  211 

others,  not  a  scrap  of  evidence  has  ever  been  produced  in 
support  of  the  theory  of  their  guilt,  save  the  story  about  the 
lemon  which  Gabrielle  is  said  to  have  sucked  at  Zamet's  house. 
That  tale  may  well  be  true,  and  the  lemon  may  well  have 
caused  indisposition.  It  was  not  necessary  for  it  to  contain 
poison  to  bring  about  that  result.  For  the  rest,  we  have 
President  de  Vernhyes'  impartial  narrative,  and  the  statements 
of  Contarini,  which  appear  to  be  equally  impartial;  and  the 
particulars  they  contain  point  to  a  perfectly  natural  death 
under  very  distressing  conditions,  with  which,  perhaps,  even 
the  medical  and  surgical  science  of  to-day  might  have  been 
unable  to  contend. 

Undoubtedly  Gabrielle's  sudden  death  at  a  moment  when 
she  was  so  near  to  becoming  Queen  of  France  was  calculated 
to  inspire  suspicion.  Yet  people  did  not  suggest  that  she 
had  been  poisoned,  they  wrote  and  talked  of  "  a  stroke  from 
Heaven,"  "  a  blow  of  Providence."  Aubign6  was  the  only 
author  who,  prior  to  Sully,  expressed  a  belief  in  the  alleged 
poisoning.  Palma  Cayet,  Legrain,  Dupleix,  Mathieu,  Chevemy, 
Bassompierre,  de  Thou,  Groulart,  Dreux  du  Radier,  the  author 
of  Les  Amours  du  Grand  Alcandre^  all  regarded  the  death  as 
due  to  natural  causes.  After  Sully,  however,  came  Tallemant 
des  Reaux,  Mdzeray,  Sismondi  and  Michelet,  each  enlarging 
more  and  more  on  the  theory  of  poisoning.  For  our  part  we 
feel  that  they  were  wrong.  It  is  our  belief,  too,  that,  although 
history  teems  with  stories  of  poisoning,  only  a  few  of  them  are 
authentic,  by  far  the  greater  number  crumbling  to  pieces 
directly  they  are  subjected  to  the  test  of  critical  examination. 


IX 

HENRIETTE  d'eNTRAGUES 

I.  The  Feline  Favourite 

The  King's  next  Amour — The  Balzac  d'Entragues  Family — Marie  Touchet — 
Black  Pages  in  Fran9oi3  d'Entragues'  Early  Life — Marie  d'Entragues  and 
Bassompierre — Henrietta's  Person  and  Disposition — First  Meeting  of 
Henri  and  Henrietto — He  follows  her  to  Paris — Affray  between  Joinville 
and  Bellegarde — Henri  notices  Mile,  de  La  Bourdaisi^re — Negotiations 
with  Henriette  d'Entragues  and  her  Father — The  Price  of  Shame — A 
Royal  Promise  of  Marriage — Henriette  is  removed  to  Marcoussis — The 
King  carries  her  off — She  becomes  Marchioness  de  Verneuil — The  King's 
Marriage  with  Marie  de'  Medici  arranged — The  Duke  of  Savoy  and  his 
Intrigues — Biron  the  Malcontent — Henri  demands  the  Bestitution  of  his 
Marriage  Promise — He  starts  for  the  Savoy  War — Henrietta's  Stillborn 
Child — Her  Sorrowful  Letter  to  the  King — Her  Journey  to  join  the  King — 
The  Duke  of  Savoy  again  intrigues  with  her — Father  Hilaire — Marie  de' 
Medici  and  Henri's  Love-Letters — End  of  the  Savoy  War  and  Pardon  of 
Biron — Henri  finds  his  Wife  at  Lyons — Praises  her,  but  eagerly  joins 
Henriette — The  Queen  arrives  in  Paris — Presentation  of  Henriette  to 
!Marie  de'  Medici. 

On  October  6,  1599, — that  is,  six  months  after  the  death  of 
Gabrielle  d'Estrees — Henri,  whom  "regret  and  lamentation 
were  to  have  attended  to  the  grave,"  wrote  his  first  love-letter, 
or,  at  all  events,  the  first  by  order  of  date  of  those  which  have 
come  down  to  us,  to  Henriette  de  Balzac  d'Entragues.  On 
November  10  his  marriage  with  Marguerite  de  Valois  was  at 
last  annulled,  and  on  April  25  in  the  ensuing  year  the  contract 
for  his  marriage  with  Marie  de*  Medici — finally  decided  on 
immediately  after  the  dissolution  of  his  union  with  Mai'guerite — 
was  signed  on  his  behalf  at  Florence. 

It  has  been  surmised  by  a  few  writers  that  the  King''s  liaMon 
with  Henriette  d'Entragues  had  been  projected  during  the  life- 
time of  Gabrielle.     Count  de  La  Bouillerie,  for  instance,  quotes 


IX  HENRIETTE  D'ENTRAGUES  213 

a  receipt  given  on  July  11, 1598,  by  Fouquet  de  La  Varenne  for 
certain  payments  made  to  him  for  expenses  he  had  incurred  on 
various  journeys  on  the  King's  service,  among  these  being  one 
to  Marcoussis,  a  castle  belonging  to  Henriette's  father.  But 
M.  d'Entragues  was  a  sufficiently  important  personage  to  have 
communication  with  the  King  quite  apart  from  any  question  of 
his  daughter,  for  ever  since  1578  he  had  been  lieutenant-general 
of  the  Orleanais  and  governor  of  the  city  of  Orleans. 

There  were  two  Entragues  at  that  period,  both  of  them 
grandsons  of  Jean  de  Balzac,  one  of  the  captains  of  Charles  VII 
at  the  time  of  the  expulsion  of  the  English  from  France. 
Charles  d'Entragues,  who  was  nicknamed  both  le  hel  and 
Entraguet,  has  been  mentioned  in  earlier  chapters  of  this 
volume.*  A  daring  duellist,  and  a  great  favourite  with  women, 
he  has  left  a  somewhat  better  reputation  than  that  of  his  elder 
brother,  Fran9ois  de  Balzac,  Baron  de  Marcoussis  and  Lord  of 
Entragues  and  Malesherbes.  The  latter  was  twice  married, 
first  to  Jacqueline  de  Rohan,  Lady  of  Gie,  by  whom  he  had  a 
son  and  a  daughter,  and  secondly  to  Marie  Touchet,  Lady  of 
Belleville,  and  sometime  mistress  of  Charles  IX.  Marie  had 
two  sons  by  her  royal  lover,  one  who  died  in  childhood,  and 
one,  born  in  April,  1573,  and  christened  Charles,  who  became 
Grand  Prior  of  France,  Count  d'Auvergne,  Count  de  Poitiers, 
and  finally  Duke  d'Angouleme.  Many  folk,  moreover,  referred 
to  him  as  the  Bastard  of  Valois.  But  it  is  by  his  title  of  Count 
d'Auvergne  that  he  will  figure  in  our  pages.  It  was  in  1578, 
four  years  after  the  death  of  Charles  IX,  that  Marie  Touchet  t 
became  the  wife  of  Franpois  de  Balzac  d'Entragues.  According 
to  the  anecdotiersy  he  had  loved  her  for  many  years,  and  she  was 
certainly  a  very  beautiful  woman  and  not  yet  thirty  years  of 
age  at  the  time  of  her  espousals.  Fair,  tall,  with  a  good  figure, 
a  full  bright  face,  and  a  fascinating  smile,  she  had  adopted  as 
her  device  an  anagram  of  her  name  :  Je  charme  tout ;  and  it  is 
related  that  she  had  so  much  confidence  in  her  beauty  that 
on  seeing  the  portrait  of  Elizabeth  of  Austria,  daughter  of 

♦  He  died  in  1599.    See  pp.  11,  44,  ante. 

t  We  here  refer  very  briefly  to  Marie  Touchet.  We  shall  possibly  have  to 
write  of  her  in  more  detail  in  a  volume  on  the  Favourites  of  Francis  I,  his  son 
and  grandsons. 


214     FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE        ix 

Maximilian  II,  whom  her  lover  Charles  espoused  for  reasons  of 
state,  she  quietly  remarked  :  "  I  shall  not  fear  that  German.'** 

She  presented  Franjois  d'Entragues  with  three  children,  two 
daughters  and  a  son  ;  and  although  she  had  been  the  mistress 
of  a  King,  she  strove  to  do  all  her  duty  as  a  wife  and  a  mother. 
In  regard  to  her  children,  however,  she  failed  most  pitiably. 
Her  son  by  Charles  IX  proved  a  restless,  ambitious,  perfidious, 
dishonest  conspirator,  a  saturnine  scoundrel  who  repeatedly 
deserved  the  scaffold,  but  was  spared  by  Henri  de  Navarre  in 
some  measure  because  he  was  one  of  the  last  of  the  Valois. 
The  Count  d'Auvergne  inherited,  we  think,  more  of  his  father's 
than  his  mother's  nature,  and  much  the  same  happened  with 
respect  to  Marie  Touchet's  elder  daughter  by  Francois 
d'Entragues. 

He  is  said  to  have  been  really  in  love  with  his  wife,  but 
from  a  worldly  point  of  view  the  marriage  he  contracted 
with  the  whilom  favourite  of  Charles  IX  proved  of  great 
advantage  to  him,  for  it  procured  him  not  only  the  dignities 
of  Councillor  of  State  and  Knight  of  the  King's  orders,  but  the 
Orleans  governorship  to  which  we  have  already  referred,  those 
appointments  being  bestowed  upon  him  by  Henri  IH.  Apart 
from  the  question  of  his  marriage,  there  were  two  nasty  pages 
in  the  life  of  Francois  d''Entragues.  In  1567,  at  the  outset  of 
the  second  religious  war,  his  aunt,  the  Protestant  Marchioness 
de  Rothelin,  shut  herself  up  in  the  chateau  of  Blandy  with  the 
Prince  de  Conde's  children,  who  had  been  committed  to  her 
charge.  Under  the  pretext  of  bringing  her  some  news  Entragues 
gained  admittance  to  the  chateau  with  a  body  of  armed  men, 
and  after  massacring  the  Marchioness's  retainers,  he  carried  her 
and  the  little  Cond^s  to  Paris,  where  he  handed  them  over  to 
Catherine  de'  Medici.  It  was  thus  that  the  young  Prince  de 
Conde  happened  to  be  a  prisoner  at  the  Louvre  at  the  time  of 
the  St.  Bartholomew  massacre,  and  was  compelled,  like  Henri 
de  Navarre,  to  abjure  his  faith. 

At  a  later  period,  when  the  League  was  in  the  ascendant 
and  Entragues  held  Orleans  on  its  behalf,  he  offered  to  sell  the 
city  to  Henri  de  Navarre,  and  the  scheme  only  failed  by  reason 
of  the  stout  opposition  which  was  offered  by  the  inhabitants. 
As  Count  de  la  Ferri^re-Pcrcy  remarks  in  his  Henri  IV :  Le  roi 


IX  HENRIETTE  D^ENTRAGUES  215 

et  ramoureiuc,  when  a  man  offers  to  sell  a  town  confided  to  his 
safe  keeping,  it  is  not  particularly  surprising  to  find  him 
willing  to  sell  his  daughters.  In  spite  of  all  Marie  Touchet's 
watchfulness  her  girls  seem  to  have  been  predestined  to  lives  of 
shame.  While  Henriette,  the  elder  one,  became  the  mistress  of 
Henri  IV,  Marie,  the  younger,  contracted  a  liaison  with  Bassom- 
pierre,  by  whom  she  had  a  son,  the  connection  lasting  for  ten 
years,  during  which  Bassompierre  resisted  every  effort  to  induce 
him  to  marry  the  girl  he  had  wronged. 

Marie  was  frail  like  her  mother,  but  that  is  the  only  reproach 
one  can  level  at  her.  Henriette,  however,  largely  inherited  her 
father"'s  nature.  Like  him,  she  was  dark  and  slim,  of  average 
height,  and  with  a  wasp-like  waist.  The  brow  seemed  placid 
enough,  but  it  bulged  as  one  often  observes  in  the  case  of 
persons  of  tenacious  natures.  The  glittering  eyes  were  quick 
and  somewhat  imperious  ;  the  lips  thin  and  inclined  to  a  slightly 
sarcastic  smile.  The  chin  was  fleshy,  the  short  straight  nose, 
with  quivering  nostrils,  was  sensuously  provoking.  A  feline 
grace  was  cast,  as  it  were,  over  all  her  person.  She  was  as 
perfect  an  example  of  the  woman-cat  as  the  world  has  known. 
She  knew  well  both  how  to  purr  and  how  to  scratch.  She 
could  be  very  gay  when  it  pleased  her,  and  she  possessed  con- 
siderable wit.  In  fact,  her  lively  sallies  and  sarcastic  remarks 
about  men,  women,  and  things  greatly  helped  to  attract 
Henri  to  her.  But,  on  the  other  hand,  if  anything  displeased 
her,  she  did  not  hesitate  to  use  her  claws. 

Her  nature  was  essentially  a  scheming,  crafty  and  perfidious 
one.  She  stood  on  the  threshold  of  life  resolved  to  make  her 
way  in  the  world  by  hook  or  crook,  and  mentally  adopting  the 
saying  "nothing  for  nothing"  as  her  motto.  In  a  sense  we  do 
not  blame  her,  for  King  Henri's  reputation  was  too  notorious 
for  any  woman  to  trust  to  his  mere  word  ;  and,  when  all  is  said, 
he  certainly  deserved  the  trouble  into  which  he  was  plunged  by 
his  infatuation  for  Henriette  d'Entragues. 

It  is  uncertain  whether  he  first  met  her  by  chance  or  by 
design.  We  know,  however,  that  La  Varenne  and  Du  Lude 
were  employed  by  him  in  some  of  the  negotiations,  and 
remembering  La  Varenne's  receipt  for  expenses  incurred  by 
him  in  making  a  journey  to  Marcoussis  in  1598,  it  is  possible 


216     FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE        ix 

that  he  then  met  her  there,  and  subsequently  praised  her  to 
the  King.  That  would  agree  with  what  Sully's  Economies  say 
about  some  of  Henri's  companions  vaunting  Mile.  d'Entragues' 
beauty,  wit  and  winning  ways  to  such  a  point  as  to  inspire 
Henri  with  a  desire  to  see  her.  At  all  events,  subsequent  to 
Gabrielle's  death,  the  King,  at  the  suggestion  of  some  of  his 
courtiers  who  wished  to  divert  his  mind,  made  a  journey  to 
Blois,  where  he  stayed  for  some  time ;  and  in  June  (1599), 
while  on  his  way  back  towards  Fontainebleau  and  Paris,  he 
halted  at  the  estate  of  Bois-Malesherbes,  the  usual  residence 
of  the  Entragues  family.  It  is  in  the  department  of  the  Loiret, 
and  overlooks  the  naiTow  valley  of  the  river  Essonne  near  the 
town  of  Pithiviers.  Count  de  la  Ferriere  tells  us  that  the  bed- 
room which  the  King  occupied  on  his  visit  there  is  still  shown, 
and  is  decorated  with  a  series  of  tapestries  which  date  from  his 
time,  and  depict  the  visions  of  Ezekiel.  One  of  them  bears 
this  inscription  : 

"  Mort,  femme,  et  temps, 
Tant  soit  vieil  et  antique, 
Mondaine  amour  et  chaste t6  pudique. 
Tout  prendra  fin." 

It  is  certain  that  Henriette,  who  could  show  herself  very 
sprightly  when  she  chose,  made  a  keen  impression  on  the  King 
the  first  time  he  visited  the  chateau,*  for  a  little  later,  when 
he  heard  that  Mme.  d'Entragues  and  her  daughter  had  repaired 
to  Paris,  he  hsistened  there  after  them,  and  as  the  Louvre  was 
not  ready  for  his  reception,  installed  himself  for  some  days  at 
Cardinal  de  Gondi's  house,  whilst  the  others  stayed  at  the 
Hotel  de  Lyon,  otherwise  the  residence  of  the  archbishop  of 
that  city,  Henri  visited  them  there  daily,  and  speedily  asked 
Mile.  d'Entragues  to  accept  a  rope  of  pearls,  or,  as  L'Estoille 
says,  "  a  very  rich  and  beautiful  necklace."  The  demoiselle 
made  difficulties,  however,  and  refused  the  proffered  gift,  where- 
upon "  His  Majesty,  after  carefully  putting  it  away,  carried  it 
off  and  himself  also  to  the  Louvre,  and  in  lieu  of  that  present 
sent  her  on  the  morrow  a  box  of  a  hundred  apricots.'"  These 
new  amours,  adds  L'Estoille,  led  to  the  publication  of  some 

*  She  was  then  twenty  years  old,  having  been  bom  at  Orleans  in  1579. 


HENBIETTE    D'eNTRAGUES,    MARQUISE    DE    VERNEOIL. 

After  the  Portrait  by  Jerome  Wierix. 


IX  HENRIETTE  D'ENTRAGUES  217 

verses  called  the  "Complaint  of  the  Shade  of  the  Duchess  de 
Beaufort  to  the  King.""  According  to  the  same  writer,  the 
offer  of  the  necklace  took  place  on  August  5.  Five  days  later 
Henri  went  to  sup  with  the  Marquis  d'Elbeuf,  and  on  returning 
at  a  very  late  hour  either  to  the  Arsenal  or  to  Zamefs  house, 
where  he  intended  to  spend  the  night — he  slept  everywhere  at 
that  time,  except  in  his  own  big  lonely  palace  where  there  was 
now  no  Gabrielle  to  occupy  the  apartments  of  the  Queens  of 
France — he  immediately  went  to  bed,  as  he  felt,  he  said, 
extremely  tired.  However,  a  dispute  suddenly  arose  in  the 
courtyard,  between  the  Duke  de  Bellegarde,  the  grand  Equerry, 
and  Claude,  Prince  de  Joinville,  the  fourth  son  of  Henri  le 
Balafre  of  Guise.  According  to  some  accounts  it  was  a  mere 
squabble  between  courtiers  respecting  some  disservice  which 
one  had  done  to  the  other,  but  according  to  others  it  all  arose 
over  Mile.  d'Entragues,  to  whom  Joinville  had  been  paying  his 
addresses  before  Henri  appeared  upon  the  scene.  And  we  are 
told  that  Bellegarde — previously  the  King's  rival  for  the 
affections  of  Gabrielle  d'Estrees — had  now  also  come  forward 
as  a  competitor  for  those  of  Henriette.  In  any  case,  whatever 
caused  the  altercation  it  was  a  violent  one,  and  Joinville 
suddenly  drew  his  rapier,  rushed  on  Bellegarde,  and  pierced  his 
thigh.  The  Duke  might  have  been  killed  had  it  not  been  for 
the  timely  intervention  of  MM.  de  Villars  and  de  Rambouillet. 
The  King,  who  had  been  roused  from  his  slumber  by  the 
uproar,  suddenly  appeared,  it  is  said,  on  the  steps  of  the  house, 
carrying  his  sword,  and  clad  only  in  his  shirt.  Such  was  his 
indignation  on  hearing  of  what  had  occurred  that  he  at  once 
gave  orders  to  summon  the  President  of  the  Parliament  of 
Paris  in  order  that  Joinville,  who  was  arrested,  might  be 
brought  to  trial ;  but  in  the  morning  the  Prince's  grandmother, 
the  Duchess  de  Nemours,  came  to  intercede  for  him,  and  the 
King  thereupon  contented  himself  with  banishing  him. 

A  week  later,  August  18,  we  find  Henri  requesting  Mile. 
d'Entragues  to  go  with  him  to  see  his  children — Gabrielle's 
sons  and  daughter — at  St.  Germain,  and  sending  her  by  way 
of  a  present  some  hangings  valued  at  three  thousand  crowns. 
He  was  apparently  quite  losing  his  heart  to  her,  for  when 
she  returned  to  Bois-Malesherbes,  he  soon  took  the  same  road. 


218     FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE       ix 

But  it  seems  that  his  hopes  were  again  disappointed,  and  so, 
going  on  to  Blois  and  thence  to  Chenonceaux,  at  which  chateau 
Louise  of  Lorraine,  widow  of  Henri  HI,  was  living  in  retire- 
ment, his  attention  was  bestowed  on  one  of  the  Dowager 
Queen's  maids  of  honour.  Mile,  de  la  Bourdaisiere,  a  member 
of  the  same  flighty  family  to  which  Gabrielle  d'Estr^es'  mother 
had  belonged.  At  the  same  time,  however,  two  royal  emissaries 
La  Varenne  and  l)u  Lude,  were  actively  engaged  in  regard  to 
Henriette,  and  she,  who  without  entirely  discouraging  the 
King  had  hitherto  refused  all  his  offers,  now  seems  to  have 
become  somewhat  anxious  as  to  whether  he  might  not  throw 
her  over  for  Mile,  de  la  Bourdaisiere. 

This  part  of  the  story  is  sordid  and  repulsive,  and  we  may 
therefore  well  spare  the  reader  all  but  the  essential  details.  It 
appears  certain  that  Henriette  acted  with  her  eyes  open,  and 
in  connivance  with  her  disreputable  father.  Her  mother's 
attempts  to  prevent  her  from  engaging  in  a  liaison  with  the 
King  proved  of  no  avail.  At  the  same  time,  the  intrigue  was 
not  entered  upon  lightly,  for  Henriette  and  her  father  insisted 
on  onerous  conditions  :  a  formal  written  promise  of  marriage, 
the  payment  of  a  sum  of  a  hundred  thousand  crowns,  and  the 
appointment  of  Entragues  as  a  Marshal  of  France.  Henii 
consented  willingly  enough  to  the  two  former  stipulations,  but 
— and  this  was  somewhat  to  his  credit — he  strenuously  objected 
to  the  third. 

Sully,  for  his  part,  was  amazed  when  the  King  applied  to 
him  for  the  amount  of  money  we  have  mentioned.  The 
Treasury  already  had  the  greatest  difficulty  to  meet  its 
engagements,  and  a  large  sum  was  required  that  year  to 
subsidize  the  Swiss.  However,  as  the  Superintendent  of 
Finances  knew  his  master  and  did  not  wish  to  lose  his  post, 
he  ended  by  obeying  the  royal  command,  revenging  himself, 
according  to  his  own  account,  by  maliciously  delivering  the 
whole  of  the  hundred  thousand  crowns  in  silver  pieces,  much  to 
the  King''8  astonishment.  As  for  the  promise  of  marriage, 
Sully  asserts  that  Henri  showed  it  to  him  one  day  at 
Fontainebleau  and  repeatedly  asked  his  advice  upon  it.  The 
minister  read  it,  and  on  the  King  pressing  him  for  his  opinion, 
he  solicited  an  assurance  that  his  Majesty  would  not  be  angry 


IX  HENRIETTE   D'ENTRAGUES  219 

with  him,  whatever  he  might  say  or  do.  Henri  gave  that 
assurance,  and  thereupon  Sully  tore  the  compromising  document 
in  halves. 

"  There,  Sire,  since  you  wish  to  know  it,  is  what  I  think  of 
such  a  promise,"  said  he. 

"  Morbleu  !  "  cried  the  King,  "  What  are  you  about  ?  I 
begin  to  think  that  you  have  gone  mad  ! " 

"  That  is  so.  Sire,"  Sully  answered.  *'  I  am  a  lunatic  and  a 
fool,  and  I  wish  I  were  so  to  such  an  extent  as  to  be  the  only 
one  in  France." 

Then — still  according  to  Les  Economies  ray  ales — the  minister 
went  on  to  point  out  that  Entragues  and  his  daughters  had 
already  given  cause  for  scandal  in  the  time  of  the  Duchess  de 
Beaufort,  and  that  the  King  himself  had  then  told  him  to  give 
"  all  that  baggage  orders  to  quit  Paris.''  The  divulgation  of 
such  weakness  as  was  implied  by  that  promise  of  marriage 
would,  in  the  minister's  opinion,  bring  his  Majesty  into  derision, 
and  besides,  the  document  might  prove  a  serious  obstacle  both 
to  the  projected  divorce  from  Queen  Marguerite  and  to  a  suit- 
able matrimonial  alliance  which  might  benefit  France,  for  the 
Queen  was  not  the  woman  to  surrender  her  title  to  any 
demoiselle  d'Entragues,  and  the  Pope  was  not  the  man  to 
authorize  her  to  do  so.  The  King  seemed  to  feel  the  weight  of 
that  argument,  says  Sully,  and  without  answering  he  quitted 
the  gallery  where  they  had  been  conversing,  and  repaired 
to  his  private  room.  There,  however,  still  according  to  the 
minister,  he  asked  M.  de  Lomenie,  his  private  secretary,  for  ink 
and  paper,  and  wrote  out  a  fresh  promise  of  marriage  to  replace 
the  one  which  Sully  had  torn  in  halves.  And  a  little  later  he 
mounted  horse  and  went  off  on  a  hunting  expedition,  which 
ended  by  taking  him  to  Bois-Malesherbes,  where  he  remained 
a  couple  of  days  or  so. 

Whether  Sully's  narrative  be  strictly  accurate  or  not  it  is 
certain  that  a  promise  of  marriage  was  given.  The  full  text 
appears  in  the  King's  correspondence,  which  also  contains  the 
official  proces-verbal  which  was  drawn  up,  when,  some  years 
afterwards,  the  compromising  document  was  at  last  recovered. 
Here  then,  as  a  great  historical  warning  both  for  young  persons 
who  might  be  inclined  to  put  their  trust  in  Princes  and  in  the 


220     FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE        ix 

sons  of  men,  and  for  amorous  and  heedless  individuals  disposed 
to  allow  their  passions  rein  regardless  of  the  consequences,  is 
what  the  impetuous,  self-willed  and  also  unscrupulous  Henri 
de  Navarre  wrote  and  delivered  to  the  father  of  Henriette 
d'Entragues : 

"  We,  Henry  fourth,  by  the  grace  of  God,  King  of  France 
and  Navarre,  promise  and  swear  before  God  on  our  faith  and 
word  as  a  King,  to  Messire  Franfois  de  Balzac,  Lord  of 
Entragues,  a  Knight  of  our  Orders,  that  [he]  giving  us  as 
companion  Demoiselle  Henriette  Catherine  de  Balzac,  his 
daughter,  in  case  in  six  months,  beginning  from  the  fii'st  day 
of  this  present  one,  she  should  become  enceirite^  and  should  give 
birth  to  a  son,  then  and  instantly  we  will  take  her  to  be  our 
wife  and  legitimate  spouse,  whose  marriage  we  will  solemnize 
publicly  and  in  face  of  our  Holy  Church  according  to  the  rites 
required  and  customary  in  such  a  case.  For  greater  confirma- 
tion of  the  present  promise  we  promise  and  swear  as  herein 
stated  to  ratify  and  renew  it  under  our  seals,  immediately  after 
we  have  obtained  from  our  Holy  Father  the  Pope  the  dissolu- 
tion of  our  marriage  with  Dame  Marguerite  of  France,  with 
the  permission  to  marry  again  as  may  seem  fit  to  us.  In  wit- 
ness whereof  we  have  written  and  signed  these  presents.  At 
the  ^Vood  of  Malesherbes,  this  day  the  first  of  October,  1 599. 

"  Henry." 

But  although  the  promise  and  the  100,000  crowns  were 
handed  over  to  M.  d'Entragues,  matters  did  not  at  once  go 
any  further.  There  were  various  interviews  between  the  King 
and  Henriette's  infamous  father  and  one  of  the  latter's  acolytes, 
a  man  named  Nau.  It  seems  certain  that  Entragues  was  bent 
on  exacting  the  third  of  his  original  stipulations,  that  is  his 
appointment  as  a  Marshal  of  France,  of  which,  of  course,  he 
was  quite  unworthy,  besides  lacking  the  necessary  military 
qualifications  for  it.  On  October  10  we  find  the  King  writing 
to  Henriette  : 

*'  Mes  chores  amours^  La  Varane  and  the  lackey  arrived  at  the 
same  time.  You  order  me  to  surmount,  if  I  love  you,  all  the 
difficulties.  ...  By  the  proposals  I  have  made  I  have  suffi- 
ciently shown  the  strength  of  my  love  for  those  on  your  side 


IX  HENRIETTE  KENTRAGUES  221 

to  raise  no  further  difficulties.  What  I  said  before  you  I  will 
not  fail  in,  but  nothing  more  [the  Marshalship  ?J.  I  will  willingly 
see  Monsieur  d'Entragues,  and  will  leave  him  but  little  rest 
until  our  affair  is  arranged  or  falls  through.  That  man  of 
Normandy  [Nau  ?]  has  been  here,  and  has  told  me  that  between 
now  and  the  next  fortnight  we  shall  have  the  greatest  falling 
out  possible,  which  will  be  caused  by  your  father,  mother  or 
brother,*  and  will  be  plotted  in  Paris;  that  you  and  I  shall 
regard  everything  as  broken  off;  and  that  to-morrow  he  will 
tell  me  by  what  means  to  prevent  it.  .  .  .  Good-night,  heart 
of  mine,  I  kiss  you  a  million  times."  t 

A  falling  out  certainly  ensued,  but  it  seems  to  have  been 
confined  to  Entragues  and  the  King.  The  former  was  not 
satisfied  with  his  100,000  crowns,  he  still  hankered  for  the 
marshalship,  and  he  ended  by  informing  Henri  that  his  Majesty 
need  not  again  return  to  Bois-Malesherbes  as  his  daughter  was 
no  longer  there !  At  those  tidings  the  baffled  monarch  was 
thunderstruck.  Entragues  had  told  no  falsehood.  In  the  hope 
that,  by  prolonging  the  delays,  he  might  secure  the  dignity  he 
coveted,  he  had  removed  Henriette  to  his  castle  of  Marcoussis. 
This  was  rather  nearer  than  Bois-Malesherbes  to  Fontainebleau, 
where  Henri  was  installed,  but  instead  of  being  a  pleasure 
residence,  it  was  a  stronghold  with  three  ramparts,  and  a  keep 
which  was  only  reached  after  crossing  three  drawbridges.  Stand- 
ing on  a  wooded  height  less  than  two  miles  from  the  great 
fortress  of  Montlh^ry  (Seine-et-Oise)  the  castle  of  Marcoussis 
had  been  erected  by  a  certain  Jean  de  Montaigu  in  the  fourteenth 
century,  since  which  time  it  had  been  more  than  once  besieged, 
notably  by  John  the  Fearless  of  Burgundy  in  1417.  Eighty 
years  later  Louis  XII  had  signed  at  Marcoussis  a  treaty  of 
peace  with  the  sovereigns  of  Castille  and  Aragon.J  It  seemed 
as  if  Henriette  d'Entragues  would  be  safe  enough  within  its 
walls,  but  she  by  no  means  appreciated  such  confinement.  It 
has  been  surmised  by  some  writers  that  her  father  merely  wished 
to  save  appearances  by  subjecting  her  to  it.     In  any  case,  it  did 

*  Her  half-brother  the  Count  d'Auvergne, 

t  In  this  letter  Henri  invariably  addresses  Henriette  as  vous  not  as  tu. 
This  indicates  that  he  was  still  only  a  suitor. 

X  The  castle  of  Marcoussis  was  demolished  in  1807. 


222     FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE        ix 

not  last  long.  She  again  became  anxious  as  to  whether  her 
royal  lover,  in  presence  of  such  frequent  obstacles,  might  not 
decide  to  let  her  go  and  definitively  devote  himself  to  Mile,  de  la 
Bourdaisiere  or  Mile,  de  La  Chastre,  with  both  of  whom  rumour 
was  then  coupling  his  name,  and  she  therefore  communicated 
with  him,  suggesting  that  some  duty  might  be  assigned  to  her 
father  which  would  remove  him  from  the  spot.  This  was  con- 
trived, and  directly  M.  d'Entragues  had  left  the  castle,  the 
King  presented  himself,  carried  off  Henriette,  and  installed 
her  at  the  Hotel  de  Larchant,  in  Paris,  which,  a  short  time 
previously,  had  been  beautified  for  her  reception.  "A  pretty 
bird  should  have  a  pretty  cage,"  as  Henri  himself  remarked. 

Thus  Mile.  d'Entragues  became  the  royal  favourite,  in  which 
capacity  one  of  her  very  first  actions  was  to  solicit  the  pardon 
of  the  Prince  de  Joinville,  this  tending  to  confirm  the  surmise 
that  he  had  previously  been  her  lover.  Henri  granted  the 
request,  and  on  November  7  (1599)  the  Prince  repaired  to 
St.  Germain-en-Laye,  accompanied  by  his  uncle,  the  Duke  de 
Mayenne,  and  knelt  and  did  obeisance  to  the  King,  who 
received  him  with  much  kindness.  On  the  other  hand.  Mile. 
d'Entragues''  royal  lover  speedily  presented  her  with  a  domain, 
the  Marquisate  of  Verneuil,  near  Triel,  and  from  that  time 
onward  she  was  "Madame  la  Marquise''  for  everybody,  even 
as  Gabrielle  had  been  "  Madame  la  Duchesse  " — it  being  quite 
unnecessary  to  specify  which  Marchioness  or  which  Duchess 
was  referred  to. 

The  dissolution  of  the  King's  marriage  with  Marguerite  de 
Valois  having  been  pronounced  by  the  Pope,  Henriette,  who 
held  the  King's  promise  to  marry  her,  and  who  towards  the 
end  of  the  year  became  enceinte,  believed  that  she  would  indeed 
be  Queen  of  France,  for  she  at  first  gave  very  little  heed  to  the 
attempts  which  were  being  made  to  negotiate  a  marriage 
between  her  lover  and  the  Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany's  niece, 
Marie  de'  Medici.  She  possibly  imagined  that  those  negotiations 
would  fail,  even  as  they  had  failed  in  the  time  of  Gabrielle 
d'Estrees.  But  a  special  envoy,  Baccio  Giovannini,*  arrived 
from  Florence,  and  by  the  end  of  1599  the  Tuscan  marriage  was 
finally  agreed  upon,  it  being  arranged  that  the  bride's  portion 
*  Ll&ny  French  writers  call  him  Joaxmisi. 


IX  HENRIETTE   D'ENTRAGUES  223 

should  be  a  sum  of  600,000  crowns,  of  which  350,000  were  to 
be  paid  in  cash,  the  remaining  quarter  of  a  million  being  written 
off  the  French  indebtedness  to  the  Grand  Duke  Ferdinand. 

Thus  Henriette's  hopes  seemed  to  be  suddenly  crumbling. 
But  she  was  not  the  woman  to  surrender  without  a  fight.  She 
held  the  King''s  marriage  promise,  and  from  inquiries  which  she 
and  her  father  made,  it  appeared  that  if  that  promise  were 
drawn  in  proper  form  it  might  invalidate  the  marriage  with 
Marie  de"*  Medici  in  the  eyes  of  the  Church,  particularly  too  if 
Henriette  should  give  the  King  a  son,  as  was  stipulated  in  the 
document  he  had  signed.  Thus,  already  being  enceinte^  she 
continued  hopeful  in  spite  of  an  unpropitious  outlook. 

I^t  us  now  turn  to  some  other  matters  which  may  at  first 
seem  foreign  to  our  theme,  but  which  it  will  be  found  are  really 
connected  with  it.  During  the  long  religious  wars,  Charles 
Emmanuel,  Duke  of  Savoy,  a  son-in-law  and  ally  of  Philip  II 
of  Spain,  had  conquered  various  territories  previously  held  by 
France.  He  had  been  compelled  to  restore  most  of  them  by 
the  treaty  of  Vervins,  concluded  in  May,  1598,  but  he  still 
held  the  Marquisate  of  Saluzzo,  situated  on  the  Italian  side  of 
the  Alps,  and  regarded  by  the  French  monarchs  as  a  very 
important  point  of  vantage  whence  they  might  descend  at  their 
ease  on  Italy,  whenever  they  were  lured  thither  by  that  fatal 
fascination  which  they  were  at  times  powerless  to  resist,  though 
it  invariably  cost  them  an  infinity  of  blood  and  treasure.  Now 
Charles  Emmanuel,  who  well  realized  the  importance  of  Saluzzo, 
refused  to  surrender  it  to  France  in  spite  of  the  repeated 
demands  addressed  to  him  to  that  effect  by  King  Henri  and 
his  ministers. 

This  Savoyard  Duke  was  in  his  way  as  remarkable  a  character 
as  the  Beamais.  He  had  not  escaped  the  curse  which  had 
fallen  on  every  third  or  fourth  generation  of  his  house  since  the 
far-off  days  of  Humbert  with  the  White  Hand,  and  which  has 
indeed  extended  down  to  our  own  period,  in  such  wise  that  the 
present  King  of  Italy  at  first  hesitated  to  marry.  In  a  word, 
Charles  Emmanuel  was  humpbacked.  A  large  head,  with  an 
abnormally  broad  brow  crowned  by  an  abundance  of  brush-like 
hair,  was  set  on  his  short  and  slender  frame.  Nevertheless,  his 
mistresses  had  been  as  numerous  as  those  of  Henri  de  Navarre, 


224     FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE        ix 

and  had  presented  him  with  even  more  children.  He  had 
married  one  of  the  daughters  of  Philip  II  of  Spain,  and  was 
very  jealous  of  the  preference  which  that  monarch  displayed 
for  his  wife's  sister,  the  Infanta  Isabella  Clara  Eugenia,  whom 
some  of  the  Leaguers  had  attempted  to  set  upon  the  throne  of 
France,  with  the  young  Duke  de  Guise  as  King.*  Isabella  had 
just  ended  by  marrying  (1599)  the  Archduke  Albert  of  Austria 
(sometime  Cardinal  Archbishop  of  Toledo),!  bringing  him  as 
her  dowry  the  sovereignty  of  the  Low  Countries  and  Franche- 
Comte.  The  Duke  of  Savoy  held,  however,  that  the  latter 
province  ought  to  have  passed  to  his  own  wife.  Somewhat  in- 
disposed, then,  against  the  House  of  Austria  and  Spain,  he  was 
not  unwilling  to  draw  nearer  to  France,  and  there  had  been  a 
prospect  of  that  occurring  when  it  was  suggested  that  one  of 
his  daughtei-s  should  marry  Cesar  de  Vendome,  who,  following 
on  the  marriage  of  his  mother,  Gabrielle  d'Estrees,  with  King 
Henri,  would  have  become  Dauphin.  But  Gabrielle  was  dead, 
all  the  schemes  devised  for  an  arrangement  between  France 
and  Savoy  were  at  an  end,  and  the  demands  for  the  surrender 
of  the  Marquisate  of  Saluzzo  became  more  and  more  urgent. 

In  this  posture  of  affairs  Charles  Emmanuel  resolved  to 
attempt  personal  negotiations  with  Henri,  and  in  December, 
1599,  he  repaired  to  Fontainebleau  with  an  interminable 
baggage-train  which  comprised  many  costly  gifts  for  the  French 
monarch  and  the  members  of  his  Court,  besides  half  a  million 
crowns  in  cash.  On  his  way,  both  coming  and  going,  the 
Duke  passed  through  Burgundy,  where  Marshal  Biron  was 
governor.  At  Fontainebleau  he  found  Mme.  de  Vemeuil,  the 
royal  favourite.  And  both  she  and  Biron,  as  well  as  various 
others — her  brother,  the  Count  d'Auvergne,  and  MM.  de 
Soissons  and  de  Montpensier — had,  at  this  moment,  cause  for 
resentment  against  the  King. 

In  Henriette's  case  that  cause  was  her  lover's  projected 
marriage  with  Marie  de'  Medici,  to  which  the  Duke  of  Savoy, 
on  his  side,  was  also  opposed ;  perhaps  because  he  foresaw  that 
the  bride's  dowry  would  be  employed  as  the  sinews  of  war 
against  himself.      Biron,  for  his  part,  was  resentful  because, 

*  See  p.  134,  ante. 

t  Se«  the  Aooount  of  the  siege  of  Amiens,  pp.  164, 167, 168,  ante. 


IX  HENRIETTE  D^ENTRAGUES  225 

owing  to  the  untimely  death  of  Gabrielle  d'Estrees,  he  had 
never  obtained  the  counties  of  Perigord  and  Bigorre  or  a 
formal  undertaking  of  the  reversion  of  the  post  of  Constable  of 
France  on  Montmorency''s  death  :  all  things  which  were  to  have 
been  allotted  to  him  had  Gabrielle  become  Queen. 

To  Henriette  the  Duke  of  Savoy  offered  his  good  offices, 
both  in  regard  to  throwing  obstacles  in  the  way  of  the  Medici 
marriage  and  in  regard  to  compelling  Henri  to  keep  the 
promise  of  marriage  given  at  Bois-Malesherbes.  To  Biron  he 
offered  a  rank  equal  to  his  own,  that  is,  the  sovereignty  of  the 
Duchy  of  Burgundy,  which  the  King  of  Spain  was  to  guarantee. 
In  addition,  Charles  Emmanuel  was  willing  to  give  the  Marshal 
one  of  his  daughters  in  marriage  with  a  splendid  dowry.  The 
negotiations  with  Biron  were  carried  on  by  one  of  the  Dukes's 
agents,  an  intriguer  named  La  Fin.  Among  other  influential 
French  nobles  handsome  presents  and  large  sums  of  money 
were  distributed  with  a  lavish  hand,  in  the  hope  of  thereby 
gaining  their  support  and  stirring  up  civil  war  in  France,  for 
the  Duke  had  speedily  discovered  that  Henri  would  only  consent 
to  let  him  retain  the  Marquisate  of  Saluzzo  on  condition  that 
he  should  hand  over  the  county  of  Bresse,  the  Alpine  valley  of 
Barcelonnette,  and  Pignerol,  Perosa  and  the  Stura  valley  beyond 
the  mountains.  When  Charles  Emmanuel  left  France,  in  March, 
1600,  there  was  an  understanding  that  he  would  take  one  or  the 
other  of  those  courses  within  a  period  of  three  months. 

Meantime  he  had  done  nothing  to  prevent  the  marriage  of 
Henri  and  Marie  de'  Medici.  Brulart  de  Sillery  and  his  son 
Alincourt  were  despatched  to  Florence  to  sign  the  contract  and 
make  all  other  preliminary  arrangements,  while,  day  by  day, 
Henriette  d'Entragues  became  more  and  more  peevish  and  resent- 
ful. It  is  probable  that  the  King  asked  her  more  than  once  to 
return  his  marriage  promise,  and  that  she  refused  or  evaded 
his  requests.  At  all  events,  he  lost  patience,  and  on  April  21, 
1600,  we  find  him  writing  both  to  Henriette  and  to  her  father, 
on  the  subject : 

"  MaDEiMOISELLE, 

"The  love,  honour  and  benefits  you  have  received 
from  me  would  have  checked  the  most  frivolous  of  souls  had 


226     FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE        ix 

it  not  been  accompanied  by  such  a  bad  nature  as  yours.  I 
will  not  scold  you  further  although  I  could  and  ought  to  do 
so,  as  you  know.  I  beg  you  to  send  me  back  the  promise  you 
know  of,  and  not  to  give  me  the  trouble  of  recovering  it  by 
other  means.  Send  me  back  also  the  ring  which  I  returned 
you  the  other  day.  Such  is  the  subject  of  this  letter,  to  which 
I  require  an  answer  by  to-night. 

"  Friday  morning,  21  April,  1600,  at  Fontainebleau. 

"  Henry." 

Monsieur  d'Entragues, 

"I  send  you  the  bearer  to  bring  me  back  the 
promise  which  I  gave  you  at  Malesherbes.  Do  not  fail,  I 
beg  you,  to  send  it  back  to  me,  and  if  you  wish  to  bring  it 
me  yourself,  I  will  tell  you  what  reasons  induce  me  to  this, 
which  are  domestic  and  not  state  ones.  On  hearing  them  you 
will  say  that  I  am  right  and  recognize  that  you  have  been 
mistaken  [or  deceived]  *  and  that  I  have  rather  too  good  a 
nature  than  otherwise.  Feeling  sure  that  you  will  obey  my 
command,  I  finish  by  assuring  you  that  I  am  your  good  master, 

"  Henry. 

"  This  Friday  morning,  21  April,  1600,  at  Fontainebleau." 

The  result  of  those  letters  is  not  exactly  known.  A  long 
undated  epistle  from  Henriette  to  the  King  is  thought  by  some 
writers  to  have  been  her  answer  to  the  note  which  we  have 
here  printed,  but  like  Dreux  du  Radier,  Musset-Pathay  and 
Lescure,  we  believe  that  it  was  wiitten  a  few  months  later  and 
under  different  circumstances.  All  one  can  say  for  certain  is 
that  the  King's  demand  for  the  return  of  his  marriage  promise 
was  not  complied  with,  either  by  Henriette  or  by  her  father; 
and  that,  nevertheless,  no  open  breach  between  the  favourite 
and  the  King  ensued,  although  four  days  after  the  writing  of 
the  letters  we  have  reproduced  the  Tuscan  marriage  contract 
was  signed  at  Florence,  it  being  decided,  however,  that  Marie 
de*"  Medici  should  not  come  to  France  until  the  month  of 
September,  after  the  celebration  of  a  marriage  by  proxy  in  the 
Tuscan  capital.  If  that  delay  was  specified  it  was  not  in  any 
*  Tbo  French  is  tromp^,  which  lends  itself  to  either  interpretation. 


IX  HENRIETTE  D'ENTRAGUES  227 

degree  by  reason  of  consideration  for  the  Marchioness  de 
Verneuil,  but  on  account,  principally,  of  the  King's  designs  with 
respect  to  Savoy,  for  he  and  his  ministers  well  realized  that 
Charles  Emmanuel,  in  requiring  three  months  to  decide  what 
territory  he  would  surrender  to  France,  had  merely  sought  to 
gain  time  in  order  to  devise  a  means  whereby  he  might  sur- 
render nothing  at  all.  Thus,  preparations  were  made  for 
hostilities,  and  directly  the  delay  accorded  to  the  Duke  of  Savoy 
had  expired  the  King  set  out  for  another  campaign. 

It  is  certain  that  Henriette  still  had  much  influence  with 
her  lover,  for  he  wished  to  take  her  with  him,  but  she  was  now 
in  very  delicate  health,  and  some  writers  hold  that,  remembering 
a  particular  part  of  the  promise  of  marriage  given  her  by  the 
King,  she  herself  was  unwilling  to  incur  the  fatigues  and  risks 
of  a  long  journey.  According  to  Sully,  the  occasion  of  Henri's 
departure  without  her  prompted  "  folk  of  a  certain  calling  " 
to  write  "  the  song  " — 

•'  Cruelle  d6partie, 
Malheureuz  jour." 

But  that,  assuredly,  is  another  of  Sully's  many  mistakes,  the 
above  lines  being  merely  a  part  of  the  refrain  of  the  famous 
song  celebrating  Gabrielle  d'Estrees. 

It  came  to  pass  that  the  very  misfortune  which  Henriette 
had  feared  might  supervene  if  she  ventured  on  a  long  and 
trying  journey,  fell  upon  her,  in  the  most  unexpected  manner, 
almost  as  soon  as  the  King  had  gone  southward.  She  had 
repaired  to  Fontainebleau,  in  order  that  she  might  be  the 
better  able  to  communicate  with  her  lover  by  means  of  the 
couriers  who  followed  the  high  roads  to  Dauphine  and  Savoy, 
and  on  July  2  a  teiTific  thunderstorm  burst  upon  the  palace 
beautified  by  Francis  I,  the  lightning  striking  it  and  "  bringing 
down  and  spoiling  all  the  ciphers  of  King  Henri  and  Madame 
the  late  Duchess  [Gabrielle]  in  one  of  the  galleries."  So  great 
was  the  shock  experienced  by  the  terrified  Marchioness  de 
Verneuil,  that  a  premature  accouchement  supervened,  and  she 
gave  birth  to  a  dead  child,  a  boy.  The  calamity  overwhelmed 
her.  Not  only  was  her  physical  health  most  sorely  tried,  but 
she  was  reduced  to  the  lowest  depths  of  despair,  for  she  still 


228     FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE        ix 

and  ever  remembered  her  marriage  promise,  and  felt  that  if 
that  child  had  lived  he  might  have  made  her  Queen  of  France. 

It  is,  at  least,  very  remarkable  that  a  misfortune  of  this 
description  should  have  successively  overtaken  both  Gabrielle 
d'Estrees  and  Henriette  d'Entragues.  While  one  succumbed, 
however,  the  other  recovered,  thanks  to  her  strong  constitution. 

Meantime,  Henri,  with  Marshals  Lesdiguicres  and  Biron, 
was  invading  the  territory  of  the  Duke  of  Savoy,  rapidly  over- 
running the  county  of  Bresse,*  where  the  citadel  of  Bourg 
(besieged  by  Biron)  alone  offered  a  stout  resistance.  Com- 
munications between  the  King  and  Mme.  de  Verneuil  may  well 
have  been  occasionally  delayed,  and  it  was  at  this  time,  we 
think,  that  Henriette,  in  some  acute  fit  of  despondency,  fearing 
that,  her  child  being  dead,  the  King  might  altogether  forsake 
her,  addressed  him  the  long,  undated  letter  to  which  we 
previously  referred,  t 

«  Sire, 

"  I  am  reduced  to  the  misfortune  which  a  great  hero 
always  caused  me  to  fear.  It  is  necessary  for  me  to  confess, 
however,  that  I  owed  that  fear  to  my  knowledge  of  myself, 
since  the  great  difference  between  my  station  and  yours  con- 
stantly threatened  me  with  the  change  which  has  now  precipi- 
tated me  from  the  heaven  to  which  you  had  raised  me  down 
to  the  earth  where  I  was  found  by  you. 

"This  does  not  mean,  Sire,  that  I  attribute  this  mortal  fall 
more  to  fortune  than  to  a  displeasure  which  has  nothing  in 
common  with  the  work  of  fate ;  for  my  happiness  depended 
more  on  you  than  on  the  power  of  destiny,  to  which  I  will  not 
ascribe  the  cause  of  my  grief,  since  it  pleases  you  that  this 
should  be  the  price  of  the  public  desires  of  France  for  your 
marriage ;  a  grief  which  I  am  constrained  to  confess,  not 
because  you  have  to  fulfil  the  desire  of  your  subjects,  but 
because  your  nuptials  will  be  the  funeral  of  my  life,  and  subject 
me  to  the  power  of  a  cruel  discretion  which  will  banish  me  from 
your  royal  presence,  even  as  from  your  heart.   So  that  I  may  not 

*  It  comprised  the  greater  part  of  the  present  department  of  the  Ain. 
t  It  does  not  figure  in  the  King's  collected  correspondence,  but  in  Dreuz 
da  Badier'd  time  it  was  preserved  at  the  Biblioth^que  Ste.  Qenevi^ve. 


IX  HENRIETTE  D'ENTRAGUES  229 

henceforth  know  merely  the  scornful  glances  of  those  who 
have  seen  me  in  your  good  graces,  I  prefer,  by  far,  to  suffer  in 
freedom  in  my  loneliness,  rather  than  breathe  with  fear  in  a 
great  assemblage.  That  is  a  disposition  which  your  generous 
heart  fostered  in  me,  and  a  courage  with  which  you  inspired 
me,  and  which,  as  you  have  never  taught  me  to  humiliate 
myself  in  misfortune  or  make  of  it  a  yoke,  does  not  allow  me 
to  return  to  my  former  condition. 

"  I  here  speak  to  you  but  in  sighs,  O  my  King,  my  lover,  my 
all  !  As  for  my  other  secret  lamentations,  your  Majesty  can 
divine  my  thoughts  since  you  know  my  soul  so  well.  .  .  .  Now, 
Sire,  in  my  inevitable  exile  there  remains  to  me  but  the  sole 
glory  of  having  been  loved  by  the  greatest  monarch  of  the 
earth,  by  a  King  who  was  willing  to  lower  himself  to  such  a 
degree  as  to  give  the  title  of  mistress  to  his  servant  and  subject ; 
by  a  King  of  France,  I  say,  who  only  recognizes  the  King  of 
Heaven,  and  who,  here  below,  has  none  equal  to  himself.  .  .  . 
If  it  be  a  familiar  practice  for  Kings  to  retain  a  recollection  of 
that  which  they  have  loved,  keep  in  remembrance.  Sire,  a 
damoyselle  who  was  yours,  and  (save  what  she  allowed  on  your 
sole  promise)  has  had  as  much  power  [control  ?]  over  her 
honour  as  your  Royal  Majesty  has  over  my  [her]  life.     Sire, 

"  From  your  humble  servant,  subject  creature,  and  (shall 
I  say  ?)  forgotten  lover, 

"  Henriette  de  Balsac." 

If,  as  is  surmised,  the  above  letter  was  written  in  the  summer 
of  1600,  it  seems  to  indicate  that  Henriette,  confronted  both  by 
her  child^s  death  and  by  all  that  had  been  done  already  in  the 
matter  of  Henri*'s  marriage  to  Marie  de'  Medici,  clung  to  the 
idea  of  at  least  remaining  his  mistress  if  she  could  not  become 
his  wife.  The  King  certainly  missed  her,  and  endeavoured  to 
dry  her  tears  by  repeated  protestations  of  his  love,  and  all  sorts 
of  promises,  saying,  for  instance,  that  if  he  could  not  possibly 
escape  from  the  political  marriage  arranged  for  him,  he  would 
procure  her  a  high  position  by  marrying  her  to  a  Prince  of  the 
blood  royal !  At  one  moment  he  even  went  so  far  as  to  suggest 
Charles  Gonzaga,  Duke  de  Nevers,  as  a  suitable  husband  for 
her,   but  that  nobleman   unkindly  forestalled   His   Majesty's 


230     FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE        ix 

gi-acious  intentions  by  marrying  Catherine  de  Lorraine,  daughter 
of  the  Duke  de  Mayenne. 

As  soon  as  Henriette  could  travel  the  King  wrote  to  her  to 
come  southward  and  join  him.  This  he  did  some  time  in 
August,  for  on  the  20th  of  that  month  we  find  him  instructing 
La  Varenne  to  accompany  Henriette  on  her  journey.  We 
reproduce  that  letter  (which  is  not  in  the  collected  correspon- 
dence) in  the  original  French,  in  order  that  the  reader  may  judge 
for  himself  how  the  King  often  wrote — that  is,  with  a  royal 
disregard  for  spelling,  grammar,  and  punctuation  : 

"  La  Varane  je  vous  fay  ce  mot  pour  vous  dyre  que  Dieu 
mercy  cete  vylle  cest  remyse  an  mon  obeyssance  no  come  suyes 
du  due  de  Savoye  mes  come  mes  suyes  quy  ne  veullent  plus 
vyvre  que  sous  ma  domynacyon  tant  yls  ce  sont  byen  trouves  de 
celles  de  mes  predecesseurs,  vous  acompaygneres  Me  la  marquyse 
de  Vemeuyle  et  vyendres  avec  elle  me  mandant  tous  les  jours  le 
lyeu  ou  elle  vyendra  coucher  et  de  ces  nouvelles  bon  soyr  je 
man  vays  myeus  dormyr  que  ie  nay  fet  depuys  que  ie  suys  ycy 
ce  dimanche  au  soyr  xxme  aut  aus  fausbours  de  Chambery. 

"  Henry."  * 

Thus  Henriette  went  southward,  and  on  reaching  Lyons 
made  as  triumphal  an  entry  into  that  city  as  Diana  of  Poitiers 
had  made  many  years  previously.  At  the  neighbouring  hourg 
of  Charbonnieres  she  had  found  a  royal  present  awaiting  her  : 
a  number  of  standards  taken  by  the  King's  forces  from  the 
enemy  and  sent  to  her,  no  doubt,  in  the  same  spirit  as  the 
banners  of  Coutras  had  long  ago  been  sent  to  Corisanda.  But 
Henriette  was  an  intelligent  woman,  and  though  she  certainly 

*  In  the  collection  of  the  Count  de  Bagneux.  Translation :— "  La  Varane, 
I  write  you  this  note  to  tell  you  that,  thank  God,  this  town  [Chambery]  has 
again  placed  itself  under  obodience  to  me,  not  as  subjects  to  the  Duke  of 
Savoy,  but  as  my  subjects,  who  wish  to  live  only  under  my  dominion,  so  well 
ofl  did  they  find  themselves  under  that  of  my  predecessors.  You  are  to 
accompany  Madame  the  Marchioness  de  Vernouil  and  come  with  her,  sending 
me  every  day  word  of  the  place  where  she  will  sleep  and  news  of  her.  Good 
night,  I  am  going  to  sleep  better  than  I  have  done  since  I  have  been  here. 
This  Sunday  evening,  twentieth  August,  in  the  faubourgs  of  Chambdry. 

"  Henbv." 


IX  HENRIETTE  D'ENTRAGUES  231 

carried  the  flags  into  Lyons,  she  immediately  afterwards  caused 
them  to  be  ceremoniously  presented,  as  on  the  King's  behalf, 
to  the  ancient  church  of  St.  Jean. 

It  was  at  La  Cote  St.  Andre,  on  the  road  to  Grenoble,  that 
she  and  Henri  eventually  met,  and  they  immediately  began  to 
quarrel,  not,  however,  on  account  of  the  approaching  royal 
marriage,  but  on  account,  we  are  told,  of  Mile,  de  la  Bourdaisi^re 
or  Mile,  de  la  Chastre.  It  is  generally  supposed  that  those  two 
demoiselles  had  merely  been  passing  flames  of  the  King's,  such 
as  Henriette  after  the  lapse  of  several  months  could  hardly 
have  felt  jealous  about ;  but  it  occurs  to  us  as  being  well  within 
the  bounds  of  possibility  that  one  of  those  young  persons  may 
have  accompanied  the  irrepressible  Henri  on  his  campaign. 
Inde  irae.  However,  the  King  and  the  favourite  were  reconciled, 
it  seems,  by  the  obliging  intervention  of  Bassompierre,  and 
thereupon  betook  themselves  to  Grenoble,  whence,  a  little  later, 
they  repaired  to  Chambery. 

In  that  latter  town  Henriette  entered — or  perhaps  it  is 
preferable  to  say,  from  the  standpoint  of  impartiality,  was 
inveigled — into  a  fresh  intrigue.  Although  the  cunning  little 
hunchback  Duke  of  Savoy  was  being  defeated  on  all  sides,  he 
still  hoped  to  save  himself  by  stirring  up  dissension  in  France ; 
and  thus  Mme.  de  Verneuil  was  approached  by  one  of  his  secret 
agents,  a  Capuchin  called  Father  Hilaire,  whose  real  name  was 
Alphonse  Travail.  This  individual's  scheme  was  to  deal  the 
French  monarch  a  severe  blow  by  raising  the  question  of  the 
promise  of  marriage  given  to  Henriette  in  such  a  way  as  to 
prevent  the  marriage  with  Marie  de'  Medici.  Briefly,  this  was 
a  renewal  of  the  negotiations  which  the  Duke  of  Savoy  had 
personally  attempted  at  the  time  of  his  stay  at  Fontainebleau ; 
and  Mme.  de  Verneuil  seems  to  have  lent  herself  to  them  readily 
enough.  The  Duke  was  to  pay  her  an  extremely  large  sum  of 
money,  and  Father  Hilaire  was  to  take  the  King's  marriage 
promise  to  Rome  and  lay  it  before  the  Pope. 

It  has  been  said  that  Henri  was  a  party  to  this  scheme,  and 
that  as  he  did  not  want  Marie  de'  Medici  herself,  but  only  her 
dowry,  it  would  have  pleased  him  if  his  marriage  with  the  latter 
had  been  invalidated.  Certain  it  is  that  Father  Hilaire  went 
to  Rome  provided  with  letters  from  the  King,  accrediting  him 


232     FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE        ix 

as  an  agent  there,  and  we  shall  presently  see  the  result  of  his 
negotiations.  But  either  Henri  was  deceived  respecting  the 
real  purpose  of  the  Capuchin's  journey,  or  else  he  embarked  in 
the  intrigue  simply  with  the  object  of  recovering  possession  of 
the  document  for  which  he  had  hitherto  repeatedly  but  vainly 
applied. 

Meantime,  in  spite  of  his  liaison  with  Henriette  he  was 
writing  numerous  love-letters  to  his  future  wife.  Marie  de"" 
Medici  was  at  that  time  twenty-seven  years  of  age.  "  She  is  a 
light  brown  beauty,''  wrote  the  Duchess  de  Bouillon  to  the 
Duchess  de  la  Tremoille  on  October  19,  1600,  "  she  has  rather 
thick  lips,  black  eyes,  a  large  forehead,  and  plenty  of  embonpoint. 
There  is  an  expression  of  great  gentleness  on  her  face,  but 
nothing  which  approaches  the  beauty  of  the  late  Duchess  de 
Beaufort."  Marie's  mother,  it  may  be  added,  had  been  the 
Archduchess  Joan  of  Austria,  and  from  her  she  had  inherited 
the  Hapsburg  lip  and  chin,  as  well  as  her  fair  hair  and  brilliant 
complexion,  while  from  her  father,  Francesco  de'  Medici — the 
lover  of  the  famous  Bianca  Capello — she  had  derived  her  intelli- 
gent brow  and  assured  glance,  as  well,  too,  as  her  tendency  to 
stoutness. 

Henri  knew  little  about  her  personal  appearance  save  what 
he  had  learnt  from  an  official  portrait  which  had  been  sent  to 
him  from  Florence,  and  which  may  have  been  as  deceptive  as 
the  one  of  Anne  of  Cleves  sent  many  years  previously  to  his 
English  namesake.  However,  two  of  his  envoys,  Alincourt  and 
Frontenac,  gave  him  good  accounts  of  the  Princess,  and  he 
expressed  himself  as  quite  satisfied.  In  fact  on  July  11,  at  the 
outset  of  the  Savoy  war,  and  only  a  few  days  after  Henriette's 
accident  at  Fontainebleau,  he  had  written  to  Marie  de'  Medici : 
"  Frontenac  has  pictured  you  to  me  in  such  a  manner  that  I 
don't  merely  love  you  as  a  husband  ought  to  love  his  wife,  but 
as  a  passionate  serviteur  should  love  his  mistress.  That  is  the 
title  I  shall  give  you  until  you  reach  Marseilles,  where  you  will 
change  it  for  a  more  honourable  one.  I  shall  not  allow  any 
opportunity  to  pass  without  writing  to  you,  and  assuring  you 
that  my  keenest  desire  is  to  see  you  and  have  you  near  me. 
Believe  it,  mistress  mine,  and  believe  that  every  month  will 
se^m  to  me  a  century.     I  received  a  letter  in  French  from  you 


IX  HENRIETTE  D^ENTRAGUES  233 

this  morning ;  if  you  wrote  it  without  help,  you  are  ah'eady  a 
great  mistress  of  the  language." 

On  July  24  he  again  writes  to  Marie,  advising  her  that  he 
is  sending  her  some  dolls  dressed  in  the  French  fashion,  and 
promising  to  provide  her  with  a  first-rate  tailor.  He  also  asks 
her  to  make  and  send  him  a  favour,  as  he  is  resolved  to  wear 
none  save  one  of  hers  during  the  war  in  which  he  has  embarked. 
He  tells  her,  too,  of  the  mineral  water  he  drinks  in  order  to 
keep  himself  in  good  health,  expresses  solicitude  for  her  health 
also,  and  concludes  with  the  hope  that  when  they  are  married 
they  will  have  offspring  "  that  will  make  our  friends  laugh  and 
our  enemies  weep." 

On  August  23 — that  is,  three  days  after  writing  to  La 
Varenne  to  bring  Mme.  de  Verneuil  to  him — the  King  informs 
his  Jiancee  that  he  is  sending  the  Duke  de  Bellegarde  to  Florence 
to  act  as  his  proxy  at  their  wedding ;  and  the  terms  in  which  he 
speaks  of  the  Duke  seem  to  indicate  that  he  has  quite  forgotten 
the  jealousy  which  possessed  him  in  the  early  days  of  his  passion 
for  Gabrielle  d''Estrees : 

"  My  beautiful  mistress,  I  am  sending  you  my  grand  equeny 
with  all  necessary  procurations  for  our  marriage.  He  the  more 
desired  to  make  this  journey  as  he  knows  that  he  could  never 
make  one  that  would  be  more  agreeable  to  me  or  more  useful  to 
the  welfare  of  my  kingdom  and  all  my  good  servants,  among 
whom,  in  addition  to  being  in  the  first  rank,  he  is  my  particular 
creature,  and  always  remains  near  me,  so  that  nothing  whatever 
is  hidden  from  him." 

Writing  again  on  the  morrow,  the  King  indulges  in  a  little 
characteristic  gasconading:  "I  thank  you,  my  beautiful  mistress, 
for  the  present  you  have  sent  me.  I  shall  fix  it  to  my  head- 
gear if  we  have  a  fight,  and  give  a  few  sword  thi-usts  for  love  of 
you.  I  think  you  would  willingly  exempt  me  from  giving  you 
that  proof  of  my  affection,  but  as  for  what  pertains  to  the  acts 
of  soldiers  I  do  not  ask  the  advice  of  women.""  Both  in  that 
letter  and  in  the  previous  one  Henri  begs  the  Princess  Marie  to 
expedite  her  coming,  and  on  September  3,  he  again  writes : 
"  Hasten  your  journey  as  much  as  you  can.  If  it  were  fitting 
for  one  to  say  that  one  is  in  love  with  one's  wife,  I  would  tell 
you  that  I  am  extremely  in  love  with  you.""    On  September  16 


234     FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE        ix 

he  writes  thanking  his  Jiancee  for  the  present  of  a  fine  horse  ;  on 
the  22nd  he  sends  her  another  love  letter,  and  on  the  30th  he 
addresses  her  for  the  first  time  as  "  My  wife,""  probably  because 
he  was  aware  that  by  the  time  she  received  this  letter  at 
Florence  the  wedding  would  have  taken  place.  It  was,  indeed, 
solemnized  on  October  5. 

Thus,  canonically  and  legally,  Henri  is  again  a  married  man. 
But  that  does  not  prevent  him  from  writing  billets  doux  to 
Henriette,  who  at  this  moment  is  at  Lyons.  On  October  1 1  he 
sends  her  two  letters,  one  beginning  mon  menon^  and  saying 
that  he  fears  he  will  not  see  her  before  Sunday,  and  that  the 
interval  will  seem  longer  to  him  than  to  her;  while  in  the 
other  letter  he  writes :  *'  My  dear  Heart, — Since  I  could  not  kiss 
you,  I  have  kissed  your  letter  a  thousand  times.  You  may  be 
sure  I  shall  have  much  to  say  to  you.  It  could  not  be  other- 
wise, as  we  are  so  well  together.  .  .  .  But  this  is  too  much  talk, 
wet  as  I  am.  Good  night,  heart,  heart  of  mine ;  I  kiss  and  kiss 
thee  again  a  million  times."  That  being  written,  however,  his 
Majesty  resumes  his  loving  correspondence  with  the  wife  whom 
he  has  not  yet  seen. 

In  December  the  Duke  of  Savoy,  being  virtually  stai-ved  out 
in  the  midst  of  his  mountains,  was  compelled  to  withdraw  into 
Piedmont,  and  Henri  thereupon  hastened  to  Lyons,  where 
INIarie  de""  Medici  had  now  arrived.  Before  pursuing  our  narrative 
of  the  King''s  domestic  affairs,  it  is  as  well  to  mention  that  early 
in  the  following  year  Cardinal  Aldobrandini  offered  the  mediation 
of  the  Pope  between  France  and  Savoy,  and  peace  was  at  last 
restored  by  Charles  Emmanuel  surrendering  to  France  the  whole 
tract  of  territory  lying  between  the  southern  Jura,  the  Rhone, 
and  the  Saone  (otherwise  the  department  of  the  Ain),  as  well 
as  Chateau  Dauphin  in  Dauphine.  In  the  course  of  the 
negotiati(ms  there  was  some  leakage  respecting  the  Duke  of 
Savoy''s  intrigues  with  various  French  nobles ;  and  Biron,  who 
was  the  most  compromised  of  all,  found  it  necessary  to  make 
some  confession  of  the  manner  in  which  he  had  been  tempted, 
and  to  cast  himself  on  the  King's  mercy.  Henri  generously 
pardoned  him,  without  even  dismissing  him  from  his  service,  for 
he  afterwards  sent  him  as  ambassador  to  England  and  Switzer- 
land ;  but  Biron,  unfortunately,  was  not  a  man  of  honour,  for, 


IX  HENRIETTE  D^ENTRAGUES  235 

as  we  shall  presently  see,  he  became  involved  in  another 
conspiracy  which  cost  him  his  life.  At  the  period  with  which 
we  are  dealing  the  King  himself  does  not  seem  to  have  suspected 
that  not  only  had  a  man  whom  he  had  loaded  with  benefits 
contemplated  treachery  towards  him,  but  that  his  mistress, 
Mme.  de  Verneuil,  had  also  been  involved  in  the  intrigue. 
That  discovery  was  only  made  at  the  time  when  she,  like  Biron, 
again  ventured  to  conspire.         ' 

Let  us  now  return  to  Henri  when  he  hurries  to  Lyons  to 
meet  his  wife.  He  reached  the  city  gates  at  a  rather  late  hour 
on  the  evening  of  Saturday,  December  9.  The  gates  were 
closed,  it  was  freezing  hard,  and  an  hour  elapsed,  says  Michelet, 
before  the  King  could  gain  admittance.  Repairing  at  once  to 
Marie  de'  Medici's  residence,  "  and  being  directed  to  the  room 
where  she  sat  at  supper,  he  there  watched  her,  concealing 
himself  behind  M.  de  Bellegarde,  nor  would  he  disclose  his 
presence  until  Marie  had  retired  to  her  chamber.  Having 
knocked  at  the  door  of  this,  Henri  made  himself  known  to  his 
wife,  overwhelmed  her  with  caresses,  and  even  embraced  her 
companion,  Leonora  Galigai,  a  la  frangaise.  That  done,  how- 
ever, he  declared  that  there  was  for  him  neither  chamber  nor- 
bed  in  the  Queen's  residence,  of  which  she  signified  her  under- 
standing." *  On  the  morrow,  the  nuptial  ceremony,  previously 
performed  by  proxy  at  Florence,  was  repeated,  Aldobrandini, 
the  Cardinal-Legate,  officiating. 

The  honeymoon  was  spent  at  Lyons  and  lasted  for  rather 
more  than  a  month,  during  which  time,  moreover,  the  King 
occupied  himself  with  various  affairs  of  State,  notably  the 
position  with  regard  to  Savoy.  He  appeared  to  be  very  well 
satisfied  with  his  wife,  whom  he  continually  praised  to  his 
courtiers,  but  no  sooner  had  she  set  out  on  a  slow  state  progress 
towards  Paris  than  he  rode  post  haste  to  Fontainebleau,  where 
he  arrived  on  January  21,  and  immediately  cast  himself  into 
the  arms  of  Mme.  de  Verneuil,  who  was  there  awaiting  him. 

When,  on  the  evening  of  February  9,  the  new  Queen  at  last 
reached   Paris,  she  found   the  Louvre  so  dingy  and   so  ill- 
furnished — little,  if  anything,  having  been  renewed  there  for  a 
score   of  years   previously — that  she  felt  she  could   not    be 
*  BatiHol's  Marie  de  Midids. 


236     FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE        ix 

comfortable  in  such  a  place  (accustomed  as  she  was  to  Florentine 
elegances  and  luxuries),  until  a  good  deal  of  work  had  been 
executed.  Accordingly  she  installed  herself  in  the  first  instance 
at  the  mansion  of  Cardinal  de  Gondi,  then  the  finest  private 
residence  in  Paris,  and  it  was  there  that  those  Princes  and 
Princesses,  nobles  and  other  high  personages,  who  had  not 
waited  upon  her  at  Lyons,  came  to  pay  her  their  respects.  She 
was  well  aware  that  her  husband  had  a  mistress,  but  she 
scarcely  expected  that  the  Marchioness  de  Verneuil  would  be 
presented  to  her  and  become  a  more  or  less  frequent  attendant 
at  Court.  It  was,  however,  the  King's  intention  that  this 
should  happen,  though  he  was  not  prepared  to  carry  matters  so 
far  as  they  were  afterwards  carried  by  our  Charles  II,  who 
compelled  Catherine  of  Braganza  to  accept  Lady  Castlemaine 
as  a  Lady  of  her  Bedchamber. 

Looking  about  him  for  a  suitable  gramle  dame  who  might 
be  willing  to  undertake  the  duty  of  presenting  his  mistress  to 
his  wife,  Henri  first  thought  of  Diane,  Duchess  d'Angouleme,* 
an  illegitimate  daughter  of  his  predecessor,  Henri  II,  and  that 
lady,  not  daring  to  refuse  compliance,  was  momentarily  at  a 
loss  as  to  how  she  might  avoid  the  performance  of  what  she 
regarded  as  a  very  unpleasant  duty.  She  finally  adopted  the 
only  possible  device,  which  was  to  feign  illness  and  take  to  her 
bed.  Henri  then  bethought  him  of  the  Duchess  de  Nemours,t 
whose  grandson,  the  Prince  de  Joinville,  he  had  pardoned  for  his 
murderous  attack  on  the  Duke  de  Bellegarde  ;  and  Mme.  de 
Nemours  felt  constrained    to   obey   his  Majesty,   though   by 

*  Diane  de  Prance,  Duchess  d'Angoul6mc  and  de  Ch&telherault,  Countess 
de  Ponthieu  and  du  Limousin,  was  born  in  1538  in  Northern  Italy,  her  mother 
being  a  Piedmontese.  Very  accomplished,  knowing  Latin  and  Spanish  as 
well  as  Italian  and  French,  and  proficient  as  a  musician,  she  also  played  an 
important  part  in  public  affairs  during  the  religious  wars.  She  died  in 
January,  1619,  after  seeing  seven  Kings  on  the  French  throne. 

t  This  Madame  de  Nemours,  previously  mentioned  on  p.  217,  was  none 
other  than  Anno  of  Este,  daughter  of  Ercole  II,  Duke  of  Ferrara,  and  wife,  in 
the  first  instance,  of  Fran9ois,  Duke  de  Guise,  by  whom  she  became  the 
mother  of  Henri  le  Balafrc,  the  Duke  do  Mayenne  and  Cardinal  Louis  do 
Lorraine.  Left  a  widow  in  1563,  she  was  married  three  years  later  to  Jacques, 
Duke  de  Nemours,  of  the  House  of  Savoy.  The  Nemours  who  defended  Paris 
against  Henri  de  Navarro  in  1590  was  her  son  by  that  second  union.  Born  in 
1531,  she  died  in  1G07. 


IX  HENRIETTE  D^ENTRAGUES  237 

doing  so  she  gained  the  enmity  of  Marie  de""  Medici  for  the 
remainder  of  her  days.  Accompanied,  then,  by  this  Princess 
of  the  House  of  Lorraine,  Henriette  presented  herself  at  the 
Hotel  de  Gondi. 

"  May  I  have  the  honour  of  presenting  to  your  Majesty,  the 
Marchioness  de  Vemeuil,""  said  Mme.  de  Nemours,  as,  making 
an  obeissaiice,  she  drew  near  to  Marie  de'  Medici,  by  the  side 
of  whom  the  King  was  standing. 

He  turned  towards  his  wife  :  "  Mademoiselle  is  my  mistress,*" 
he  said  to  her ;  "  she  will  be  your  most  obedient  and  submissive 
servant." 

The  Queen — all  this  is  taken  from  one  of  the  despatches  of 
Contarini,  the  Venetian  Ambassador — remained  silent  and  im- 
passive, whilst  Madame  de  Verneuil  prepared  to  bow.  But  the 
King  placed  his  hand  upon  her  head  and  compelled  her  to 
kneel  and  touch  with  her  lips  the  hem  of  the  Queen's  robe.* 

As  the  favourite  rose  again  a  flash  of  resentment  darted 
from  her  eyes.  It  is  doubtful  whether  she  ever  forgave  the 
affront  to  which  she  had  been  subjected  in  presence  of  the 
whole  Court.  For  nine  years  she  helped  to  turn  the  domestic 
life  of  Henri  and  his  consort  into  a  veritable  hell  upon  earth. 

*  Biblioth^ue  Nationale :  Dipiches  vinitiennes,  filza  42.  In  some  other 
accounts  the  King's  first  words  are  given  as:  "Mademoiselle  has  been  my 
mistress  " — which  version  certainly  seems  the  more  probable  one. 


X 

HENRIETTE    d'eNTRAGUES 

II.  Ambition  axd  Fall 

Henridtte  and  Leonora  Galigai — Concini — ^Birth  of  the  Dauphin  and  of  Gaston 
Henri  de  Verneuil — The  King  and  his  Children — Father  Hilaire's  Intrigues 
at  Borne — Henriotte's  Impunity — The  Joinville  Letters  and  Mme.  de 
Villars — Henriette's  High  Favour — The  Ballet  of  the  Virtues — Fall  and 
Execution  of  Marshal  Biron — Pardon  of  Auvergne — Accouchements  of  the 
Queen  and  Henriette — Gabrlelle  Ang61ique  de  Verneuil — Domestic  Broils 
at  the  Louvre — Henri,  falling  ill,  promises  Amendment— Henriette  to  be 
the  Queen's  Sister — Count  de  Soissons'  Export  Tax — Rupture  between 
the  King  and  Henriette— She  demands  a  Place  of  Safety— Sully's  Nego- 
tiations with  Henriette  and  with  the  Queen — The  Entragues'  Conspiracy — 
The  King  recovers  his  Promise  of  Marriage — His  Liaison  with  Jacqueline 
de  Bueil — Pardon  of  Entragues  and  Henriette — Return  of  Queen  Mar- 
guerite to  Paris — Plotting  of  Bouillon  and  others — Henri  seizes  Sedan — 
He  is  reconciled  to  Henriette — His  Affair  with  Mile,  des  Essars — 
Renewed  Rupture  with  Henriette. 

Henriette  d''Entragues  was,  as  we  have  already  indicated,  a 
shrewd  woman.  Having  been  humiliated  at  her  presentation 
to  Marie  de"*  Medici,  and  fearing,  perhaps,  lest  worse  should  be 
in  store  for  her,  she  felt  it  necessary  to  secure  powerful  support 
among  those  who  were  attached  to  the  Queen's  person.  Marie 
had  arrived  in  France  accompanied  by  a  certain  Leonora  Galigai, 
who  had  been  her  playmate  in  childhood  and  had  remained 
beside  her  ever  since.  Lean  and  ugly,  inclined  to  hysteria,  this 
young  person,  the  Queen's  junior  by  a  few  years,  exercised 
great  influence  with  her.  Her  origin  was  obscure,  but  she  was 
said  to  have  been  the  daughter  of  a  cabinet-maker  and  a  fallen 
woman,  though,  according  to  her  own  account,  her  father, 
whom  she  admitted  she  had  never  seen,  was  a  Florentine 
gentleman,  her  mother  being  a  certain  Caterina  Dori.  Leonora 
had  become  the  playmate  of  Marie  de'  Medici  owing  to  the 


X  HENRIETTE  D^ENTRAGUES  239 

circumstance  that  the  latter  had  found  hei*self  entirely  isolated 
after  her  mother's  death,  her  only  surviving  sister  having 
manned  the  Duke  of  Mantua.  Another  sister,  and  a  brother 
also,  had  died  some  time  previously. 

Now,  Henriette  d'Entragues  and  Leonora  Galigai  were 
kindred  souls,  scheming  and  ambitious  women ;  and  each  being 
in  need  of  the  other,  they  speedily  came  together  and  concluded 
an  alliance.  It  was  Leonora's  ambition  to  become  the  Queen's 
Mistress  of  the  Robes,  a  post  which  Henri  was  unwilling  to 
give  her,  desiring  to  appoint  a  French  lady  in  her  stead.  In 
fact,  he  selected  both  Mme.  de  Richelieu  and  Mme.  de  Tlsle  for 
the  office,  but  his  wife  would  accept  neither  of  them,  it  being 
her  wish,  indeed,  that  Leonora  should  have  this  particular 
appointment.  One  of  the  chief  objections  raised  to  it  by  the 
King  was  that  only  ladies  of  noble  birth  were  allowed  to  ride 
in  the  Queen's  coach,  and  it  was  then  that  Belisario  Vinta,  the 
Tuscan  Secretary  of  State,  declared  that  Leonora  was  cittadina, 
otherwise  of  good  burgher  birth,  which  at  Florence  was 
equivalent  to  noble  rank. 

Nevertheless,  this  Italian  adventuress,  for  such  she  was, 
would  have  failed  to  secure  the  post  she  coveted  had  it  not 
been  for  the  influence  of  the  King's  favourite,  Henriette 
d'Entragues.  It  is  somewhat  uncertain  which  of  the  two 
initiated  the  compact  which  was  soon  concluded.  But  each 
was  in  a  difficulty.  Henriette  realized  that  the  Queen  was 
incensed  with  her  and  would  do  all  she  could  to  induce  the 
King  to  cast  her  off*;  while  Leonora,  on  her  side,  was  threatened 
with  nothing  less  than  expulsion  from  France,  that  being  the 
King's  plan  for  getting  rid  of  his  wife's  ugly  favourite,  who  had 
already  become  unpopular  with  the  French  noblesse. 

It  should  now  be  mentioned  that  another  noteworthy  person 
had  come  from  Florence  in  the  Queen's  train.  This  was  a 
certain  Concino  Concini,  who,  according  to  the  legends,  was  the 
son  of  a  draper  or  a  carpenter,  though  in  reality  his  grand- 
father had  been  the  Florentine  envoy  at  the  Court  of  the 
Emperor  Maximilian  II,  while  his  father  had  occupied  one  of 
the  chief  ministerial  posts  in  Tuscany.*     Vinta,  the  Secretary 

*  Full  details  on  the  subject  of  Concini's  origin  will  be  found  in  M. 
BatifEol's  work  on  Marie  de'  Medici. 


240     FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE         x 

of  State,  was  his  uncle  on  the  maternal  side,  and  it  was  he  who 
procured  for  Concini  a  post  in  Marie  de'  Medici's  train,  less, 
however,  to  further  the  interests  than  to  get  rid  of  the  young 
man  who,  after  failing  egregiously  in  his  studies  at  the  Uni- 
versity of  Pisa,  had  soon  dissipated  the  paternal  fortune  and 
made  himself  so  notorious  by  a  variety  of  vices  that  Florentine 
society  had  shut  its  doors  in  his  face. 

If,  however,  Concini  was  poor,  ill-educated,  and  effeminately 
dissolute,  he  was  also  intelligent,  greedy,  and  unscrupulous.  He 
was  of  a  nervous  disposition,  and  the  worries  of  his  after  life 
rendered  him  exceedingly  irritable  and  excitable,  but  at  the 
time  of  his  coming  to  France,  he  showed  himself  an  easy  com- 
panion, with  a  light,  airy  way  which  would  have  been  perfect  but 
for  a  predisposition  to  boastfulness.  Moreover,  Concini  was 
then  very  good  looking,  says  M.  BatifTol,  "  with  a  full,  high 
forehead,  an  aquiline  nose,  a  slight  moustache  curled  elegantly 
upward,  large  eyes,  arched  brows  and  a  regular  mouth."  Bent 
on  making  his  way — he  must  be  classed,  as  M.  Batiffol  says,  in 
the  category  of  the  great  adventurers — he  had  already  en- 
deavoured to  ingratiate  himself  with  both  Marie  de"*  Medici  and 
her  companion,  Leonora,  before  their  departure  from  Florence. 
The  latter  was  dazzled  by  the  attentions  of  so  fine  a  gentleman, 
and  speedily  lost  her  heart  to  him.  She  was,  no  doubt,  a  very 
ugly  creature,  but  her  position  as  the  conjidante  of  the  new 
Queen  of  France  made  her  a  very  desirable  partie  for  such  a 
man  as  Concini.  He  therefore  made  love  to  her  on  the  journey 
to  Paris,  and  by  the  time  they  reached  Avignon  they  had 
plighted  their  troth.  The  Queen,  however,  hesitated  to 
authorize  their  marriage,  and  for  a  time  their  relations  assumed 
a  very  equivocal  character,  which  caused  no  little  scandal 
among  the  royal  party.  In  fact,  after  the  arrival  of  Marie 
do'  Medici  in  Paris,  the  King  lost  his  temper  in  consequence 
of  all  the  tittle-tattle,  and  curtly  informed  Leonora  that  he 
would  give  her  a  little  money,  have  her  married  to  Concini,  and 
then  pack  them  both  out  of  the  country.  In  this  emergency, 
Leonora  took  council  with  her  lover,  and  this  led  up  to  a  bargain 
being  struck  with  the  royal  favourite,  Mme.  de  Verneuil. 

Leonora,  on  her  side,  undertook  to  prevent  the  Queen  froin 
insisting  on  Henriette's  dismissal,  and  to  serve  the  favourite's 


X  HENRIETTE  D'ENTRAGUES  241 

interests  generally  as  far  as  might  be  in  her  power;  while 
Henriette,  for  her  part,  covenanted  not  only  to  prevent  the 
expulsion  of  Leonora  and  her  lover,  but  to  prevail  on  the  King 
to  sanction  their  marriage  and  residence  in  France  and  bestow 
on  Leonora  that  appointment  as  Mistress  of  the  Robes  of  which 
he  had  hitherto  held  her  to  be  quite  unworthy.  This  unholy 
alliance  was  carried  into  effect  and  proved  perfectly  successful, 
or  at  least  Leonora  secured  the  husband  and  the  post  she 
coveted,  while  the  Queen's  animosity  towards  Henriette  was  for 
a  time  kept  in  check.  Henri  unreservedly  lent  himself  to  this 
intrigue,  which  enabled  him  to  reconcile  duty  with  desire,  that 
is  to  keep  both  his  wife  and  his  mistress.  So  well,  apparently, 
did  the  arrangement  satisfy  him  that  he  gave  Leonora  twenty 
thousand  crowns  on  the  occasion  of  her  man'iage,  and  even 
spoke  of  appointing  Concini  as  a  Gentleman  of  the  Chamber. 
Thus  began  the  astonishing  rise  of  that  unscrupulous  pair,  who 
like  a  couple  of  vampires  gradually  fastened  themselves  upon 
France.  Their  career  reached  its  apogee  after  the  death  of 
Henri  de  Navarre,  when  Marie  de'  Medici  created  Concini 
Marquis  d'Ancre  and  Marshal  of  France.  But  Nemesis  was 
watching,  and  in  1617  there  came  his  assassination  as  he  was 
leaving  the  Louvre,  followed  by  the  burning  of  the  predatory 
Leonora  as  a  "  sorceress,"  on  the  Place  de  Greve.*  Henriette, 
but  for  whom  they  would,  in  all  probability,  have  been  expelled 
from  France  before  embarking  on  their  career  of  plunder  and 
infamy,  survived  them  by  many  years. 

But  let  us  return  to  the  modiis  vivendi  which  resulted  from 
the  alliance  of  Leonora  and  the  favourite.  When  Marie  de' 
Medici  at  last  installed  hei-self  at  the  Louvre,  the  King  provided 
his  mistress  with  a  house  in  front  of  the  palace,  greatly  to  his 
wife's  annoyance  and  the  scandal  of  a  good  many  courtiers. 
Early  in  the  autumn  of  1601  both  consort  and  favourite  left 
the  capital,  the  former  repairing  to  Fontainebleau  and  the 
latter  to  her  estate  of  Vemeuil.  It  was  at  Fontainebleau  on 
September  27  that  the  Queen  gave  birth  to  her  first  child,  the 

*  When  she  was  asked  at  her  trial  by  means  of  what  charm  she  hawJ  gained 
such  ascendancy  over  the  mind  of  Marie  de'  Medici  she  is  said  to  have 
answered,  truthfully  if  sarcastically :  "  By  the  charm  of  a  strong  mind  over  a 
weak  one."  Batiffol  states,  however,  that  this  remark  was  really  made  by 
her  secretary,  Andreas  de  Lizza,  Abbot  of  Livry. 

B 


242   FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE    x 

Dauphin,  subsequently  Louis  XIII ;  and  exactly  a  month  later 
(October  27)  Henriette  also  gave  birth  to  a  son,  who  received 
the  Christian  names  of  Gaston  Henri.*  If  the  favourite  was 
well  pleased  the  Queen  was  naturally  highly  indignant.  As  for 
the  King  he  evinced  huge  delight  at  the  birth  of  these  two 
children,  and  it  is  quite  certain  that  however  fickle  Henri 
might  be  in  his  relations  with  women  he  possessed  a  well- 
developed  bump  of  paternity.  Nine  days  after  the  Queen's 
accoiLchanent  we  find  him  writing  to  his  mistress  : 

*'My  DEAR  Heart, 

"My  wife  is  going  on  well  and  my  son  also, 
praise  God.  He  has  grown  and  filled  out  so  much  that  he 
has  become  half  as  big  again  during  the  five  days  I  did  not 
see  him.  For  my  part  I  have  slept  remarkably  well  and  am 
free  from  all  pain  save  that  of  being  absent  from  you,  which 
though  a  grief  to  me  is  moderated  by  the  hope  of  soon  seeing 
you  again.  Good  morrow,  mes  chores  amours,  always  love  your 
meiion,  who  kisses  your  hands  and  lips  a  million  times.'* 

The  King  was  very  anxious  to  be  with  Henriette  at  the 
time  of  her  accouchement ,  and  seeking  for  an  excuse  to  quit  the 
Queen,  he  availed  himself  of  some  little  trouble  which  had 
arisen  with  the  Court  of  Spain  to  make  a  journey  to  Calais, 
on  the  pretext  that  the  Spanish  troops  in  Flanders  might  make 
a  raid  on  northern  France.  It  appears  that  Queen  Elizabeth 
was  then  at  Dover,  and  it  was  suggested  that  the  French 
monarch  should  cross  the  Channel  to  see  her.  But  for  some 
reason  or  other,  perhaps  because  even  Kings  are  not  exempt 
from  sea-sickness,  Henri  was  unwilling  to  make  the  trip,  and 
sent  as  his  ambassador  the  seemingly  repentant  Biron.f     That 

*  Ue  was  appointed  Bishop  of  Metz  and  Abbot  of  St.  Germain  des  Prds  in 
1608  when,  of  course,  ho  was  only  seven  years  old.  In  1632,  however,  bo 
renounced  bis  bishopric  and  his  orders.  Thirty  years  later  he  was  created  a 
Duke  and  Peer  of  France,  and  in  1665  was  sent  on  a  mission  to  Charles  II  of 
England.  He  married  Charlotte  Siguier,  daughter  of  the  famous  Chancellor, 
and  widow  of  Sully's  dissipated  son,  and  survived  imtil  May,  1688.  Having 
been  "  legitimated  "  by  Henri  IV  the  Court  of  Louis  XIV  went  into  mourning 
on  hit  daath,and  the  same  compliment  was  paid  to  his  widow's  memory  when 
ihe  psMed  away  in  1704.    See  also  Appendix  B. 

t  See  p.  234,  ante. 


X  HENRIETTE  D'ENTRAGUES  248 

done,  he  was  able  to  cut  across  country  to  Vemeuil  where, 
according  to  L'Estoille,  he  arrived  on  the  day  before  the  birth 
of  his  illegitimate  son.  "And  the  King,"  says  the  same 
chronicler,  "  kissed  the  child  and  dandled  him,  calling  him  his 
son,  and  saying  that  he  was  a  finer  child  than  that  of  the 
Queen,  his  wife,  which  he  declared  resembled  the  Medicis,  being 
dark  and  stout  as  they  were,  whereat  the  Queen,  being  advised 
of  the  saying,  did  weep  bitterly."  Her  grief  turned  to  furious 
resentment  when  a  little  later  her  husband  signified  to  her  his 
intention  that  all  his  children — those  he  had  by  Gabrielle  and 
by  Henriette,  as  well  as  by  herself — should  be  brought  up 
together.  All  Marie''s  protests  in  that  respect  were  fruitless, 
Henri's  will  ended  by  prevailing.* 

However,  both  Sully  and  his  colleague,  Nicolas  IV  de 
Neufville,  Sieur  de  Villeroy  and  Minister  of  State,  were  anxious 
to  get  rid  of  the  Marchioness  de  Vemeuil.  They  fully  realized 
that  there  would  be  no  peace  in  the  royal  household  so  long  as 
Henri's  infatuation  for  his  mistress  continued,  Villeroy,  look- 
ing about  him  for  a  means  of  effecting  Henriette's  overthrow, 
at  last  directed  his  attention  to  that  Father  Hilaire  who  had 
gone  to  Rome  to  seek  an  audience  of  the  Pope  f  respecting  the 
promise  of  marriage  given  by  the  King  to  his  favourite. 
Hilaire  had  presented  himself  before  Cardinal  d'Ossat,  the 
French  representative  in  the  Eternal  City,  as  though  he  were 
one  of  Henri's  confidants,  declaring,  indeed,  that  his  Majesty 
and  himself  were  on  such  familiar  terms  as  to  "  thee-and-thou  " 
one  another.  Ossat  was  seemingly  unable  to  fathom  the  exact 
motives  of  Father  Hilaire's  journey  to  Rome,  but  being  full  of 
suspicion  he  endeavoured  to  frustrate  the  Capuchin's  attempts 
to  obtain  an  audience  of  the  Holy  Father.  Nevertheless,  Hilaire 
proved  successful,  and  Ossat  failed  to  discover  what  had  occurred 
at  the  interview.  Thereupon,  as  Hilaire  now  proposed  to 
return  to  France,  the  Cardinal  endeavoured  to  prevent  it  by 
having  him   shut  up  in  some   Italian   monastery.     But  the 

•  Shortly  after  Henriette's  accouchement  we  find  the  King  writing  to  her  : 
"  Mes  cMres  amours.  Love  me  always  and  rest  assured  that  you  will  always  he 
the  only  one  to  possess  my  love.  With  those  true  words  I  kiss  and  re-kiss  you 
a  million  times,  and  the  little  man  as  well."  * 

t  See  p.  231,  ante. 


244      FAVOURITES   OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE         x 

Capuchin  again  outwitted  him,  and  succeeded  in  reaching  Paris. 
There,  however,  he  was  overtaken  by  destiny  in  the  person  of 
M.  de  Villeroy,  with  whom  Ossat  had  communicated. 

Having  been  arrested,  Hilaire  was  interrogated  by  the  Papal 
Nuncio,  and  a  perquisition  among  his  belongings  resulted  in  the 
discovery  of  two  compromising  letters  written  by  Henriette. 
It  seems  certain  that  the  wily  monk  had  not  lost  his  time  at 
Rome.  Jurists,  if  not  the  Pope,  had  told  him  (as  we  previously 
indicated)  that  the  royal  promise  of  marriage  given  to  Mme. 
de  Verneuil  might  make  the  union  with  Marie  de""  Medici  null 
and  void,  and  that  the  Marchioness  might  either  choose  her 
time  and  bring  a  suit  for  annulment,  or  await  King  Henri's 
death  and  then  claim  her  rights  and  those  of  her  son ;  while,  as 
a  third  coui-se,  if  the  King  were  willing,  she  might  take  the 
place  of  Marie  de'  Medici  should  the  latter  die.  All  this  came 
in  one  or  another  way  to  the  Queen's  ears,  and  she,  in  her  turn, 
sought  the  opinion  of  various  Roman  canonists,  who  gave  her 
the  not  very  reassuring  answer  that,  if  the  King's  marriage 
should,  indeed,  be  found  invalid  it  was  yet  possible  that  the 
Dauphin's  legitimacy  might  be  affirmed.* 

Although  it  was  patent  that  Henriette  had  authorized  the 
steps  taken  by  Father  Hilaire  at  Rome,  she  incurred  no 
punishment  for  doing  so.  It  may  be  that  Henri  dreaded  the 
production  of  the  marriage  promise  (which  was  in  the  keeping 
of  Henriette's  father)  and  the  consequences  which  might  then 
ensue.  It  may  be,  as  some  have  surmised,  that  he  was  privy  to 
the  intrigue,  and  had  really  authorized  Hilaire's  mission  during 
some  moment  of  infatuation  with  his  mistress,  and  at  a  time 
when  he  had  not  yet  met  his  wife  and  was  uncertain  whether 
he  would  be  able  to  care  for  her.  Again,  it  may  be  that  his 
mistress  cajoled  him  with  protests  of  affection,  and  that,  linked 
to  her  as  he  was,  not  by  any  gay  and  generous  passion  such  as 
had  drawn  him  to  Corisanda,  or  by  such  love  as  had  bound  him 
to  Gabrielle,  but,  it  must  be  said,  by  the  shameful  ties  of 
materialistic  depravity — it  may  be,  we  say,  that  he  felt  absolutely 
unable  to  give  her  up  and  was  only  too  willing  to  overlook 
offences  in  order  that  he  might  not  lose  her.  That  last  view,  it 
should  be  added,  is  the  one  generally  entertained  by  historians. 

•  Batiflol,  Ix. 


X  HENRIETTE  D'ENTRAGUES  845 

In  any  case,  matters  went  no  further.  The  King  and  his  favourite 
remained  on  the  same  terms  as  before,  and  to  the  infinite 
disgust  of  the  zealous  Villeroy  orders  were  issued  for  the  release 
of  Father  Hilaire.  The  Capuchin  came  to  a  dreadful  end, 
however.  Like  most  narrow-minded  women  Marie  de'  Medici 
was  not  merely  obstinate  (as  Batiffbl  has  it),  she  was  also 
vindictive;  and  thus  it  came  to  pass  in  after  years  that  the 
odious  monk  who  had  dared  to  seek  weapons  by  which  her 
marriage  might  be  invalidated  and  her  children  bastardized, 
was  broken  on  the  wheel  and  then  committed  to  the  flames,  on 
the  charge  of  complicity  in  a  plot  to  poison  her. 

Villeroy's  attempt  to  get  rid  of  Mme.  de  Vemeuil  had  failed. 
The  next  effort  to  do  so  was  made  by  a  woman,  that  Juliette 
Hippolyte  d'Estrees,  Marchioness  and  later  Duchess  de  Villars, 
to  whom  we  frequently  alluded  in  telling  the  story  of  her  sister 
Gabrielle.  The  King  had  paid  her  some  attention  in  the  latter's 
lifetime,  and  for  a  moment,  on  the  **  deceased  wife's  sister " 
principle,  Juliette  had  imagined  that  she  would  be  offered 
Gabrielle's  place.  She  was  not  at  all  pretty,  however,  having 
it  is  said,  only  her  comparative  youth  and  her  hair  in  her 
favour;  and  the  King,  having  contracted  a  liaiso7i  with 
Henriette,  treated  her  merely  in  a  friendly  way. 

It  is  doubtful  whether  Mme.  de  Villars,  in  plotting  against 
Henriette,  acted  entirely  on  her  own  initiative,  under  feelings 
of  jealous  envy,  or  whether  there  was  some  complicity  on  the 
part  of  the  Queen,  who,  of  course,  also  desired  to  get  rid  of 
the  favourite.  At  all  events,  Mme.  de  Villars  made  love  to  the 
Prince  de  Joinville,  who,  it  will  be  remembered,  had  been 
Henriette's  lover  at  the  time  when  she  first  attracted  the  King's 
attention.  Joinville,  flattered  by  the  partiality  which  Mme.  de 
Villars  evinced  for  him,  responded  to  her  advances,  and  with  a 
desire,  perhaps,  to  punish  Henriette  for  having  preferred  the 
King  to  himself,  he  ended  by  giving  Mme.  de  Villars  a  number 
of  letters  which,  he  told  her,  the  royal  favourite  had  written  to 
him.  The  story  runs  (we  do  not  say  it  is  true)  that  Mme.  de 
Villars  thereupon  gave  the  King  an  appointment  at  a  church, 
and  there  handed  him  the  letters  in  question.  In  any  case  they 
reached  him  and  he  became  furious,  talking  of  ordering  the 
immediate  execution  of  Joinville,  and  of  banishing  his  mistress 


246   FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE    x 

after  confiscating  all  he  had  given  her.  Henriette,  however, 
boldly  protested  that  the  letters  were  false,  and  Joinville,  fear- 
ing for  his  life  or  liberty,  thereupon  confirmed  that  statement, 
declaring,  through  his  uncle  the  Duke  de  Mayenne,  that  he  had 
never  wished  to  give  Mme.  de  Vemeuil  offence,  and  that  what- 
ever he  had  done  had  been  solely  inspired  by  his  extreme 
passion  for  Mme.  de  Villars.  Briefly,  in  order  to  satisfy  her, 
though  he  really  held  no  letters  from  the  royal  favourite,  he 
had  caused  some  to  be  concocted,  employing  for  that  purpose 
an  individual,  who,  according  to  some  accounts,  was  his  own 
secretary,  and  according  to  others  that  of  the  young  Duke 
de  Guise.  On  this  individual  being  produced,  he  confirmed 
Joinville's  statement,  and  was  promptly  committed  to  prison. 

Some  doubt  attaches  to  both  sides  of  the  story.  Those 
writers  who  are  inclined  to  favour  Henriette  believe  the  letters 
to  have  been  concocted,  even  as  Joinville  stated,  whilst  others 
think  that  they  were  authentic,  and  that  the  story  of  their 
being  forged  was  invented  by  Joinville  when  he  found  himself  in 
danger.  KEstoille,  who  is  entitled  to  a  hearing  on  the  subject, 
writes  as  follows,  under  date  December,  1601 :  "  In  this  same 
month  in  reference  to  some  letters  full  of  love  and  afTection, 
and  supposed  to  have  been  written  by  Madame  la  Marquise  de 
Vemeuil  to  Monsieur  le  Pnnce  de  Joinville,  which  letters  he 
had  skilfully  had  forged  by  a  secretary,  who  for  that  reason 
was  shut  up  in  the  Bastille,  the  Prince  contested  [the  authen- 
ticity of]  these  letters,  which  had  been  placed  in  the  King's 
hands  by  Madame  la  Marquise  de  Villars,  to  whom  the  said 
Prince  de  Joinville,  who  was  making  love  to  her,  had  given 
them  by  way  of  gallantry  and  for  a  joke,  though  he  thereby 
risked  both  his  fortune  and  his  life,  for  his  Majesty,  in  great 
anger  (greater  indeed  than  he  had  ever  been  seen  in  before), 
gave  orders  to  have  the  said  Sieur  de  Joinville  poniarded,  and 
commanded  M.  de  Rosny  [Sully]  to  dismiss  the  Marchioness 
and  take  from  her  all  he  had  given  her.  But  the  Marchioness's 
innocence  being  at  last  recognized,  the  Prince  de  Joinville 
having  disculpated  her  of  everything,  and  the  whole  farce  being 
discovered,  which  was  that  he  had  played  a  game  (very  im- 
properly, however)  in  order  to  win  his  mistress's  favour,  peace 
was  made  with  the  Marchioness,  though  many  would  have  pitied 


X  HENRIETTE  DT3NTRAGUES  2*7 

her  less  for  her  ill  fortune  than  they  would  have  pitied  Mon- 
tauban  *  had  he  been  hanged.  However,  the  Prince  de  Joinville 
was  obliged  to  go  away,  particularly  as  the  King  declared  that 
he  did  not  wish  to  see  him,  and  the  Marchioness,  on  the 
contrary,  was  triumphally  reinstated  [in  her  position]  to  the 
point  of  sleeping  at  the  Louvre ;  and  on  the  day  of  the  Holy 
Innocents,  in  testimony  of  her  own  innocence,  she  said,  she 
gave  a  magnificent  feast  to  the  ladies  of  the  Court." 

In  whatever  way  one  looks  at  the  affair  there  is,  as  we  have 
said,  an  element  of  doubt  in  it.  Now,  an  accused  person  is 
always  entitled  to  the  benefit  of  the  doubt,  so  let  us  in  this 
instance  extend  it  to  Henrictte.  Her  royal  lover,  for  his  part, 
appears  to  have  been  convinced  that  the  letters  were  forged. 
Mnie.  de  Villars  was  exiled  from  Court,  and  not  allowed  to 
return  until  1604,  whilst,  as  for  Joinville,  we  find  the  King 
writing  to  him  as  follows,  under  date  February  28, 1602 : 

"  My  Nephew, 

"You  do  right  to  confess  your  fault,  which  could 
not  have  been  greater,  bearing  in  mind  myself  and  her  whom 
it  concerned.  Since  you  regret  that  you  offended  me  and 
beg  me  to  forgive  you,  I  will  do  so  on  the  condition  that 
you  will  behave  better  in  the  future.  In  proof  of  that  get 
ready  to  go  to  Hungary  with  Monsieur  le  Due  de  Mercoeur 
when  he  returns  there,  and  when  he  is  ready  to  start  on  that 
journey  I  am  willing  that  you  should  come  to  me,  so  as  to  be 
near  me  for  three  or  four  days,  in  order  that  before  your 
departure  I  may  make  it  known  to  everybody  and  yourself 
also,  that  it  is  my  nature  to  love  my  relations  when  they  are 
upright  and  well-behaved."" 

As  our  quotation  from  L'Estoille  has  indicated,  Henriette's 
favour  had  become  greater  than  ever.  About  the  time  of  the 
Joinville  fracas^  Marie  de""  Medici,  who  was  extremely  fond  of 
ballets,  was  arranging  to  dance  in  one  which  was  to  be  called 
the  Ballet  of  the  Eight  Virtues.  Mme.  de  Verneuil,  not  con- 
tent with  a  handsome  present  she  received  from  the  King 
when  he  made  peace  with  her,  particularly  desired  to  take  part 

♦  We  have  failed  to  identify  the  individual  to  whom  L'Estoille  alludes. 


248   FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE    x 

in  this  ballet,  and  although  the  unfortunate  Marie  de'  Medici 
again  protested,  her  husband  insisted  that  his  mistress  should 
participate  in  the  diversion.  We  do  not  know  which  particular 
virtue  the  sprightly  Marchioness  claimed  to  personify,  but  the 
ballet  opened  with  a  recitative  written  by  Jean  Bertaut,  subse- 
quently Bishop  of  Seez,*  in  which  figured  some  lines  which 
Count  de  la  Ferriere  thinks  must  have  referred  to  the  power  of 
Henriette's  eyes.  Bertaut,  who  is  nowadays  generally  con- 
sidered to  have  been  the  author  of  Charmante  Gabrwlle^  un- 
doubtedly celebrated  Gabrielle''s  successor  on  certain  occasions, 
but  it  seems  to  us  that  in  this  particular  instance  the  eyes  to 
which  he  refers  in  his  verses  may  very  well  have  been  the 
Queen's : 

"  Flambeaiix  ^tincelans,  clairs  astres  d'ici-bas, 
De  qui  les  doux  regards  mettent  lea  coeurs  en  cendre, 
Beaux  yeux  qui  contraignez  les  plus  fiers  de  se  rendre, 
Bavissant  aux  vainqueurs  le  prix  de  leurs  combats." 

According  to  the  anecdotkrs  it  was  during  the  performance 
of  this  particular  Ballet  of  the  Virtues  that  when  the  King 
approached  Bentivoglio,  the  Papal  Nuncio,  and  asked  him 
jovially  what  he  thought  of  the  sight,  the  prelate  answered, 
"  Bellissimo  e  pericolosissimo  "  ("  most  beautiful  and  extremely 
dangerous "),  adding  that  he  only  dared  to  look  at  it  with 
twinkling  eyes,  even  as  one  looks  at  the  sun.  This,  perhaps, 
was  hardly  correct  on  the  part  of  a  right  reverend  father  when 
confronted  by  the  Virtues.  In  later  years  Bentivoglio  was  less 
bashful  with  that  beautiful  Princess  de  Conde,  who  became  the 
King's  last  infatuation,  and  who  remarked  one  day  with  a  sigh 
that  it  had  always  been  her  destiny  to  be  loved  by  old  men. 

Those  Louvre  ballets  were,  so  to  say,  danced  on  volcanoes, 
for  plotting  was  always  rife  in  one  or  another  direction,  the 
emissaries  of  Philip  III  of  Spain  displaying  the  greatest  activity. 
Mme.  de  Verneuil's  restless  half-brother,  the  Count  d'Auvergne, 
was  ever  lending  himself  to  some  fresh  intrigue,  and  Biron  relapsed 
into  the  same  courses.  Henri  de  La  Tour  d'Auvergne,  Duke 
de  Bouillon,  once  his  sovereign's  trusty  friend,  was  drawn  into 
their  orbit  by  the  baseless  suggestion  that  the  King  had  become 

*  See  post,  Appendix  C. 


X  HENRIETTE  D^ENTRAGUES  249 

such  a  fervent  Catholic  since  his  marriage  with  the  devout 
Florentine  Princess  that  he  was  resolved  to  exterminate  the 
Huguenots.  Thus  Bouillon,  now  one  of  the  chief  leaders  of 
the  Huguenot  party,  joined  forces  with  Auvergne  although  the 
latter's  attempts  to  stir  up  sedition  were  made  in  the  interests 
of  the  fanatically  Catholic  Spanish  monarch.  Disaffection 
became  rife  in  Touraine  and  Poitou,  and  in  the  spring  of  1602 
King  Henri  repaired  to  those  provinces  to  devise  measures  for 
subduing  the  unrest.  At  this  juncture  revelations  were  made 
to  him  by  the  Baron  de  Luz  and  the  Sieur  de  La  Fin,  the 
former  agent  of  the  Duke  of  Savoy,  both  of  whom  had  lately 
been  acting  in  the  Spanish  interests.  Those  revelations  applied 
particularly  to  Biron  and  Auvergne,  several  letters  written  by 
the  former  being  handed  to  the  King.  He  thereupon  wrote  to 
Biron  to  meet  him  at  Orleans  on  Corpus  Christi  day,  but  the 
Marshal  devised  an  excuse  for  not  doing  so ;  and  it  was  only 
after  repeated  summonses,  and  an  intimation  that  if  he  did  not 
come  to  the  King  the  latter  would  have  to  go  to  fetch  him, 
that  on  June  13  he  at  last  presented  himself  at  Fontainebleau, 
whither  the  Court  had  returned.  Biron  imagined  that  La  Fin 
had  made  no  revelations,  and  that  the  King  really  knew  nothing 
positive  concerning  his  plotting;  and  so,  when  his  sovereign 
appealed  to  him  to  confess,  he  boldly  affirmed  that  he  had  no 
confession  to  make,  being  absolutely  guiltless.  He  was  allowed 
twenty-four  hours  for  reflection,  and  when  on  the  morrow  it 
was  found  that  he  obstinately  adhered  to  the  attitude  he  had 
taken  up,  Henri,  who  had  been  disposed  to  pardon  him  again, 
ordered  his  arrest.  The  wretched  Count  d''Auvergne  was  also 
at  Fontainebleau  at  this  time,  and  directly  he  heard  of  the 
Marshal's  apprehension  he  endeavoured  to  escape.  According 
to  one  account  he  was  already  on  horseback  when  one  of  the 
King''s  gentlemen  caught  hold  of  the  horse's  bridle,  while 
another  compelled  the  traitor  to  alight  and  arrested  him. 
Both  he  and  Biron  were  sent  to  the  Bastille,  and  the  latter 
was  arraigned  before  the  Parliament  of  Paris. 

In  the  course  of  the  examinations  to  which  Biron  was  sub- 
jected before  his  actual  trial  took  place,  the  letters  which  La 
Fin  had  delivered  up  were  produced,  and  he  was  asked  if  he 
acknowledged  having  written  them.     He  thereupon  made  this 


250   FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE    x 

remarkable  answer :  "  I  cannot  aflRrm  whether  they  are  all  mine. 
In  the  case  of  Mme.  la  Marquise  de  Verneuil,  when  certain 
letters  alleged  to  have  been  written  by  her  to  the  Prince  de 
Joinville,  were  produced,  did  she  not  at  first  exclaim  :  *  Has 
my  hand  betrayed  my  heart  then  ? '  And,  after  looking  at 
them  more  attentively,  did  she  not  disown  them?""  By  that 
answer  the  Marshal,  of  course,  wished  to  suggest  that  he,  like 
Henriette,  was  the  victim  of  some  forger. 

When  the  Parliament  was  convoked  to  try  him,  all  the 
Peers  of  France  abstained  from  attending.  It  seemed  to  them 
that  these  proceedings,  instituted  against  one  of  their  number, 
were  levelled  at  their  order  generally,  and  they  would  not 
participate  in  them.  Convicted  of  treason,  Biron  was  sentenced 
to  death,  and  every  effort  made  to  save  him  proved  fruitless. 
His  old  mother  interceded  on  his  behalf,  and  the  King  weakened 
more  than  once,  but  his  ministers,  particularly  Sully  and  Ville- 
roy,  protested  so  strenuously  against  clemency,  pointing  out 
the  absolute  need  of  inflicting  a  severe  lesson  on  those  who 
hitherto  had  repeatedly  conspired  with  impunity,  that  the  law 
was  allowed  to  take  its  course,  and  on  July  31  Biron,  who  until 
his  last  moment  expected  a  pardon,  was  beheaded  in  one  of  the 
courtyards  of  the  Bastille. 

So  great  was  Bouillon's  alarm  at  this  juncture  that  he  fled 
for  a  while  from  his  stronghold  of  Sedan  into  Germany,  while 
the  wretched  Auvergne  was  pardoned,  thanks  to  the  joint  inter- 
cession of  his  step-sister  Henriette,  his  father-in-law  Constable 
de  Montmorency,  and  his  brother-in-law  the  Duke  de  Ventadour. 
To  save  his  life  and  secure  his  freedom  this  "  last  of  the  Valois," 
as  he  was  called,  though  that  was  not  strictly  accurate,  offered 
to  keep  up  his  intercourse  with  the  Court  of  Spain,  worm  out 
its  secrets  and  reveal  them  to  his  sister's  lover. 

On  the  22nd  of  November  of  that  year,  1602,  Marie  de' 
Medici  gave  birth  to  a  daughter,  who  was  christened  Elisabeth, 
and  became,  at  the  tender  age  of  thirteen  years,  the  wife  of 
Philip  IV  of  Spain.  A  couple  of  months  after  the  Queen's 
accouchement^  that  is,  on  January  21,  1603,  the  Marchioness 
de  Verneuil  also  gave  birth  to  a  daughter,  who  was  christened 
Gabrielle  Ang^lique,  and  who,  on  December  12,  1622,  was 
married  to  Bernard  de  Nogaret,  ]\Iarquis  de  la  Valette  and 


X  HENRIETTE   D'ENTRAGUES  251 

second  son  of  the  Duke  d'Epernon.*  Three  days  before  that 
child's  birth,  Henri  had  caused  the  Parliament  to  register 
letters-patent  by  which  he  legitimated  her  brother,  Gaston 
Henri,  and  somewhat  later  she  also  was  legitimated. 

All  this  greatly  incensed  Marie  de'  Medici.  Owing  to  her 
husband's  infatuation  for  Henriette  the  life  of  the  royal  pair 
was  becoming  a  perfect  hell.  The  Queen  wept  and  stormed 
alternately,  and  on  one  occasion,  carried  away  by  her  resent- 
ment, she  went  so  far  as  to  raise  her  hand  against  her  husband's 
sacred  person.  Sully  assures  us  that  he  caught  her  arm  in  time 
and  arrested  the  blow,  which  may  well  be  true.  Among 
ordinary  folk  a  blow  dealt  by  a  jealous  wife  to  her  unfaithful 
husband  would  be  merely  accounted  an  assault  (to  be  expiated, 
in  those  days,  by  means  of  the  ducking-stool),  but  in  the  case 
of  Marie  and  Henri  it  would  have  been  Vese-majeste  of  a  high 
degree,  and  consignment  to  the  Bastille  or  ignominious  ex- 
pulsion from  France  might  well  have  ensued.  Fortunately, 
then,  the  war  between  the  royal  couple  was  confined  to  words, 
bitter  ones  undoubtedly,  for  there  is  plenty  of  evidence  to  show 
that  Marie  de'  Medici  was  a  woman  with  a  tongue.  According 
to  Sully  and  others  she  more  than  once  treated  her  husband  to 
curtain  lectures,  a  la  Mrs.  Caudle,  and  he,  in  his  dismay,  jumped 
out  of  bed  and  sought  a  refuge  in  the  room  of  one  of  his 
officers. 

For  a  little  while  the  Vert-galant,  who  dearly  loved  a  quiet 
life,  but  (through  his  own  fault,  in  domestic  matters  at  any 

■  *  CoTint  de  la  FerriSre  gives  the  bride's  name  as  Marie  Eugenie,  but  on 
what  authority  we  cannot  say,  every  other  work  that  we  have  consulted  men- 
tioning her  by  the  names  of  Gabrielle  Ang61ique.  The  marriage  took  place 
during  the  reign  of  Louis  XIII,  who  added  200,000  crowns  to  the  100,000  which 
Mme.  de  Verneuil  gave  her  daughter  by  way  of  dowry.  M.  de  la  Valette  (who 
became  Duke  d'Epernon  after  his  elder  brother's  death)  was  a  haughty, 
vicious,  and  rapacious  individual.  In  a  fit  of  jealousy  he  had  struck  Mile,  de 
Verneuil  in  the  presence  of  witnesses  prior  to  their  marriage,  and  it  is  said 
that  Louis  XIII  tried  to  dissuade  her  from  marrying  such  a  man.  She  died  in 
April,  1627,  and  several  writers,  including  Mme.  de  Motteville,  have  expressed 
the  opinion  that  she  was  poisoned  by  her  husband,  who  speedily  took  another 
wife.  For  conspiring  against  Richelieu  he  was  condemned  to  death,  but  suc- 
ceeded in  escaping  to  England,  where  he  was  favourably  received  by  Charles  I, 
who  even  created  him  a  Knight  of  the  Garter — perhaps  the  only  instance  in 
the  history  of  that  exalted  order  of  a  man  under  sentence  of  death  being 
admitted  as  a  member.    See  also  Appendix  B. 


252   FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE    x 

rate)  never  secured  it,  was  at  a  loss  how  to  pacify  and  silence 
his  irate  and  nagging  consort — with  whom,  let  us  hasten  to 
add,  we  feel  considerable  sympathy.  Fortunately,  there  came 
a  diversion  in  the  form  of  a  serious  outbreak  at  Metz,  where 
the  deputy-governor  had  so  displeased  the  citizens  that  they 
had  risen  against  him,  and  he  had  been  obliged  to  shut  himself  up 
in  the  citadel,  where  he  was  besieged  by  the  malcontents.  Henri 
thereupon  resolved  to  repair  to  Metz  with  a  body  of  troops  and 
suppress  the  sedition ;  and,  partly  to  gratify  the  Queen  and 
partly  because  he  could  seldom,  if  ever,  make  war  unless  some 
member  of  the  fair  sex  was  near  him,  he  proposed  to  her  that 
she  should  accompany  him  on  his  expedition.  It  was  a  delight- 
ful prospect  that  he  offered  to  her.  Madame  la  Marquise 
would  be  far  away  and — well,  for  a  while,  at  all  events — he  and 
his  cherished  spouse  would  be  all  in  all  to  one  another.  So 
they  set  out,  and  when  peace  and  quietness  had  been  restored 
at  Metz  they  repaired  to  Nancy  on  a  visit  to  Henri's  sister, 
Catherine,  Duchess  de  Bar. 

On  their  return  to  Paris  the  King  fell  ill.  He  was  now 
fifty  years  of  age  and  had  always  led  a  very  active  and  careless 
life,  which,  coupled  with  a  morbid  predisposition  to  gallantry, 
might  well  have  taxed  the  health  and  strength  of  any  man. 
On  this  occasion  a  chill  led  to  nephritic  colics  followed  by  a 
passing  stricture.  In  spite  of  the  favourable  report  concerning 
the  King's  general  condition  which  the  royal  physicians  signed 
after  his  assassination,  it  is  known  that  he  suffered  from  several 
complaints  in  his  later  years,  notably  gout  and  indigestion, 
besides  having  a  predisposition  to  vesical  calculus.  His  illness 
in  1603  was  at  one  moment  regarded  as  very  serious,  and 
tended  to  draw  him  and  his  wife  more  closely  together  than 
before.  She  was  an  ambitious  woman,  anxious  to  govern, 
although  lacking  a  real  governing  faculty,  and  it  was  her 
particular  desire  to  secure  full  powers  as  Regent  if  her  husband 
should  predecease  her.  That  alone  would  have  inclined  her  to 
Ijecome  reconciled  with  him,  but  during  his  illness  he  also 
promised  to  amend  his  ways,  following  in  that  respect  the 
proverbial  rhyme : 

"  The  devil  was  sick,  the  devil  a  saint  would  be, 
The  devil  got  well,  the  devil  a  saint  was  he." 


X  HENRIETTE  D'ENTRAGUES  253 

That  is  exactly  what  happened  in  King  Henri's  case,  but 
Marie  de'  Medici  was  the  more  disposed  to  pass  the  sponge 
over  the  past  as  Mme.  de  Verneuil,  who  had  come  to  Paris  on 
hearing  of  her  lover's  illness,  sought  an  interview  with  her — 
probably  through  the  medium  of  Leonora  Galigai — and  also 
promised  to  give  her  no  cause  for  offence  in  future.  It  is 
impossible  to  say  how  far  Henriette''s  promise  was  sincere.  In 
any  case,  it  must  have  been  dictated  by  self-interest.  If  the 
King  should  die  she  would  have  everything  to  fear  from  Marie 
de'  Medici ;  and  thus  her  move  was  a  politic  one.  The  Queen 
is  said  to  have  replied  to  her  that  if  she  kept  her  word  she 
would  treat  her  as  a  sister ;  and  it  certainly  seems  that 
Henriette  did  about  this  time  make  an  effort  to  break  off  her 
connection  with  the  King. 

But  he,  having  recovered,  became  furious  when  the  favourite 
closed  her  doors  to  him  ;  and,  refusing  to  accept  her  explanations, 
he  came  to  the  conclusion  that  there  must  be  another  man  in 
the  case.  His  suspicions  fell  on  the  Count  de  Soissons,  his 
sister's  old  lover,  who  it  appears  certain,  however,  was  merely 
mixed  up  with  Mme.  de  Verneuil  in  financial  affairs,  he  having 
sought  her  influence  to  secure  the  privilege  of  levying  a  tax  of 
fifteen  sols  on  every  bale  of  linen  sent  out  of  the  kingdom. 
Such  a  tax,  by  the  way,  agreed  with  the  "  protectionist " 
theories  of  the  time,  but  the  idea  that  it  should  be  levied  for 
the  benefit  of  M.  de  Soissons  and  the  favourite,  who  was  to 
have  had  a  share  of  the  plunder,  was  nonsensical,  and  although 
the  King  had  promised  Soissons  the  privilege  on  the  condition 
that  the  total  amount  levied  by  him  should  not  exceed  50,000 
crowns  a  year,  Sully  protested  hotly  against  any  such  arrange- 
ment.* A  great  dispute  arose,  and  on  the  matter  being  fully 
explained  to  the  King  he  decided  that  Soissons  should  not  be 
granted  the  promised  privilege.  Henriette,  however,  had  so 
warmly  supported  the  Count  in  this  affair  that  the  King's 
jealous  instincts  were  fully  aroused ;  and  yielding  to  a  fit  of 
pique,  he  told  her  that  she  need  no  longer  rely  on  a  sum  of 
100,000   crowns   which   he   had   promised   to   enable   her    to 

•  Sully  estimated  that  the  tax  would  yield,  not  50,000  but  300,000  crowns 
per  annum,  rightly  adding  that  it  would  be  most  prejudicial  to  the  trade  of 
several  provinces. 


254      FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE         x 

purchase  the  county  of  Joigny.  Thereupon,  according  to  Sully, 
she  retorted,  "  You  become  insupportably  jealous  as  you 
grow  older.  There  is  no  longer  any  means  of  being  at  peace 
with  you." 

"  Well,  then,  get  you  back  to  Vemeuil,"  the  King  replied, 
turning  his  back  upon  her. 

She  did  as  she  was  told  (August,  1603),  but  Henri  could 
not  cast  her  off,  and  there  is  reason  to  believe  that  before  long 
they  again  met  privately,  probably  when  the  King  was  on  his 
way  to  or  from  Normandy  in  the  latter  part  of  that  year. 
When  the  Duchess  de  Bar  died  in  the  following  February, 
leaving  no  children,  in  such  wise  that  some  of  her  property 
reverted  to  the  King,  he  presented  a  house  at  St.  Germain-en- 
Laye,  which  had  belonged  to  her,  to  the  Queen,  and  another, 
at  Fontainebleau,  to  Henriette,  with  the  result  that  the 
unfortunate  Marie  de'  Medici  was  again  incensed — as  well  she 
might  be — at  her  husband's  mistress  being  treated  on  a  footing 
of  equality  with  herself.  And  not  only  was  the  Queen  incensed, 
but,  feeling  that  Henriette  had  utterly  failed  to  keep  the 
promises  she  had  made  her,  she  this  time  spoke  to  her  conjidante 
Leonora  of  her  intention  to  revenge  herself.  Leonora,  however, 
wishing,  for  purposes  of  her  own,  to  keep  on  good  terms  with 
the  favourite,  seems  to  have  warned  her  of  what  was  brewing, 
besides  telling  her  husband,  Concini,  who  on  his  side  com- 
municated everything  to  the  King.  Then,  as  Count  de  la 
Ferriere  relates,  Henriette,  alarmed,  applied  to  her  lover  to 
assign  her  some  place  of  safety,  suggesting  for  instance  one  of 
the  Norman  fortresses  previously  included  in  the  appanage  of  the 
Duchess  de  Bar.  Henri  replied  by  proposing  the  castle  of 
Caen,*  where  M.  de  Bellefonds  was  governor,  but  the  favourite 
distrusted  him  and  suggested  some  castle  in  Poitou.  That, 
however,  was  still  a  somewhat  disaffected  region  (the  Duke  de 
la  Tremoille,  who  had  great  possessions  there,  was  one  of  the 
plotters  associated  with  Entragues  and  Auvergne),  and,  probably 
on  that  account,  the  King  was  unwilling  to  grant  his  mistress's 
request. 

A  complete  rupture  ensued,  Henriette  again   retiring  to 

*  The  King  had  been  at  Caen  during  the  previous  year.    At  that  time  the 
castle  comprised  within  its  precincts  a  magnificent  palatial  pleasure  residence. 


X  HENRIETTE  D^ENTRAGUES  265 

Verneuil  and  refusing  to  see  the  King.  The  latter  was  also  at 
this  moment  on  the  woret  possible  terms  with  his  wife,  and  thus 
Sully  was  called  in  to  bring  about  a  modus  vivendi.  His  account 
of  the  affair  is  confirmed  by  others.  To  put  it  briefly,  he  was 
charged  to  inform  Henriette  that  she  must  absolutely  conform 
to  the  King's  wishes  or  else  he  would  have  nothing  more  to  do 
with  her,  but  would  simply  abandon  her  to  disgrace.  She 
retorted  by  declaring  that  she  would  only  renew  the  liaison 
provided  she  were  placed  in  such  a  position  that  she  might 
have  no  occasion  to  fear  giving  or  receiving  offence,  that 
implying,  of  course,  that  she  should  be  allotted  some  place  of 
safety  to  which  she  might  in  case  of  necessity  retire.  Sully 
appears  to  have  tricked  her  in  regard  to  the  exact  wording  of 
the  stipulations  which  it  wsis  proposed  to  impose  upon  the  King, 
with  the  result  that  the  latter  at  first  became  very  angry,  much 
to  Sully's  satisfaction,  his  desire  being  to  see  the  favourite 
entirely  cast  off. 

As  regards  the  Queen,  Sully  apparently  endeavoured  to 
prevail  on  her  to  accept  things  as  she  found  them,  and  to 
accustom  herself  to  the  King's  disposition,  he  being  "  free  and 
easy,"  fond  of  laughing,  of  hearing  himself  praised,  of  being 
caressed,  and  of  being  spoken  to  in  a  cheerful  manner.  The 
minister  tells  us  that  he  quoted  the  example  of  the  Duchess  de 
Guise,  who  always  tried  to  please  the  King,  and  told  him  amusing 
stories,  in  such  wise  "  that  he  often  leaves  you  [the  Queen]  to 
go  and  chat  with  her,  and  says  that  you,  instead  of  coming 
forward  to  kiss  him,  praise  him  and  talk  to  him  gaily,  receive 
him  with  frigid  looks,  as  if  he  were  an  ambassador."  All  that, 
according  to  the  minister,  was  the  cause  of  their  "minds 
becoming  embittered  and  of  the  worst  ensuing." 

Marie  de'  Medici,  however,  declared  that  her  vexation  and 
anger,  which  alone  caused  what  people  blamed  in  her,  sprang 
from  the  King's  love  affairs;  and  that  she  had  not  enough 
command  over  herself  to  endure  that  Mme.  de  Verneuil  should 
speak  disrespectfully  of  her,  or  talk  of  her  children  as  if  she 
wished  to  establish  a  comparison  between  them  and  hei*s  (the 
Queen's) ;  besides  which,  being  informed  of  intrigues  against  the 
King's  service,  both  in  France  and  abroad,  in  which  Mme.  de 
Verneuil  was  connected  with  her  father  and  her  brother,  she 


256      FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE         x 

could  not  endure  it  that  the  King  should  in  no  wise  punish 
them.  However,  Marie  de'  Medici  made  some  attempt,  it 
seems,  to  conform  to  Sully's  advice  in  the  hope  of  thereby 
weaning  her  husband  from  his  infatuation. 

There  came  a  moment  when  it  seemed  as  if  the  liaison  would 
be  broken  off,  less,  however,  on  account  of  any  efforts  of  the 
Queen's  than  on  account  of  the  course  which  Henriette  took  in 
denying  herself  to  her  royal  lover.  Early  in  April,  1604,  we 
find  the  King  writing  to  her :  "  If  your  words  were  followed  by 
effects  I  should  not  be  so  dissatisfied  with  you  as  I  am.  Your 
letters  speak  solely  of  affection ;  but  your  behaviour  towards 
me  is  nothing  but  ingratitude.  For  five  years  and  more  you 
have  persisted  in  that  style  of  life  which  everybody  finds  strange. 
Judge  what  it  must  be  to  me,  whom  it  touches  so  closely.  It 
is  useful  to  you  that  people  should  think  I  love  you,  and 
shameful  to  me  that  they  should  see  I  suffer  because  you  do 
not  love  me.  That  is  why  you  write  to  me  and  I  reply  to  you 
by  silence.  If  you  will  treat  me  as  you  ought  to  do  I  shall  be 
more  than  ever  yours ;  if  not,  keep  this  letter  as  the  last  you 
will  ever  receive  from  me,  who  kisses  your  hands  a  million 
times." 

No  arrangement  of  a  kind  to  satisfy  the  King  having  been 
arrived  at,  he  wrote  to  Sully,  on  Good  Friday,  April  16,  saying, 
so  that  minister  avers :  "  Since  Madame  de  Verneuil  is  resolved 
on  what  you  write  me,  I  also  am  resolved  on  what  I  told  you 
on  Monday.  I  shall  inform  her  of  my  intentions,  and  show 
that  I  have  more  command  over  myself  than  is  said,  and  I  do 
not  think  that  this  news  will  trouble  her  thoughts,  which  I 
would  not  do  during  these  good  days." 

It  must  be  mentioned  that  one  of  the  causes  of  the  dis- 
agreement between  the  King  and  Henriette  was  the  latter's 
real  or  affected  piety.  It  is  well  known  that  women  who  have 
led  more  or  less  loose  lives  frequently  end  by  becoming 
extremely  religious.  The  history  of  the  upper  circle  of  the 
French  devii-monde  abounds  in  such  examples.  In  Henriette's 
case  she  gave  out,  either  sincerely  or  in  a  calculating  spirit, 
that  she  could  only  obtain  forgiveness  for  the  mortal  sin  in 
which  she  had  been  living  by  a  great  abundance  of  religious 
practices,   penances,   novenas,  the   rigid    observance  of  fasts, 


X  HENRIETl'E  D'ENTRAGUES  257 

jubilees  and  so  forth,  and  it  repeatedly  happened,  as  the  King's 
letters  show,  that  those  matters  clashed  with  his  desire  for  her 
company.  Thus,  again  and  again,  he  was  subjected  to  the 
torments  of  Tantalus,  and  his  passion  became  exasperated.  It 
may  be,  as  we  previously  suggested,  that  Henriette's  behaviour 
was  inspired  by  the  thought  that  if  she  humoured  her  lover's 
every  whim  he  would  soon  grow  tired  of  her,  whereas,  by  the 
course  she  decided  to  adopt,  she  might  attach  him  to  her  more 
closely  than  ever,  and  wring  from  him  also  more  than  he  would 
otherwise  have  given. 

It  would  seem,  however,  that  at  the  last  extremity,  when  it 
really  appeared  as  if  she  was  in  danger  of  losing  her  royal  lover 
altogether,  she  softened  somewhat  towards  him.  At  all  events, 
some  kind  of  reconciliation  was  patched  up,  and  as  Henri  had 
given  her  a  house  at  Fontainebleau,  he  wrote  asking  her  to 
come  to  that  locality  and  bring  her  children  with  her  in  order 
that  he  might  carry  out  his  intention  of  having  them  brought 
up  with  his  wife's.  When  Marie  de'  Medici  heard  of  all  this 
she  absolutely  refused  to  receive  Henriette,  whereupon  the 
King,  in  a  tantrum,  rode  off  to  meet  his  mistress  on  her  way  and, 
getting  into  her  coach,  proceeded  with  her  to  Paris.  At  this 
the  Queen's  friends  were  greatly  alarmed  and  prevailed  upon 
her  to  write  her  husband  an  affectionate  and  judicious  letter, 
which  induced  him  to  return  to  her. 

But  a  very  different  kind  of  storm  was  now  brewing.  An 
individual  named  L'Hoste,  one  of  the  secretaries  of  Villeroy, 
the  Minister  of  State,  was  accused  of  having  delivered  copies  ot 
important  papers  to  the  Spanish  ambassador.  Before  he  could 
be  arrested  he  took  to  flight,  and  would  probably  have  made 
good  his  escape  had  he  not  been  drowned  in  attempting  to 
cross  the  Mame.  Henriette's  brother,  the  Count  d'Auvergne, 
knew  more  of  this  affair  than  he  cared  to  admit,  for 
another  conspiracy,  in  which,  as  we  shall  see,  his  stepfather, 
M.  d'Entragues,  participated,  was  now  afoot.  Auvergne  probably 
felt  that  he  might  be  suspected ;  and  in  order  to  divert  the 
King's  attention  by  drawing,  as  it  were,  a  red  herring  across 
the  track,  and  thereby  save  himself,  he  went  to  Henri  and 
informed  him  that  he  had  made  an  important  discovery, 
namely,   that    M.   de   Bellegarde,   the    Grand    Equerry,   was 


258      FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY   OF  NAVARRE         x 

betraying  him  with  Henriette.  She,  on  being  confronted  with 
her  stepbrother,  indignantly  repelled  the  charge,  whereupon 
Auvergne  asserted  that  his  information  had  been  derived  from 
a  certain  M.  de  Sigognes.  The  latter,  who  was  present  at  the 
confrontation,  bluntly  answered  that  the  Count  d' Auvergne 
had  lied.  A  duel  would  have  ensued  had  not  the  King  forbidden 
Sigognes  to  fight.  As  for  the  wretched  Auvergne,  who,  in  his 
alarm  for  himself,  had  been  prepared  to  sacrifice  his  stepsister, 
to  whose  interposition  he  had  once  previously  owed  his  liberty 
and  perhaps  also  his  life,  he  hurriedly  fled  from  Paris  into 
central  France. 

Almost  immediately  afterwards  the  King  received  an  auto- 
graph letter  from  James  I  of  England,  in  which  he  was  advised 
to  have  a  watch  set  on  a  certain  Morgan,  who  had  gone  to 
France  as  a  secret  agent  of  the  Court  of  Spain.  Morgan  was 
arrested,  and  some  compromising  letters  were  found  on  him. 
Among  them,  so  the  King  informed  his  mistress,  were  some 
written  by  her  father,  and  he  wished  to  have  them  explained. 
She  replied  that  they  were,  perhaps,  letters  to  introduce  Morgan 
to  her  cousin,  the  Duke  of  Lennox.*  The  King  rejoined, 
however,  that  such  was  not  the  case,  for  they  were  letters  in 
which  her  name  was  mentioned.  M.  d'Entragues  was  next 
summoned,  and  after  an  interview  with  him  the  King,  who  as 
yet  did  not  believe  in  any  guilty  complicity  on  Henriette''s  part, 
told  her  it  was  certain  that  her  father  had  been  engaged  in 
some  intrigue  with  Morgan,  and  he  pressed  her  to  tell  him  what 
it  was.  She  pleaded  that  she  knew  nothing  of  the  matter ; 
but  the  King,  after  a  second  private  conversation  with  M. 
d'Entragues  at  the  Tuileries,  reproached  her  with  having 
deceived  him,  adding  that  her  father  had  been  negotiating  with 
Spain  on  her  behalf,  and  that  she  must  surely  know  all  about 
it.  Once  more  she  protested  the  contrary,  whereupon  Henri, 
remarking  that  her  father  would  dine  with  her  that  day,  urged 
her  to  prevail  on  him  to  reveal  everything. 

Henri  then  betook  himself  to  St.  Germain,  to  which  locality 

*  Ludovlck  Stuart,  second  Duke  of  Lennox  and  Richmond,  son  of  Esm6 
Stuart,  the  first  Duke,  by  Catherine  de  Balzac  d'Entragues,  sister  of  Henriette's 
father.  Bom  in  1574,  the  Duke  of  Lennox  was  appointed  ambassador  to 
France  by  James  I, 


X  HENRIETTE  D^ENTRAGUES  269 

M.  d'Entragues  likewise  repaired  after  dining  with  his  daughter. 
All  he  would  admit  to  the  King,  however,  was  that  as 
Henriette's  position  was  already  precarious  and  might  become 
one  of  real  danger  if  his  Majesty  should  unhappily  die,  the 
question  had  arisen  of  providing  her  with  some  safe  retreat, 
and  that  the  Prince  of  Orange,  the  Duke  of  Lennox,  and  Taxis, 
the  Spanish  ambassador,  had  been  sounded  on  the  subject. 
And  M.  d'Entragues  added  that  the  Spanish  envoy,  knowing 
that  the  King  had  formerly  given  Henriette  a  promise  of 
marriage,  had  offered  to  pay  him  200,000  crowns  in  exchange 
for  it.  He,  Entragues,  however,  as  in  duty  bound,  had  promptly 
refused  the  proffered  bribe.  The  King  pretended  to  believe 
this  explanation,  and  Entragues,  on  being  allowed  to  depart, 
promptly  shut  himself  up  in  his  stronghold  of  Marcoussis. 

As  a  matter  of  fact,  he  was  involved  in  a  real  conspiracy, 
one  somewhat  wild  and  fantastic,  but  embracing  in  one  or 
another  degree  such  men  as  Auvergne,  Bouillon,  La  Tremoille, 
Lesdiguieres,  and  perhaps  Epernon,  in  addition  to  minor  fry 
like  Villeroy's  secretary,  L'Hoste,  a  certain  Chevillard,  Father 
Hilaire,  and  also  Father  Archange,  that  reputed  son  of  Queen 
Marguerite,*  who  had  now  become  confessor  to  the  King's 
mistress.  It  seems  quite  certain  to  us  that  Henriette  was  really 
privy  to  the  affair,  which  was  largely  based  on  her  royal  lover's 
promise  of  marriage,  by  virtue  of  which  Spain  was  to  recognize 
her  son,  Gaston  Henri,  as  Dauphin,  and  stir  up  a  wai*  of 
succession  in  France.  In  the  event  of  success,  the  country  would 
h^ve  been  almost  dismembered,  as  it  was  to  have  been  cut  up 
in\o  great  commands,  where  the  chief  conspirators  would  have 
exercised  almost  sovereign  sway.  In  fact,  France  would  have 
found  herself  in  much  the  same  position  as  Germany  was,  with 
her  infinity  of  independent  princelings,  and,  thus  divided,  she 
would  no  longer  have  been  able  to  offer  any  effective  opposition 
to  the  Spanish  ascendancy  in  Europe.  But  the  ambitious 
nobles  who  participated  more  or  less  in  this  plot,  and  others 
who  would  have  joined  it  had  it  developed  successfully,  were 
not  concerned  about  the  interests  of  France  as  a  whole. 
National  patriotism  did  not  exist  in  those  days,  and  thus  the 
conspirators   thought   only  of  their  own  immediate  interests. 

♦  See  p.  74,  ante. 


260      FAVOURITES   OF   HENRY   OF  NAVARRE         x 

They  saw  the  feudal  system  crumbling,  and  they  were  bent 
upon  giving  it  a  new  lease  of  life  and  reducing  the  royal 
authority  to  such  as  it  had  been  in  a  previous  age.  Some, 
moreover,  were  influenced  by  religious  motives,  desiring  to 
make  their  own  faith  preponderant,  many  Huguenots  being 
quite  dissatisfied  with  the  provisions  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes, 
and  lacking  confidence  in  their  King,  as  he  had  abjured  what 
they  deemed  to  be  the  only  true  religion. 

As  matters  stood,  the  royal  authority  was  more  nominal 
than  real.  A  Mayenne  governed  the  Isle  of  France,  a  Guise 
governed  Provence,  an  Epernon  governed  Saintonge,  Angou- 
mois  and  Limousin,  a  Tremoille  governed  Poitou,  a  Montmorency 
governed  Guienne,  a  Nevers  governed  Champagne,  a  Longueville 
governed  Picardy,  and  a  Bouillon  held  the  stronghold  of  Sedan. 
Under  such  conditions  there  certainly  were  chances  of  a  con- 
spiracy succeeding.  We  all  know  that  the  plotting  of  nobles 
still  went  on  for  many  years,  ever  threatening,  to  more  or  less 
extent,  the  virtual  dismemberment  of  the  country ;  and  although 
the  policy  of  Richelieu  in  the  succeeding  reign  led  to  a  monarchial 
absolutism  which,  foreign  as  it  was  to  the  character  of  the 
nation,  crumbled  within  a  hundred  and  fifty  years,  it  was  never- 
theless a  beneficial  policy,  as  it  gave  great  impetus  to  the 
homogeneity  of  France. 

It  was  certainly  possible,  however,  that  the  conspiracy  in  which 
Entragues  and  Auvergne  had  engaged  might  fail.  Time  was 
needed  to  attract  one  and  another  great  noble  to  the  cause,  and 
in  the  meanwhile  all  might  be  discovered  and  frustrated.  Thus, 
in  negotiating  with  Spain  the  leaders  of  the  plot  had  stipulated 
for  safe  places  of  retreat,  with  honours  and  pensions  in  the 
event  of  failure. 

Now,  Entragues  had  shown  great  imprudence  in  speaking  to 
the  King  about  the  promise  of  marriage  for  which  Spain  was 
willing  to  pay  an  extravagant  price.  That  promise  had  been 
hanging  over  Henri's  head  like  a  sword  of  Damocles  for  several 
years,  and  he  realized  that  the  time  had  come  to  secure  possession 
of  it.  He  felt  tolerably  certain  that  it  might  be  found  at 
Entragues*"  stronghold  of  Marcoussis,  where,  moreover,  decisive 
proofs  of  his  criminal  practices  might  also  be  discovered.  The 
King  sent,  then,  for  the  provost  of  the  Marshals  of  France,  whose 


X  HENRIETTE  D^ENTRAGUES  261 

name  is  said  to  have  been  Defunctis,*  and  inquired  if  he  could 
effect  an  entry  into  the  chateau  of  Marcoussis.  The  provost 
replied  that  it  was  too  strong  a  place  for  any  open  attack  on 
his  part  to  succeed,  but  that  he  might  possibly  effe'ct  an  entry 
by  means  of  some  stratagem.  He  eventually  did  so,  accompanied 
by  a  party  of  archers,  and  finding  Entragues  in  bed  he  arrested 
him,  and  in  spite  of  the  offer  of  a  casket  containing  50,000 
crowns'  worth  of  jewels,  carried  him  off  to  the  Conciergerie  in 
Paris.  But  the  King  instantly  instructed  the  provost  to  return 
to  the  chateau,  which  the  archers  held  in  his  absence,  and  to  make 
all  necessary  perquisitions  there.  The  result  was  the  discovery 
of  a  variety  of  papers,  letters  from  Auvergne,  the  cipher  of  the 
King  of  Spain,  and  a  promise,  signed  by  that  monarch,  to  the 
effect  that  on  the  death  of  the  present  French  King  he  would 
recognize  the  son  of  the  Marchioness  de  Verneuil,  and  not  the 
son  of  Marie  de'  Medici,  as  sole  legitimate  heir  to  the  Crown  of 
France. 

The  discovery  of  those  papers  led  to  the  arrest  of  various 
subaltern  plotters,  notably  a  certain  Chevillard,  who  was  con- 
veyed to  the  Bastille,  where,  in  order  to  rid  himself  of  a  draft 
of  the  conspirators'  treaty  with  the  King  of  Spain,  which  he 
had  managed  to  secrete  about  his  person,  he  ended,  it  is  said, 
by  gradually  eating  it  at  his  meals.  Entragues,  for  his  part, 
was  now  quite  overwhelmed  with  alarm,  and  in  order  to  save 
his  life  he  tendered  a  proposal  to  return  the  King  the  much- 
coveted  promise  of  marriage,  which  hitherto  had  not  been  dis- 
covered during  the  perquisitions  at  Marcoussis. 

The  King  accepted  the  offer  and  sent  his  secretary,  M.  de 
Lomenie,t  to  the  castle,  where,  acting  on  information  supplied 
by  Entragues,  he  discovered  the  promise  underneath  some 
cotton  in  a  bottle,  which  had  been  secreted  in  one  of  the  castle 

•  We  have  our  doubts  on  that  point.  The  name  is  sometimes  written 
De  Functis  and  we  think  it  may  merely  have  been  the  dog  Latin  of  the  period 
for  "  on  duty  "  or  "  in  office." 

t  Antoine  de  Lom6nie,  Lord  of  Ville-aux-Clercs,  born  1560,  died  1G38. 
He  was  the  son  of  Martial  de  Lom6nie,  Lord  of  Versailles,  who  was  killed  at 
the  St.  Bartholomew  massacre,  and  who  had  acquired  and  enlarged  the  fief  of 
Versailles  by  purchase.  After  his  death  it  was  sold  to  the  Gondi  family,  from 
one  of  whom,  Fran9oi8,  Archbishop  of  Paris,  it  was  purchased  by  Louis  XIII, 
for  the  sum  of  66,000  livres,  in  1632. 


262   FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE    x 

walls.  In  presence  of  several  functionaries  and  others  a  solemn 
proces-verbal  of  the  return  of  the  document  was  drawn  up, 
setting  forth  that  it  was  indeed  the  original  promise  signed  by 
the  King.* 

In  the  earlier  stages  of  the  affair,  Henri  had  been  very  un- 
willing to  believe  in  his  mistress's  guilt.  In  fact,  he  had  treated 
her  with  the  utmost  consideration  and  friendliness,  inviting  her, 
for  instance,  to  go  to  St.  Germain,  where  her  children  were  now 
being  reared  with  those  of  Gabrielle  d'Estrees  and  Marie  de' 
Medici.  But  the  anecdot'iers  tell  us  that  when,  on  this  occasion, 
she  approached  the  Dauphin  to  kiss  his  hand,  as  in  duty 
bound,  he  would  not  allow  her  to  do  so,  and  that  a  day  or  two 
later  his  royal  Highness  punched  the  face  of  Gaston  Henri  de 
Vemeuil.  How  serious  all  that  was  may  be  gathered  from  the 
fact  that  those  little  children  were  not  yet  three  years  old ! 

Henriette  returned  to  Vemeuil,  but  on  receiving  news  that 
her  father  had  been  carried  off  from  Marcoussis  and  lodged  in 
the  Conciergerie,  she  hastily  repaired  to  Paris  to  intercede  for 
him.  The  King,  however,  now  absolutely  refused  to  see  her, 
and  after  a  few  days  she  received  orders  to  go  back  to  Vemeuil 
again.  In  the  interval  a  perquisition  had  been  made  at  her 
chateau  there  and  had  resulted  in  the  discovery  of  some  letters 
from  her  father,  none  of  which  seems  to  have  been  pai'ticularly 
compromising,  though,  from  another  standpoint,  the  same 
cannot  be  said  of  various  billets  doux  addressed  to  her  by  that 
same  M.  de  Sigognes,  who,  according  to  her  stepbrother 
Auvergne,  had  accused  her  of  a  weakness  for  Bellegarde. 

Her  royal  lover  was  distressed,  and  some  of  his  intimates 
now  made  a  determined  effort  to  detach  him  from  his  whilom 
favourite.  As  had  happened  after  the  death  of  Gabrielle 
d'Estrees,  it  was  suggested  that  he  should  endeavour  to  forget 
his  worry  in  a  distraction.  His  attention  was  directed  to  Mile. 
Jacqueline  de  Bueil,  a  portionless  orphan  who  had  been  in  a 
measure  adopted  by  Charlotte  de  La  Tremoille,  Dowager 
Princess  de  Cond6.  Jacqueline  came  of  that  notorious  Babou 
de  la  Bourdaisifere  race  to  which  La  Belle  Gabrielle  belonged  on 
her  mother's  side.  She  was  the  daughter  of  Georges  Babou, 
Lord  of  Bueil,  by  his  wife  Madeleine  du  Bellay,  and  at  this 
*  Biblioth6quo  Nationalo :  Fonds  Fran^ais,  vol.  4120. 


X  HENRIETTE  D'ENTRAGUES  263 

time  (1604))  she  was  between  twenty  and  twenty-four  years  of 
age,  a  blonde  beauty  with  a  dazzling  complexion,  large  luminous 
eyes  and  exquisite  shoulders.  Proposals  being  made  to  her  on 
the  King's  behalf,  she  retorted  that  in  the  first  instance  she 
desired  to  be  married,  and  that  she  must  have  a  present  of 
50,000  crowns,  an  estate  with  a  title,  and  an  allowance  of 
five  hundred  crowns  a  month.  A  husband  was  found  in  the 
person  of  a  certain  Philippe  de  Harlay,  Count  de  Cesy,  a 
nephew  of  Champvallon,  the  whilom  lover  of  La  Reine  Margot. 
Harlay,  who  was  poor,  consented  to  become  the  husband  in 
name  only  of  Jacqueline  de  Bueil,  on  condition  of  receiving  a 
modest  pension  of  1200  crowns  per  annum.  For  the  rest,  the 
county  of  Moret  was  bestowed  on  the  bride,  and  directly  after 
the  wedding  on  October  5, 1604,  she  became  the  King's  mistress. 
The  liaison  proved  of  an  intermittent  character,  as  Mme.  de 
Moret  failed  to  secure  any  real  hold  on  the  King's  affections, 
being,  it  is  said,  a  very  beautiful  but  utterly  brainless  doll. 
Thus  the  King  (before  reverting  to  Henriette  as  we  shall 
presently  relate)  did  not  restrict  his  attentions  to  La  Belle 
Jacqueline,  but  bestowed  them  also  on  a  very  lively  young 
person  of  the  Court,  Mile.  Charlotte  des  Essars,  whom  he  after- 
wards made  Countess  de  Romorantin.  Nevertheless,  in  1607, 
Jacqueline  de  Bueil  *  presented  the  King  with  a  son,  who, 
being  legitimated  in  the  following  year,  became  known  as 
Antoine  de  Bourbon,  Count  de  Moret. 

Directly  after  the  arrest  of  the  Englishman,  or  Welshman, 
Morgan,  it  had  been  decided  (August  12,  1604)  to  send  him 
before  the  Parliament  for  trial.  The  proceedings  remained 
suspended,  however,  in  consequence  of  the  discoveries  made  with 
respect  to  Entragues  and  the  advisability  of  securing  the  person 
of  the  Count  d'Auvergne,  who  had  found  a  refuge  at  his  castle 
of  Vic-le-Comte  in  his  own  province,  where  it  was  difficult  to 
seize  him.  He  tried,  moreover,  to  gain  time  and  indulgence  by 
making  a  variety  of  offers,  such  as  to  supply  compromising 
letters  written  by  his  sister  Henriette,  to  furnish  further  revela- 
tions, and  to  resume  his  intercourse  with  Spain  in  the  King's 

*  Her  marriage  was  annulled  by  the  Court  of  Borne  in  1605,  and  in  1617  she 
married  the  Marquis  de  Vardes,  father  of  Louis  XIY's  companion  and 
confidant  in  the  affair  of  Mile,  de  la  Valli^re.    Mme.  de  Moret  died  in  1651. 


2(54   FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE    x 

interest.  At  the  same  time  he  secretly  made  fresh  overtures  to 
Spain,  as  was  proved  by  some  communications  which  were  inter- 
cepted. At  last,  a  certain  M.  de  Nerestang,  who  commanded 
a  regiment  of  the  royal  troops  stationed  in  the  region,  succeeded 
by  stratagem  in  making  Auvergne  his  prisoner,  and  the  scoundrel 
was  forthwith  conveyed  by  road  to  Montargis  and  thence  by 
the  Loing  and  the  Seine  to  the  Bastille,  where  he  arrived  on 
November  20,  1604.  Shortly  afterwards  the  King  remarked  to 
the  Venetian  ambassador :  "  I  have  put  the  Count  d' Auvergne 
in  a  place  where  he  will  no  longer  be  able  to  do  any  harm."" 
Then,  in  a  tone  of  commiseration,  he  added,  "  Madame  la 
Marquise  [Henriette]  has  embarked  on  a  very  pitiable 
adventure."" 

She  had  again  been  summoned  to  Paris,  and,  though  she 
was  not  consigned  to  the  Bastille  or  the  Conciergerie,  the  order 
went  forth  that  she  was  to  remain  under  arrest  in  the  house 
where  she  had  taken  up  her  residence,  a  mansion  in  the  Faubourg 
St.  Germain — the  Chevalier  du  Guet,  or  Captain  of  the  AVatch, 
being  appointed  to  guard  her.  The  King  having  sent  Brulart 
de  Sillery  to  see  her,  she  was  informed  by  that  envoy  that  if 
she  would  make  a  full  confession  of  everything  the  King  was 
disposed  to  grant  her  a  pardon  and  also  to  pardon  those  whom 
she  might  designate.  She  answered,  it  is  said :  "  Death  does 
not  frighten  me.  On  the  contrary  I  shall  welcome  it.  If  the 
King  takes  my  life  it  will,  at  all  events,  be  said  that  he  has  put 
his  wife  to  death,  for  I  was  Queen  before  the  Italian  was." 

When  M.  de  Sillery  pressed  her  for  such  an  answer  as  he 
might  take  back  to  the  King  she  would  not  at  first  say  any- 
thing, but  finally  she  curtly  replied  :  "  I  desire  but  three  things, 
justice  for  myself,  clemency  for  my  father,  and  a  rope  for  my 
brother."" 

At  that  period  the  First  President  of  the  Parliament  of 
Paris  was  the  famous  Achille  de  Harlay,  who  personally 
interrogated  Entragues,  Auvergne,  and  Morgan  before  the 
actual  trial  took  place.  Morgan  began  by  declaring  that 
Entragues  had  only  given  him  letters  to  introduce  him  to  his 
nephew  the  Duke  of  Lennox,  but  it  was  presently  established 
that  the  Englishman  had  carried  letters  from  the  Spanish 
ambassador  to  Entragues.     The  latter,  for  his  part,  informed 


X  HENRIETTE  D'ENTRAGUES  266 

Harlay  that  as  a  father  he  had  naturally  desired  to  save  his 
daughter's  life,  and  that  in  all  he  had  done  he  had  merely 
endeavoured  to  provide  her  with  a  safe  place  of  refuge.  He 
had  first  applied  to  England,  said  he,  and  next  to  Flanders,  but 
in  vain,  and  it  was  only  then  that  he  had  addressed  himself  to 
the  Spanish  ambassador.  When  Henriette's  turn  to  be  interro- 
gated arrived — she  was  accused,  curiously  enough,  of  having 
borrowed  the  keys  of  the  Sainte  Chapelle  from  the  King  in 
order  to  have  a  secret  interview  there  with  the  Spanish  envoy — 
she  largely  confirmed  her  father's  assertions,  declaring  that  he 
had  sought  to  provide  for  her  safety  because  she  was  threatened 
with  perpetual  imprisonment  by  Marie  de'  Medici.  Harlay 
afterwards  reproached  her  with  having  in  her  possession  two 
portraits  of  the  last  Marshal  Biron,  who  had  been  decapitated 
for  treason,  and  whom  many  malcontent  nobles  regarded  as  a 
martyr.  One  of  these  portraits  had  certainly  been  in  her 
possession  before  Biron's  last  sedition,  but  it  was  established 
that  she  had  purchased  the  second  one  since  his  execution  as 
a  traitor.  To  Harlay,  therefore,  it  seemed  evident  that  she 
sympathized  with  the  late  Marshal.  The  painter  who  had 
executed  the  second  picture  was  called,  and,  judging  by  what 
he  said,  a  very  lucrative  business  was  carried  on  in  such  portraits, 
there  being  quite  a  demand  for  copies  :  a  significant  circumstance 
indeed.  Finally,  Henriette  was  confronted  with  Auvergne,  who 
was  only  too  anxious  to  cast  the  responsibility  for  everything 
on  her  shoulders.  She,  however,  had  nothing  but  lofty  scorn 
for  the  man,  who,  said  she,  "  had  traduced  her  honour  to  the 
King.'' 

On  January  14,  1605,  the  Duke  of  I^nnox,  the  English 
ambassador,  arrived  in  Paris.  It  had  been  presumed  that,  by 
reason  of  his  official  position,  he  would  remain  neutral  in  this 
affair,  although  he  was  so  closely  related  to  the  Entragues 
family.  But  he  soon  began  to  intervene,  much  to  the  disgust 
of  Villeroy,  the  Minister  of  State,  who  wrote  complaining  about 
it  to  M.  de  Beaumont,  the  French  representative  in  England. 
However,  the  trial  proceeded,  and  on  February  2  the  Parlia- 
ment convicted  Entragues,  Auvergne  and  Morgan  of  lese-majeste^ 
and  sentenced  them  to  be  degraded  from  all  their  honours  and 
dignities,  and  to  be  decapitated  on  the  Place  de  Greve.     With 


266      FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE         x 

respect  to  Henriette  she  was  only  convicted  of  having  formed 
a  design  to  quit  the  kingdom  with  her  children,  without  the 
necessary  sanction  of  the  King ;  but  the  coui-t  specified  that 
there  should  be  further  investigations  into  her  case,  and  that 
in  the  meantime  she  should  be  removed  to  the  abbey  of 
Beaumont,  near  Tours,  and  detained  there. 

On  the  morrow  the  Duchess  d'Entragues  (Marie  Touchet) 
and  her  younger  daughter,  came  and  cast  themselves  at  the 
King's  feet,  imploring  his  clemency.  He  gave  them  an  in- 
definite answer,  but  on  the  Duke  of  Lennox  requesting  him  to 
defer  the  execution  of  the  sentence  he  consented  to  do  so,  and 
addressing  a  personal  letter  to  M.  de  Beaumont  he  told  him  to 
inform  King  James  that  he  had  done  this  solely  at  the  English 
ambassador's  request. 

Having  convoked  the  royal  council,  Henri  next  commuted 
the  death  sentences  to  perpetual  imprisonment,  and  authorized 
Henriette  to  return  to  Vemeuil,*  afterwards  issuing  "  letters  of 
abolition"  which  pronounced  her  to  be  innocent,  and  forbade 
further  investigations  into  her  case.  Finally,  while  Auvergne 
was  very  properly  kept  under  lock  and  key,  remaining  at  the 
Bastille  for  several  years,t  letters  of  remission  were  granted  to 
Entragues,  and  he  was  allowed  to  return  (at  first  under  sur- 
veillance) to  Marcoussis.  All  this  again  was  attributed  to  his 
Majesty's  desire  to  show  his  regard  for  the  ambassador  of  his 
good  brother  and  ally,  the  King  of  England.  But  although  it 
seems  that  Henriette  did  not  solicit  any  pardon  for  herself, 
deeming  it  sufficient  to  protest  her  love  for  the  King — in  which 
connection  she  wrote  him  as  passionate  a  letter  as  she  had  ever 
written  in  her  life  J — there  is  reason  to  believe  that  she  inter- 
vened on  behalf  of  her  father.  Moreover,  in  spite  of  all  that 
the  King  said  about  the  English  ambassador,  many  people  were 
convinced  that  the  pardons  he  had  granted  were  due  solely  to 

•  Verified  by  the  Parliament  on  March  28,  1605.  The  "letters  of 
abolition"  were  issued  on  the  ensuing  16th  of  September. 

t  According  to  L'EstoiUe,  when  Auvergno's  wife  (who  was  a  daughter  of 
Constable  do  Montmorency)  solicited  his  pardon,  the  King  replied :  "  I  feel  for 
your  sorrow  and  your  tears,  but  if  I  were  to  grant  you.  request  it  wovdd  bo  the 
same  as  declaring  that  my  wife  is  a  woman  of  evil  life,  my  son  a  bastard,  and 
my  kingdom  fit  prey  for  anybody." 

t  It  is  now  in  the  National  Library,  Paris. 


X  HENRIETTE  DENTRAGUES  267 

his  passion  for  Henriette.  For  instance,  Bertaut,  the  poet-abbe, 
who,  as  will  be  remembered,  was  one  of  the  King's  secretaries, 
improvised  this  effusion  on  the  subject : 

"  Quand  Jupiter  qui  la  regrette, 

Espris  de  si  grande  beautS, 
Le  glaive  de  Thdmis  arrfite, 

Qui  tendait  k  la  cruaut6, 
Partisan  d'amour  en  son  4me, 

n  donne  k  la  Parque  le  tort ; 
Par  ce  moyen,  sauvant  la  dame, 

Amour  est  vainqueur  de  la  mort." 

Further,  we  have  this  letter  written  by  the  King  himself :  * 

"  My  dear  Heart, — 

"  I  have  received  three  letters  from  you,  to  which  I 
will  make  but  one  reply.  I  consent  to  your  making  a  journey 
to  Boisgency  [Beaugency  ?],  and  also  to  your  seeing  your 
father,  whose  guards  I  have  had  removed.  But  remain  with 
him  only  one  day,  for  the  contagion  from  him  is  dangerous. 
I  deem  it  good  that  you  should  go  to  Saint  Germain  to  see  our 
children.  I  will  send  you  La  Guesle,  for  I  also  wish  that  you 
should  see  the  [their  ?]  father,  who  loves  and  cherishes  you  too 
much.  One  [the  Queen  ?]  has  heard  nothing  at  all  of  your 
journey.  Love  me,  my  little  one,  for  I  swear  to  thee  that  all 
the  rest  of  the  world  is  nothing  to  me  in  comparison  with  thee, 
whom  I  kiss  and  kiss  again  a  million  times.'' 

There  is  reason  to  believe  that  the  correspondence  being 
thus  resumed  was  not  broken  off,  although  the  King  was  still 
occupying  himself,  more  or  less,  with  Mrae.  de  Moret  and  Mile, 
des  Essars ;  but  in  the  collection  of  his  Lettres-missives^  the 
next  letter  addressed  by  him  to  Henriette  is  dated  October, 
1606.  During  that  interval  several  notable  incidents  had 
occurred,  not  the  least  of  them  being  the  return  of  Henri's  first 
wife.  Queen  Marguerite,  to  Paiis. 

It  was  a  resurrection,  and  a  somewhat  weird  one.  During 
her  long  serai-captivity  at  Usson  Marguerite  had  repeatedly 

*  Undated.    Formerly  assigned  to  the  latter  part  of  1604,  but  evidently 
written,  we  think,  after  the  trial. 


268   FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE    x 

solicited  permission  to  fix  her  residence  in  Paris  again,  frequently 
writing  to  her  former  husband,  flattering  him,  and  even  render- 
ing little  services  by  transmitting  more  or  less  important 
information  which  had  come  to  her  knowledge.  She  wrote  to 
congratulate  him  on  the  birth  of  the  Dauphin,  on  the  fortunate 
discovery  of  the  conspiracy  of  the  Dulie  de  Biron,  and  that  of 
the  Count  d'Auvergne,  "  whom,""  said  she,  "  I  no  longer  call  my 
nephew  since  he  has  shown  himself  to  be  your  Majesty's  enemy." 
Having  at  last  obtained  leave  to  return  to  Paris,  she  set  out  in 
jubilation,  and,  according  to  the  anecdotiers^  on  arriving  at 
Francis  Fs  Chateau  de  Madrid,  in  what  is  now  called  the  Bois 
de  Boulogne,  she  was  received  there  on  the  King's  behalf  by  his 
eldest  legitimated  son,  Cesar  de  Vendome,  in  attendance  on 
whom  was  that  same  Harlay  de  Champvallon  who  is  said  to 
have  been  many  years  previously  her  lover !  Madrid,  by  the 
way,  was  really  the  property  of  Marguerite,  as  heiress  of  the 
private  domain  of  her  brother,  Henri  HI,*  and  it  became  now 
and  again  her  country  residence. 

But  on  her  return  from  Usson  she  speedily  moved  into 
Paris,  and  installed  herself  at  the  old  Hotel  de  Sens,  formerly 
the  Parisian  abode  of  the  Archbishops  of  Sens,t  and  adjacent 
to  the  Hotel  St.  Paul,  where  several  Kings  of  France  had 
resided.  Twenty-five  years  had  elapsed  since  Marguerite  had 
last  cast  her  eyes  over  Paris,  and  owing  to  the  improvements 
effected  by  the  King,  by  Franfois  Miron,  the  Prevot  des 
Marchands,  and  by  others,  she  found  many  changes  there. 
Still  the  greatest  of  them  was  not  to  be  compared  to  the  change 
in  herself.  Charles  IX's  grosse  Margoty  all  lascivious  charm 
and  beauty,  had  become  a  huge,  unwieldy  creature  with  baggy 
cheeks  and  a  bushy,  flaxen  wig.  She  was  but  fifty,  yet  at  first 
she  seemed  almost  antediluvian,  retaining  as  she  did  the  attire 
and  the  manners  of  the  vanished  Court  of  the  Valois.  She  duly 
repaired  to  the  Louvre  to  pay  her  respects  to  her  successor, 
Marie  de"*  Medici.  The  scene  was  an  interesting,  almost  im- 
pressive one  when  those  two  Queens,  each  in  turn  the  wife  of 

*  The  Duchess  d'Ktampes,  mistress  of  Francis  I,  Diane  de  Poitiers,  mis- 
tress of  Henri  II,  Marie  Touchet  and  Mile,  do  la  Beraudi^re,  mistresses  of 
Charles  IX,  had  resided  there.   It  was  the  birthplace  of  the  Count  d' Auvergne. 

t  Paris  originally  only  had  bishops,  and  was  in  the  archdiocese  of  Sens. 


X  HENRIETTE  D'ENTRAGUES  269 

the  same  King,  at  last  stood  face  to  face.  Marguerite,  for  her 
part,  was  calm  and  dignified,  but  Marie  was  pale  and  manifestly 
ill  at  ease.  But  she  soon  became  reassured,  for  Marguerite''s 
manner  towards  her,  as  towards  her  ex-husband,  was  perfect, 
and  they  speedily  became  very  good  friends  indeed. 

By  Henri  and  Marie,  Marguerite  was  invariably  called 
"sister,"  and  by  their  children  "aunt."  She  heaped  presents 
on  them,  took  them  to  St.  Germain's  Fair,  and  petted  them  in 
every  possible  way.  While  she  was  still  at  Usson  she  had 
instituted,  through  her  legal  representatives  in  Paris,  proceed- 
ings against  the  Count  d'Auvergne  for  the  recovery  of  a  large 
amount  of  landed  and  other  property  which  her  mother, 
Catherine  de'  Medici,  had  bequeathed  to  her  by  will.  Her 
brother,  Henri  IH,  had  despoiled  her  of  it,  however,  and  trans- 
ferred it  to  his  illegitimate  nephew,  Auvergne.*  Early  in  1606 
judgment  was  given  in  Marguerite's  favour,  and  on  March  10 
she  legally  made  over  everything  to  the  Dauphin — the  future 
Louis  Xni — on  condition,  however,  that  she  should  either 
retain  the  use  thereof  during  her  lifetime,  or  surrender  all  claim 
to  it  in  consideration  of  a  large  annuity.  The  latter  course 
was  adopted;  nevertheless.  Marguerite  paid  no  heed  to  the 
King's  advice  that  she  should  moderate  her  expenditure, 
particularly  in  regard  to  benefactions,  for  she  was  constantly 
in  financial  difficulties,  and  again  and  again  one  finds  Marie 
de'  Medici  lending  her  money  from  her  own  purse,  or  procuring 
her  advances  from  Sully. 

Her  life  at  the  Hotel  de  Sens  gave  rise  to  no  little  scandal. 
Among  her  "  gentlemen  in  waiting "  was  a  handsome  young 
Provenjal  of  somewhat  low  extraction,  who  called  himself  Dat 
de  Saint  Julien.  The  favour  shown  him  by  Queen  Marguerite 
is  said  to  have  aroused  the  jealousy  of  another  of  her  retainers, 
named  Vermond,  and  about  midday  on  April  5,  1606,  just  as 
Marguerite  was  reaching  the  Hotel  de  Sens  in  her  coach,  after 
hearing  mass  at  the  Celestine  Monastery,  Saint  Julien,  who 
was  in  attendance  at  the  coach  door,  was  shot  dead  by  Vermond, 
who,  armed  with  a  pistol,  had  been  waiting  for  an  opportunity 

*  He  seems  to  have  lost  the  title  of  Count  d'Auvergne  by  participating  in  the 
Entragues'  conspiracy.  From  this  time  he  is  called  Count,  and  in  the  next 
reign,  Duke  d'AngoulSme.    He  then  secured  high  military  commands. 


270      FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY   OF  NAVARRE         x 

to  despatch  his  rival.  The  crime  committed,  Vermond  fled,  but 
was  speedily  caught,  and  Marguerite  is  said  to  have  vowed  that 
she  would  neither  eat  nor  drink  till  he  had  been  punished  for 
that  murder.  Whether  she  really  made  that  vow  and  whether 
she  kept  it,  we  cannot  say,  but  two  days  later  Vermond  was 
certainly  beheaded  in  her  presence  on  the  square  outside  the 
Hotel  de  Sens.  It  was  then  that  one  of  the  satirists  of  the 
period  penned  the  following  lines  : 

•"  La  Royne-V6nus,  demi-morte 
De  voyx  mourir  devant  sa  porte 
Son  Adonis,  son  cher  Amour, 
Four  vengeance  a,  devant  sa  face, 
Fait  defaire,  en  la  mesme  place, 
L'assassin  presque  au  mesme  jour." 

After  those  tragic  occurrences  Marguerite  would  no  longer 
reside  at  the  Hotel  de  Sens,  and  acquiring,  in  part  by  a  donation 
from  the  King  and  in  part  by  purchase,  a  large  site  across  the 
Seine  and  then  known  as  the  Petit  Pre  aux  Clercs,  she  there 
erected  both  a  palatial  mansion  and  a  monastery  for  monks  of 
the  reformed  Augustine  order,  who  undertook  to  consecrate 
and  maintain  an  altar  which  she  set  up  in  the  fulfilment  of  a 
vow  which  she  had  made  in  the  days  of  her  captivity  at  Usson. 
This  vow  was  similar  to  that  of  Jacob  at  Bethel,*  for  which 
reason  the  altar  was  long  known  as  Jacob's  altar.  Its  memory 
is  perpetuated,  though  few  are  aware  of  it,  by  the  present  Rue 
Jacob,  which  crosses  the  site.  Moreover,  it  was  also  largely 
by  reason  of  her  vow  at  Usson  that  Marguerite  so  often  found 
herself  in  financial  straits,  for  her  gifts  to  the  clergy  and  the 
poor  of  Paris  were  innumerable.  These,  coupled  with  her 
great  expenditure  in  building  her  palace  in  the  Rue  de  Seine 
and  her  lordly  pleasure-house  "  Olympus,""  f  in  the  village  of 
Issy,  severely  taxed  her  handsome  income  of  123,000  crowns  a 

•  '•  And  Jacob  vowed  a  vow,  saying,  If  God  will  be  with  me,  and  will  keep 
me  in  this  way  that  I  go,  and  wiU  give  me  bread  to  eat,  and  raiment  to  put  on, 
BO  that  I  come  again  to  my  father's  house  in  peace;  then  shall  the  Lord  be  my 
God :  And  this  stone,  which  I  have  set  lor  a  pillar,  shall  be  God's  house : 
and  of  all  that  thou  shalt  give  me  I  will  surely  give  the  tenth  unto  thee." — 
Genetit  xzviii,  20,  21,  22. 

t  In  that  name  we  find  the  pagan  side  of  the  Renaissance  asserting  itself 
amidst  Marguerite's  religiosity. 


X  HENRIETl^E   D'ENTRAGUES  271 

year.  Her  display  of  piety  was  as  exaggerated  as  that  of 
Henriette  d'Entragues.  It  seemed  as  if  the  so-called  Reine 
galante  feared  that  she  would  never  be  able  to  cleanse  herself 
of  her  sins.  She  attended  mass  every  day,  partook  of  the 
Blessed  Sacrament  three  times  a  week,  and  often  followed 
religious  processions  through  the  streets  to  one  or  another 
shrine. 

At  the  same  time  she  held  the  first  salon  of  the  seventeenth 
century.  Receptions,  ballets,  concerts,  and  banquets  were  ever 
following  one  upon  the  other  at  the  palace  in  the  Rue  de 
Seine,  whither,  cultured  as  she  most  certainly  was,  possessed  of 
a  splendid  library,  several  volumes  in  which  she  had  personally 
annotated,  Marguerite  attracted  a  very  large  number  of  writers 
and  artists,  to  whom  she  showed  herself  a  most  generous  patron. 
It  is  true,  however,  that  the  greatest  poet  of  the  age,  Malherbe, 
would  have  none  of  her  hospitality,  but  growled  and  spat  on 
the  ground  whenever  he  passed  her  residence.  That  was  due, 
no  doubt,  to  that  same  cantankerous  disposition  which  landed  him 
in  so  many  lawsuits.  Lax  as  he  was  in  morals  himself,  he  had 
no  right  to  take  offence  at  any  immorality  in  Marguerite.  She 
survived  till  the  age  of  sixty- three — passing  away  on  March 
27,  1615,  that  is,  some  five  years  after  the  assassination  of  the 
King — and  the  last  period  of  her  life,  like  virtually  all  the  rest, 
was  devoted  alternately  to  religion  and  love.  When  her  affairs 
were  investigated  it  was  found  that  she  owed  over  260,000 
crowns.  An  infinite  number  of  lawsuits  ensued,  the  possessions 
she  had  acquired  since  her  donation  to  the  Dauphin  were  all 
sold,  and,  as  M.  Batiffol  remarks,  "  there  remained  nothing  of 
this  brilliant  Princess,  not  even  the  memory  that  she  had  been 
a  bountiful  and  intellectual  woman,  an  *  up-to-date '  hostess, 
an  affectionate  *  aunt,'  a  faithful  friend — nothing,  indeed,  save 
the  recollection  of  the  scandals  associated  with  the  appellation 
of  La  Reine  Margot."  Cardinal  Richelieu  subsequently  summed 
up  her  public  career  in  one  impressive  sentence :  "  She  beheld 
herself  the  greatest  Princess  of  her  age,  the  daughter,  sister^  and 
wife  of  great  Kings,  but,  notwithstanding  that  advantage,  she 
became  the  sport  of  fortune,  the  contempt  of  people  who 
should  have  been  subject  to  her,  and  she  saw  another  occupying 
the  place  which  had  been  intended  for  herself." 


272   FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE    x 

Let  us  now  revert  to  the  period  of  Qaeen  Marguerite's 
return  to  Paris.  The  proceedings  against  Entragues  and 
Auvergne  had  by  no  means  stamped  out  sedition  in  France. 
Not  only  was  there  grave  suspicion  of  Marshal  Lesdiguieres 
and  other  prominent  Huguenots,  but  the  rebellious  sentiments 
of  the  Duke  de  Bouillon  were  manifest.  Early  then,  in  1606, 
the  King  set  out  to  subdue  Bouillon's  stronghold  of  Sedan, 
which  for  several  years  had  been  regarded  by  the  Huguenot 
party  as  a  second  Geneva.  Receiving  no  support,  however, 
either  from  his  co-religionaries  or  from  Spain,  Bouillon,  who 
had  long  aimed  at  becoming  an  absolutely  independent 
sovereign,  was  constrained  to  surrender  Sedan  to  the  King, 
who  then  definitely  annexed  it  to  the  crown  of  France.  Not 
wishing,  however,  to  carry  matters  too  far  with  a  party  to 
which  he  himself  had  once  belonged,  he  pardoned  the  Duke, 
and  appointed  as  governor  of  Sedan  a  Huguenot  officer  on 
whom  he  could  depend. 

When  he  returned  to  Paris  he  had  to  give  his  attention  to 
his  love  affairs,  for  he  discovered  that  in  his  absence  the 
irrepressible  Prince  de  Joinville  had  been  paying  too  much 
attention  to  the  beautiful  if  insipid  Jacqueline  de  Moret.  In 
the  result  Joinville  had  to  take  to  his  heels,  and  seek  a  refuge 
in  Lorraine.  About  this  time  there  were  fresh  negotiations 
with  Mme.  de  Vemeuil,  who,  angry  with  her  royal  lover  on 
account  of  his  infidelities  with  others,  again  turned  from  him 
and  expressed  a  desire  to  go  and  live  abroad,  though,  as  she 
had  no  desire  to  die  of  starvation,  she  requested  the  King  to 
provide  her  with  an  income  of  100,000  livres  a  year.  Henri, 
who  was  not  inclined  to  give  her  any  such  income  or  even  to 
let  her  go,  retorted  to  her  charges  by  accusing  her  also  of 
unfaithfulness,  which  she  denied.  They  still  met,  at  first 
secretly  and  afterwards  publicly,  though  Henriette  no  longer 
went  to  Court.  Now  that  the  storm  which  had  so  seriously 
threatened  her  father  was  past,  she  had  recovered  all  her  biting 
power  of  speech  and  revenged  herself  for  the  enmity  of  Marie 
de'  Medici  by  deriding  her  in  the  most  caustic  terms  possible, 
even  in  the  presence  of  the  King.  She  called  the  Queen  her 
lover's  "fat  banker,"  and  laughed  when  she  heard  of  an 
accident  at  the  Neuilly  feiTy,  when  the  Queen  and  young  Cesar 


X  HENRIETTE  D'ENTRAGUES  273 

de  Vendome  were  nearly  drowned,  remarking  that  if  she  had 
been  present  she  would  willingly  have  cried  "The  Queen  drinks  !  " 
That,  of  course,  was  repeated  to  Marie  de'  Medici,  and  added 
fresh  fuel  to  her  resentment  against  Henriette,  besides  again 
embroiling  her  with  her  husband,  whom  she  could  not  forgive 
for  the  indulgence  which  he  evinced  in  regard  to  the  Mar- 
chioness's sarcastic  and  insulting  remarks. 

Having  again  patched  up  their  differences  in  one  way  or 

another,  the  King  and  Henriette  were  once  more  on  the  best  of 

terms  during  the  autumn  of  that  year,  1606,  as  several  of  the 

royal  lettei-s,  often  very  passionate  ones,  fully  testify.     But  in 

the  winter  there  was  again  a  cooling  down  on  either  side,  the 

Queen  apparently  regaining  considerable   influence   over  her 

husband,  and  gradually  prevailing  on  him  to  keep  his  mistress 

at  "  a  respectful  distance  "  from  the  Court.     In  the  summer  of 

1607,  for  instance,  when  the  royal  family  was  staying  at  St. 

Maur-les-Fosses,    near    the    famous    Benedictine    abbey,    and 

Henriette  was  sojourning  at  Charenton,  Sully  was  sent  to  her 

to  say  that  she  had  better  go  to  drink  the  waters  at  Vannes. 

Nevertheless,  the  King  still  wrote  to  her  from  time  to  time  and 

sent  her  presents,  and  his  letters  indicate  that  in  the  autumn 

he  was  seeing  her  once  more.     Then,  however,  yet  fresh  storms 

arose.     Henriette  again  became  very  exigeaute,  wishing  to  have 

the  King  entirely  to  herself  or  else  not  at  all.     As  he  mentions 

in  a  letter  of  October  20,  on  his  going  to  see  her  she  had 

received  him  in  the  worst  possible  manner,  even  saying :  "  I 

pray  you,  never  come  to  see  me  again.   You  have  never  brought 

me  anything  but  misfortune  "  ;  whereupon  Henri  had  replied : 

"Reflect  a  little,  madam,  I  do  not  deserve  this  treatment." 

His  dismissal  again  aroused  his  suspicions,  and  on  October  25 

we  find  him  writing  to  Sully  and  reporting  a  rumour  that  the 

sempiternal  Joinville  was  now  visiting  Henriette ! 

In  December,  however,  there  came  another  reconciliation. 
Mme.  de  Verneuil  wished  to  secure  the  bishopric  of  Metz  for 
her  young  son,  and  so  she  once  more  treated  the  King  as  a 
lover.  On  the  thirteenth  he  writes  to  her :  "  My  Heart,  My 
joy  is  extreme  at  the  thought  of  seeing  you  on  Saturday. 
Make  up  your  mind  to  cherish  me  well  when  I  arrive.  ...  I 
am  going  to  bed,  for  it  is  one   o'clock,  and  I  have  lost  my 

T 


274  FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE    x 

money  [at  play].  Good  night,  heart  of  mine,  I  kiss  thee  a 
million  times." 

On  April  25,  1608,  Marie  de'  Medici  gave  birth  to  her 
son  Gaston  (of  Orleans),  and  this  time  there  was  no  corre- 
sponding accoucJiement  on  the  part  of  Henriette  de  Vemeuil.* 
But  on  May  22,  a  hunting  expedition  takes  the  King  to  the 
vicinity  of  Bois-Malesherbes,  where  he  first  met  his  mistress, 
and  then,  all  the  past  rising  up  before  him,  he  sends  her  what 
may  be  called  the  one  really  sentimental  letter  among  the 
many  which  he  addressed  to  her  : 

"  A  hare  led  me  to  the  rocks  before  Malesherbes,  where  I 
experienced  '  how  sweet  the  memory  is  of  pleasures  past.'  t  I 
wished  I  had  held  you  in  my  arms  as  I  once  saw  you  there. 
Recall  it  while  you  read  this  letter,  I  feel  sure  that  the 
memory  of  the  past  will  cause  you  to  scorn  everything  of  the 
present.  In  any  case  you  would  do  so  did  you  follow  the  paths 
along  which  I  so  often  passed  in  going  to  see  you.  Mes  chcres 
amours^  if  I  sleep  my  dreams  are  of  you,  if  I  lie  awake  my 
thoughts  are  the  same." 

Until  the  end  of  1608,  the  correspondence  is,  so  to  say,  a 
commingling  of  kisses  and  reproaches.  The  virtual  end  of  the 
liaison  was  fast  approaching.  The  truth  seems  to  be  that, 
while  the  King  was  not  tired  of  Henriette,  she  was  utterly 
tired  of  him.  Let  all  remember  that  the  woman  who  sells  her- 
self never  loves  the  man  who  buys  her.  She  may  feign  love, 
certainly,  but  that  is  all.  Now,  Henriette  had  been  bought,  and 
whatever  she  may  have  now  and  again  professed,  we  do  not 
believe  that  throughout  that  long  liaison,  she  ever  for  one 
moment  really  loved  the  King.  She  had  yielded  from  personal 
vanity  and  ambition,  to  which  had  succeeded  ambition  for  her 
son,  whom  she  wished  to  see  King  of  France.  In  the  last 
negotiations  which  took  place  between  her  and  her  royal  lover 
she  asked — indeed,  one  might  almost  say  she  demanded — like  the 
tenacious  woman  she  was,  the  right  of  returning  to  Court,  the 
guardianship  of  her  children,  and  the  city  of  Metz,  of  which 

*  On  the  other  hand,  Mme.  de  Moret  had  presented^  him  with  a  son  in 
May,  1607,  and  the  Countess  do  Bomorantin  with  a  daughter  in  or  about 
January,  1608.    See  p.  263,  ante,  and  Appendix  B.,  pp.  298,  299,  pott. 

t  "  Quo  dos  plaisors  passoz  doulco  ost  la  souvuuauco." 


X  HENRIETTE  DT,NTRAGUES  275 

her  little  son  had  been  appointed  bishop,  as  a  safe  place  of 
retreat.  From  the  King  she  obtained  fair  words  but  nothing 
more,  and  thus  early  in  1609  the  liaison  came  to  an  end.  The 
King  continued  seeing  her  from  time  to  time  down  almost  to  the 
date  of  his  death,  attracted  as  he  was  by  her  caustic  wit  and 
invincible  sprightliness,  which  so  far  remained  as  great  as  ever. 
But  although  Henriette  seems  to  have  tried  once  or  twice  to 
regain  her  former  ascendancy  over  him,  she  failed  in  the  en- 
deavour, for  another  and  much  younger  beauty  had  now 
inspired  him  with  the  most  insensate  passion  of  his  life. 

Here,  then,  let  us  leave  the  Marchioness  de  Verneuil  in  her 
semi-retirement.  We  shall  meet  her  again  after  the  King's 
assassination,  for  she  was  accused  of  having  prompted  it. 


XI 

THE     PRINCESS    DE     CONDE — THE    ASSASSINATION      OF 
THE    KING    AND    AFTERWARDS 

Charlotte  de  Montmorency  and  her  Beauty— The  King's  Passion  for  her — 
He  prevents  her  Marriage  with  Bassompierre — The  Prince  de  Cond6,  his 
Position  and  Character — He  is  married  to  Charlotte — He  keeps  his  Wife 
from  Court — His  Altercation  with  the  jealous  King — Henri's  Attempts  to 
Bce  the  Princess  secretly — A  Divorce  suggested — Cond6  carries  ofl  his 
Wife — The  Flight  to  Flanders — The  Royal  Rage— Attempts  to  capture  the 
Fugitives— Their  Asylum  at  Brussels— Scheme  to  carry  off  the  Princess- 
Renewed  Suggestions  for  Divorce— Last  Days  of  Henri  de  Navarre — The 
projected  War  against  the  House  of  Austria — Francois  Ravaillac — The 
Assassination  of  the  King  —  Suspected  Instigators  of  the  Crime  —  La 
d'Escoman — Henriette  d'Entragues  and  the  Duke  d'Epernon  accused — 
Trial  of  d'Escoman — She  is  WaUed-up  for  Life — Henriette  and  Mario  de' 
Lledici — Henriette's  last  Years — The  Prince  and  Princess  de  Coud^ — 
Marriages  of  Guise  and  JoinviUe — Conclusion. 

In  1609  Henri  was  fifty-six  years  old,  and  though  that  is  by 
no  means  a  great  age,  it  appears  tolerably  certain  that  in 
some  respects  he  was  no  longer  a  young  man.  Yet  a  sudden 
passion  now  inspired  him  with  unwonted  ardour.  It  is  scarcely 
pleasant  to  think  of  a  man  of  his  years  conceiving  a  violent 
love  for  a  girl  who,  however  precocious  in  physique,  had 
scarcely  seen  her  fifteenth  summer.  Yet  so  it  happened,  and 
never,  perhaps,  did  Sultan  rave  and  storm  as  Henri  did  when 
he  found  obstacle  after  obstacle  placed  in  his  way,  and  never 
did  wooer  exhibit  more  desperate  energy  in  striving  to  over- 
come those  obstacles.  The  King  failed,  as  we  shall  see,  but  as 
the  object  of  his  infatuation  never  became  his  mistress  we  shall 
give  only  a  brief  account  of  the  affair.  It  cannot  be  altogether 
passed  by,  as  in  various  respects  it  is  historically  interesting  and 
important. 

The  young  girl  who  inspired  Henri  with  this  extraordinary 


XI  THE   PRINCESS  DE  CONDE  2T7 

passion  was  named  Charlotte  Marguerite  de  Montmorency. 
Born  on  May  11,  1594,  she  was  the  daughter  of  the  Constable 
of  France  by  his  deceased  second  wife,  that  marvellously 
beautiful  Louise  de  Budos,*  who  fascinated  every  man  and 
alarmed  every  woman  who  saw  her,  in  such  wise  that  her 
premature  death  appeared  like  a  happy  deliverance,  as  it  saved 
so  many  from  the  necessity  of  loving  or  hating  her.  Super- 
stitiously  minded  folk — and  there  were  still  many  in  those  days 
— held  that  the  amazing  beauty  of  Louise  de  Budos  could  only 
have  been  the  result  of  some  compact  with  the  fiend. 

Her  daughter  Charlotte  likewise  grew  up  all  loveliness,  a 
perfect  blonde,  possessed  already  of  a  most  shapely  figure  at 
the  youthful  age  we  have  mentioned.  And  Malherbe,  fired 
with  enthusiasm  for  her  charms,  and  the  King's  poetic  ally  in 
the  royal  attempt  to  win  her,  sang  of  her  in  such  lines  as  these — 

"  A  quelles  roses  ne  fait  bonte 
De  son  teint  la  vive  fraicheur  ? 
Quelle  neige  a  tant  de  blancheur 
Que  sa  gorge  ne  la  surmonte  ? 
Et  quelle  flanune  luit  aux  cieuz, 
Claire  et  nette  comme  ses  yeuz  ?  " 

It  was  in  January,  1609,  while  a  ballet  called  "Diana's 
Nymphs"  was  being  rehearsed  at  the  Louvre  under  the 
supervision  of  Marie  de'  Medici  that  the  King  first  saw  this 
young  beauty,  and  immediately  fell  desperately  in  love  with 
her.  All  the  worries  of  his  expiring  liaison  with  Henriette 
d'Entragues  were  immediately  forgotten ;  as  Aubigne  tells  us, 
he  had  no  thoughts,  no  eyes,  left  save  for  Charlotte  de  Mont- 
morency. In  accordance  with  his  favourite  expedient,  one 
which  he  had  employed  in  the  case  of  Gabrielle  d'Estrees  and 
that  of  Jacqueline  de  Bueil,  he  thought  of  giving  the  youthful 
Princess  a  husband,  as  that  would  remove  her  from  the 
parental  control  and  allow  her  more  freedom  of  action.  As  it 
happened,  Bassompierre  was  already  a  suitor  for  Charlotte's 
hand,  but  the  King  feared  that  the  Colonel  of  his  Swiss  Guard 
might  not  prove  so  complaisant  a  husband  as  was  desired. 
One  of  Henri's  intimates  thereupon  suggested  another  one,  the 
Prince  de  Conde,  a  reserved,  taciturn  and  slightly  built  young 
*  See  p.  151,  ante. 


278     FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE        xi 

fellow,  whom  many  took  to  be  a  fool,  though  he  was  nothing 
of  the  kind,  for  in  after  years  he  displayed  ambition  and 
energy,  as  well  as  real  power  of  speech.  On  the  other  hand,  he 
owed  whatever  fortune  he  possessed  to  the  King's  liberality, 
and  was  without  supporters,  some  folk  even  contesting  his 
right  to  the  title  he  bore,  for  he  was  a  posthumous  child,  the 
son  of  that  Prince  de  Conde  who  was  supposed  to  have  been 
poisoned,  and  whose  wife,  suspected  of  the  crime,  had  been 
cast  into  prison.*  Bom  at  St.  Jean  d'Angely,  on  September  1 , 
1588,  Conde  was  now  twenty-one  years  old,  and  living  on  the 
King's  bounty  evinced  a  very  docile  disposition.  He  did  not 
care  for  Court  life,  but  was  attracted  somewhat  towards  sport, 
and  also  to  reverie,  preferring  the  loneliness  of  moors  and  the 
gloom  of  forests  to  the  gaieties  of  the  Louvre,  To  all  appear- 
ance very  cold  and  very  bashful,  he  paid  no  attention  to  women, 
and  it  was  held  that  if  he  were  given  a  wife  he  would  be  incap- 
able of  loving  her,  while  the  idea  of  her  loving  him  appeared 
quite  nonsensical. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  affair  the  King  had  a  very  bad 
attack  of  gout,  and  remained  confined  to  his  bed  for  some  time, 
during  which  Astree  and  Amadis  de  Gaule  were  repeatedly  read 
to  him.  Those  works  doubtless  helped  to  fire  his  imagination, 
and  possibly  tended  to  subdue  the  twinges  of  his  complaint. 
In  any  case,  this  historic  example  should  suffice  to  prove  that 
the  gout  is  no  obstacle  to  love.  While  Henri  was  laid  up, 
Diane  d'Angouleme  paid  him  a  visit,  accompanied  by  the 
beautiful  Charlotte,  and  the  King  took  advantage  of  this 
opportunity  to  question  the  young  Princess  respecting  her 
sentiments  for  Bassompierre,  for  he  was  anxious  to  ascertain  if 
her  proposed  marriage  with  that  dashing  courtier  and  soldier 
would  be  one  of  duty  only  or  of  inclination  as  well.  And 
we  are  told  that  the  blushing  young  beauty  modestly  replied 
to  the  royal  inquiries  that  it  would  always  be  a  happiness  to 
her  to  obey  her  father,  and  that  such  was  the  limit  of  her 
ambition.  Now,  M.  de  Montmorency  favoured  the  Bassom- 
pierre match,  and  as  it  seemed  evident  that  it  did  not  displease 
the  Princess,  the  King  immediately  resolved  to  prevent  it.  He 
treated  Bassompierre  in  a  meanly  jealous  manner,  compelled 
*  See  p.  102,  ante. 


XI  THE   PRINCESS  DE  CONDE  279 

the  Constable  to  assent  to  his  daughter's  marriage  with  Conde^ 
and  hurried  on  the  betrothal  (March,  1609),  when  he  bestowed 
a  fairly  large  income  on  the  Prince,  and  made  some  splendid 
presents  to  the  bride. 

The  marriage  was  celebrated  at  Chantilly  on  May  17,  the 
King  being  present,  and  lingering  there  for  a  day  or  two,  full 
of  doubts,  it  seems,  as  to  whether  he  had  taken  the  right 
course,  for  he  had  suddenly  begun  to  feel  very  suspicious  of  the 
seemingly  humble  and  docile  bridegroom.  At  this  moment, 
however,  the  Duke  of  Cleves  died,  and  the  question  of  war  with 
the  House  of  Austria  at  once  arose.  The  King  was  obliged 
to  devote  himself  to  affairs  of  State  and  preparations  for 
hostilities,  and  Conde,  in  lieu  of  following  him  to  Paris  with 
his  wife,  carefully  kept  away  from  the  capital,  even  putting  a 
greater  and  greater  distance  between  himself  and  the  King,  for 
he  was  well  aware  of  the  feelings  inspired  in  the  latter  by  the 
contemplation  of  his  wife's  beauty. 

Michelet  denounces  the  young  Prince  as  hypocritical  and 
Machiavelian,  but  assuredly  most  people  will  admire  the 
course  which  he  adopted  under  very  difficult  circumstances. 
Why,  indeed,  should  a  young  fellow  of  two  and  twenty,  married 
to  the  most  beautiful  girl  in  France,  have  surrendered  her  to 
any  rival,  a  man  who,  unhappily,  had  now  become  one  of  the 
most  depraved  roues  in  the  world  ?  Doubtless  the  Prince 
practised  dissimulation,  but  dissimulation  and  prudence  were 
necessary  under  the  circumstances,  and  beneath  them  there  was 
real  energy,  a  proper  solicitude  for  his  own  honour,  and,  what- 
ever Michelet  may  have  thought  to  the  contrary,  love  for  the 
girl  whom  he  had  married. 

In  July,  1609,  the  wedding  of  Cesar  de  Vendome  and  Mile, 
de  Mercoeur  at  Fontainebleau  took  Conde  and  his  wife  thither. 
The  King,  then  in  excellent  health,  paid  great  attention  to  the 
Princess,  and  her  husband  profited  by  the  first  opportunity  to 
remove  her  from  the  Court.  In  the  autumn,  however,  he  was 
compelled  to  return  to  Paris  (as  was  the  duty  of  every  Prince 
of  the  blood  royal)  for  the  expected  accoiichement  of  Marie 
de*   Medici.*     On   this  occasion   Henri    reproached    him   for 

*  She  gave  birth  to  a  girl,  who  received  the  names  of  Henriette  Marie,  and 
became  the  wife  of  Charles  I  of  England. 


280     FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE        xi 

keeping  his  wife  from  Court,  and  an  altercation,  it  is  said, 
ensued,  Condc,  in  spite  of  his  usual  prudence,  allowing  the  woi"d 
"tyranny"  to  escape  him,  while  the  King,  according  to 
L'Estoille*s  assertions,  told  him  that  he  really  had  no  right 
to  his  title,  as  the  previous  Prince  de  Conde  had  never  been 
his  father.  In  any  case,  there  was  undoubtedly  most  serious 
trouble,  and  so  the  Prince  removed  his  wife  as  soon  as  possible 
to  the  abbey  of  Breteuil,  on  the  confines  of  Picardy.  It  seems 
unfortunately  true  that  the  young  Princess,  who  was  still  little 
more  than  a  child — according  to  more  than  one  account  the 
marriage  had  not  hitherto  been  consummated — felt  flattered  by 
the  King's  suit,  and  even  sent  him  a  portrait  of  hei-self.  The 
anecdotiers  allege,  moreover,  that  he  went  on  expeditions  to  see 
her,  now  at  Breteuil  and  now  at  Muret,  disguising  himself  in  a 
variety  of  ways  on  those  occasions.  However,  he  only  saw  her 
at  her  window,  or  in  her  coach  as  she  passed  by,  well  attended. 

Malherbe,  who  asserts  that  the  marriage  was  as  yet  only 
nominal,  at  last  shows  us  the  King  writing  to  M.  de  Mont- 
morency, suggesting  to  him  the  propriety  of  soliciting  a  divorce 
on  his  daughter's  behalf.  A  communication  on  that  subject 
was  made  to  Conde,  who  pretended  to  consent,  but  (after  con- 
sulting the  famous  President  de  Thou)  claimed  the  right  to 
retain  his  wife  under  his  guardianship  until  the  procedure 
should  be  entirely  finished,  that  being  in  accordance  with  the 
Canon  Law.  The  baffled  King  was  fairly  enraged  at  this,  and 
so  threatened  Condi's  secretary,  a  certain  M.  de  Virey,  that  the 
Prince  resolved  to  seek  a  refuge  across  the  frontier. 

Apparently  he  had  again  returned  to  Paris  with  his  wife  for 
the  Queen's  accouchement ^  for  we  are  told  that  he  quitted  the 
city  with  the  Princess  on  the  evening  of  November  25,  1609 — 
that  is,  a  few  hours  before  the  birth  of  Henrietta  Maria — and 
travelled  at  fii*st  very  slowly,  perhaps  in  order  to  avoid  exciting 
any  suspicion.  It  seems  that  his  wife  did  not  as  yet  know  his 
real  design,  but  thought  that  they  were  going  on  some  hunting 
trip.  After  halting  at  Muret  and  Soissons,  however,  her 
husband  told  her  the  truth,  whereupon,  accm-ding  to  Virey, 
she  began  to  laugh ;  whereas  Malherbe,  who,  although  a  great 
poet,  acted  in  the  affair  much  as  the  King's  pander,  asserts  that 
she  began  to  weep  and  scream.     A  guide  whom  they  had  with 


CHAKLOTTE    DK    MONTMORENCY,    PBINCESSE    DE    CONDE. 
After  the  Portrait  in  Montfancon^t  "  A/onHinents  de  la  Monarchie  Franpaise, 


XI  THE   PRINCESS   DE   CONDE  281 

them  ended  by  betraying  the  Prince,  sending  a  messenger  to 
warn  the  King  of  what  was  impending,  and  striving  to  delay 
the  journey.  Malherbe  celebrates  in  verse — often  most  excellent 
of  its  kind — the  royal  despair  when  Henri  heard  the  doleful 
tidings.  That  despair  soon  turned  to  rage,  however,  and  after 
summoning  the  Royal  Council  his  Majesty  despatched  Testu, 
Chevalier  du  Guet,  and  La  Chaussee,  an  officer  of  the  body- 
guard, to  arrest  the  Prince  and  everybody  who  might  be  with 
him,  the  instructions  also  stating  that  should  Conde  have 
already  reached  foreign  territory  the  authorities  were  to  be 
called  upon  for  assistance,  on  the  understanding  that  they  should 
receive  similar  help  on  the  part  of  the  French  authorities 
should  any  such  case  in  which  they  might  be  interested  arise. 
Within  the  next  few  hours  several  other  emissaries — Marshal  de 
Balagny,  M.  de  Praslin,  M.  d'Elbene,  and  M.  de  Rodelle — like- 
wise set  out  with  armed  men  to  scour  the  roads  by  command  of 
the  impatient  and  desperate  monarch. 

Balagny  was  the  first  to  reach  the  fugitives,  but  they  were 
already  at  Landrecies,  in  Flanders,  whereupon  a  parley  ensued. 
Conde  sent  a  messenger  to  the  Archduke  Albert,  Sovereign  of 
the  Netherlands,  asking  for  an  asylum  for  himself  and  his  wife  ; 
but  on  the  spur  of  the  moment  the  Archduke,  who  as  yet  knew 
next  to  nothing  of  the  matter  and  feared  an  affray  with  France, 
ordered  Conde  to  quit  his  territory  in  three  days,  but  consented 
to  give  the  Princess  a  temporary  asylum  at  Brussels.  She 
proceeded  thither  on  horseback,  riding  behind  M.  de  Chabannes, 
who  was  one  of  Conde's  retainers,  while  the  Prince  set  out  for 
Cologne,  there  to  await  developments.  The  Spanish  authorities 
promptly  espoused  his  cause,  Spinola  in  particular  urging  on 
the  Archduke  the  necessity  and  advantage  of  giving  the  Prince 
all  proper  protection  in  this  scandalous  affiair  provoked  by  the 
unbridled  depravity  of  the  King  of  France.  Thus  Conde  was 
invited  to  Brussels,  and  received  an  excellent  reception  there 
on  December  17, 1G09. 

Again  did  Henri  storm  and  threaten.  But  the  Prince 
refused  to  return  to  France,  and  the  Archduke  Albert  and  the 
Spanish  authorities  refused  to  give  him  up.  All  the  negotiations 
failed.  Then  another  device  was  thought  of :  the  Marquis  de 
CoBuvres,  brother  of  Gabrielle  d'Estrees,  having  been  sent  to 


282     FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE        xi 

Brussels,  endeavoured  to  carry  the  Princess  off,  she  apparently 
being  a  consenting  party ;  *  but  the  scheme  failed,  as  one  of  the 
persons  in  the  plot  revealed  everything  to  Spinola.  Matters 
then  becoming  very  dangerous  for  Conde  personally,  as  he  daily 
ran  the  risk  of  being  kidnapped  or  assassinated — not  that  King 
Henri  had  ordered  the  latter  course  to  be  followed,  but 
emissaries  are  sometimes  over  zealous — he  decided  to  quit 
Flanders,  leaving  his  wife  in  charge  of  the  Archduke  Alberfs 
wife,  who,  to  protect  her  the  better,  lodged  her  in  the  Palace  in 
a  room  beyond  her  own  apartment,  which  anybody  having  evil 
designs  would  have  been  obliged  to  cross.  The  French  monarch 
now  at  last  prevailed  on  M.  de  Montmorency  to  institute 
proceedings  for  a  divorce,  and  the  letter  which  Montmorency 
wrote  to  Conde  on  the  subject  (May  9,  1610)  seems  to  indicate 
that  he  had  his  daughter's  consent  in  the  matter.  He — and 
the  King  also — had  apparently  succeeded  in  corresponding  with 
her,  though  not  without  difficulty,  as  is  shown  by  a  note  of 
Henri's,  in  which  he  requests  the  return  of  all  letters  written  by 
him  to  the  Princess,  which  had  not  been  delivered. 

But  the  end  was  near.  M.  de  Montmorency's  letter  to 
Cond^  was  dated,  as  we  have  said.  May  9,  and  on  May  14 
Henri  de  Navarre  was  assassinated. 

War  had  long  been  impending.  As  far  back  as  1601  one 
will  find  the  first  germs  of  a  coalition  to  put  an  end  to  the 
ascendancy  of  the  House  of  Austria  in  Europe.  In  1610,  many 
states  had  entered  into  the  compact — France,  Holland,  England, 
Sweden,  Denmark,  Venice,  Tuscany,  and  smaller  Italian  princi- 
palities, together  with  a  score  of  German  ones.  The  chief 
commanders  were  to  be  Henri  de  Navarre  and  Maurice  of 
Nassau,  and  it  was  held  that  they  would  dispose  of  formidable 
forces  for  that  age — 280,000  men,  with  two  hundred  guns.  No 
means  were  to  be  left  untried  to  achieve  success.  The  Moors, 
who  were  now  being  expelled  from  the  Peninsula,  were  to  be  let 
loose  on  Spain,  and  a  rising  was  also  to  be  fomented  in  the 
trans- Pyrenean  provinces  of  Navarre.  But  on  the  east  there 
lay  before  Henri  the  dazzling  prospect  of  enlarging  France  to 
the  banks  of  the  Rhine,  and  some  of  his  most  ardent  supporters 
even  dreamt  of  seeing  him  proclaimed  "  Emperor  of  the 
*  It  was  proposed  to  lower  her  from  a  window  in  an  arm-cbair. 


XI  ASSASSINATION   OF  THE  KING  283 

Christians/'  Despite  the  various  conspiracies  among  his  own 
nobles,  despite  also  his  numerous  love  affairs,  and  particularly 
that  last  insensate  passion  for  the  Princess  de  Conde,  the  King 
had  not  ceased  to  devote  attention  to  that  great  European 
design  against  the  Austrian  House — he  was  a  man,  indeed,  to 
make  love  and  war  at  one  and  the  same  time — and  thus  early 
in  May,  1610,  all  was  ready  for  the  opening  of  hostilities. 

In  the  King's  absence,  Marie  de'  Medici  was  to  be  appointed 
Regent,  with,  however,  restricted  powers  which  did  not  satisfy 
her.  The  King  sought  some  means  of  silencing  her  complaints, 
and  finally  decided  that  if  he  could  not  without  imprudence 
gratify  her  ambition,  he  might  at  least  gratify  her  vanity, 
although,  as  money  was  urgently  needed  for  the  war,  this  was 
hardly  a  moment  for  extravagance.  However,  she  had  never 
yet  been  crowned  Queen  of  France,  and  so  it  was  settled  that 
this  should  be  done  with  all  fit  pomp  and  ceremony  in  the 
ancient  fane  of  St.  Denis  before  Henri  took  his  departure  for 
the  war. 

The  programme  of  the  last  days  which  he  proposed  to  spend 
in  Paris  was  fixed  by  him  as  follows  : 

Thursday,  May  13.     Coronation  of  the  Queen. 

Friday,  May  14.     All  private  matters  to  be  set  in  order. 

Saturday,  May  15.     Grand  hunt  in  the  forests  round  Paris. 

Sunday,  May  16.  Solemn  entry  of  the  newly  crowned  Queen 
into  the  capital. 

Monday,  May  1 7.  Marriage  of  Mile,  de  Vendome  (Gabrielle 
d'Estrees'  daughter)  with  M  d'Elbeuf. 

Tuesday,  May  18.     State  banquet. 

Wednesday,  May  19.     Boot  and  saddle. 

There  is  evidence  from  various  sources  that  during  the  last 
week  of  his  life  Henri,  in  spite  of  all  his  projects,  repeatedly 
experienced  gloomy  presentiments  which  he  found  it  difficult  to 
shake  off.  On  Friday  the  14th,  after  transacting,  early  in  the 
morning,  a  variety  of  business  at  the  Louvre,  he  repaired  to 
the  church  of  the  Feuillants  monastery  to  hear  mass  there,  and 
then  returned  to  the  palace  for  dinner.  He  was  followed  to  the 
church  by  a  certain  Franjois  Ravaillac,  a  man  between  thirty 
and  forty  years  of  age,  who,  after  serving  as  clerk  to  a  councillor 
of  the  Parliament  named  Roziere,  had  becomea  kind  of  legal  agent 


284     FAVOURITES   OF   HENRY   OF  NAVARRE        xi 

cTqffaires,  supplementing  whatever  money  he  earned  in  that  way 
by  teaching.  He  was,  however,  devoured  by  religious  mania,  a 
prey  to  mystical  hallucinations,  and  might  be  compared  to  those 
morbid  solitaires  who  have  arisen  among  the  modern  anarchists, 
though  his  actions  were  inspired  by  a  fanatical  desire  to  promote 
the  glory  of  God  and  not  to  revolutionize  society.  In  his 
estimation,  the  King  was  no  true  Catholic,  but  a  man  of  Belial 
who  betrayed  the  Holy  Church,  at  which  he  was  really  directing 
that  war  which  he  was  now  about  to  undertake.  And  for  that 
reason  Ravaillac  resolved  to  strike  him  down. 

He  would  have  committed  his  crime  when  the  King  drove 
into  the  Louvre  again  on  returning  from  mass,  but  it  so 
happened  that  the  Duke  d'Epernon  was  then  occupying  the 
place  in  the  coach  where  Henri  usually  sat,  and  Ravaillac  there- 
fore had  to  defer  his  attempt.  He  waited  about  to  see  if  the 
King  would  come  out  again,  as  he  did,  for,  after  dinner  Henri 
decided  to  drive  to  the  Arsenal  in  order  to  see  Sully,  who  was 
in  bad  health.  His  Majesty  was  in  his  coach,  attended  by  the 
noblemen  whose  names  figure  on  the  diagram  which  we  print 
on  our  next  page  ;  and  when  the  vehicle  slowly  turned  out  of 
the  Rue  St.  Honore  into  the  narrow  Rue  de  la  Ferronnerie, 
Ravaillac  sprang  forward,  jumped  upon  the  hind-wheel  of  the 
coach,  and  stabbed  the  King  twice  through  the  unglazcd 
window,  the  leather  curtain  of  which  was  at  that  moment 
drawn  back.  A  mounted  equerry,  M.  de  St.  Michel,  at  once 
wished  to  cut  Ravaillac  down,  but  was  prevented  from  doing 
so  by  the  Duke  d'Epernon,  whose  action  in  this  respect  has 
often  been  misinterpreted  by  historical  writers,  for  the  Duke's 
one  desire  was  that  the  assassin  should  be  taken  alive,  as  if  he 
were  killed  it  might  be  impossible  to  ascertain  by  whom  the 
crime  had  really  been  instigated.  ITie  King,  after  exclaiming, 
"  I  am  wounded  !  "  sank  back  in  the  coach,  and  almost  immedi- 
ately afterwards  brought  up  a  quantity  of  blood.  Epemon 
covered  him  with  his  cloak,  the  leather  curtains  of  the  coach 
were  closed,  and  it  returned  with  all  possible  speed  to  the  Louvre. 
But  before  arriving  there  the  King  was  dead.  The  first  thrust 
had  not  inflictetl  a  mortal  wound,  but  at  the  second  one  the 
assassin's  knife,  entering  the  left  lobe  of  the  lung,  had  severed 
the  aorta  and  one  of  the  arterial  veins,  in  such  wise  that  the 


XI 


ASSASSINATION   OF  THE   KING 


285 


lung    immediately   became    choked  with   blood  (Post-mortem 
Report)  and  death  ensued. 

Ravaillac  was  promptly  seized,  and  although  several  persons, 
fired  with  indignation,  wished  to  despatch  him  on  the  spot, 
he  was  carried  off  in  custody.  Tried  and  convicted,  he  was 
quartered  on  the  Place  de  Greve  on  May  27.  There  was,  at 
first,  a  general  disposition  to  believe  that  his  crime  had  been 
inspired  by  somebody  else.     All  sorts  of  surmises  were  made. 


1 

DOOBS. 

A 

3 

4 

C 

5 

G 

B 

7 

8 

HOBSES. 


1.  The  King. 
3.  Duke  de  Montbazon. 
5.  Marquis  de  la  Force. 
7.  Marquis  de  Mirabeau. 


2.  Duke  d'Epernon. 

4.  Count  de  Roquelaurc. 

6.  Marshal  de  Lavardin. 

8.  M.  de  Liancourt,  Equerry. 


A,  Bavaillac. 


B.  M.  de  St.  Michel,  mounted. 


C.  M.  de  Courtomer,  mounted. 


Was  that  assassination  a  public  or  a  private  vengeance  .''  Was 
Spain  at  the  bottom  of  it  ?  Was  it  a  deed  of  revenge  on  the 
part  of  the  deserted  Marchioness  de  Vemeuil  ?  In  that  con- 
nection it  certainly  happened  that  on  tlie  very  evening  of  the 
crime  her  young  son  was  confined  to  his  room  under  the  guard 
of  an  officer  and  two  archers,  lest  he  should  be  carried  oflF,  and 
— who  could  tell  ? — proclaimed  King  of  France.  But  had  the 
crime  been  inspired  by  Conde  ?  Was  this  his  means  of  for 
ever  frustrating  Henri's  designs  upon  the  Princess  ?    Some  who 


286     FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY   OF  NAVARRE        xi 

did  not  think  the  assassination  due  to  political  reasons,  inclined 
to  that  view.  And  there  were  others  who,  remembering  the 
royal  proclivities,  and  opining  that  the  affair  might,  after  all, 
well  be  an  affaire  defemme,  suggested  that  Ravaillac's  deed  had 
been  his  revenge  for  Henri's  seduction  of  his  sister  !  But  it 
was  never  established  that  the  assassin  had  a  sister,  or  if  he  had, 
that  Henri  had  ever  seduced  her. 

Thanks  to  the  energy  of  Epemon,  Marie  de'  Medici  became 
Regent  of  France,  with  unlimited  powers,  on  the  day  after  her 
husband's  death,  and  a  new  political  era  began.  On  January  11, 
1611,  however,  that  is,  eight  months  after  the  assassination  of 
Henri  de  Navarre,  Queen  Marguerite  was  accosted  in  the  church 
of  Ste.  Victoire  by  a  woman  who  boldly  accused  Mme.  de  Verneuil 
and  the  Duke  d'Epemon  of  having  compassed  the  death  of  the 
late  monarch.  This  woman  was  named  Jacqueline  Levoyer, 
and  she  was  the  wife  of  a  certain  Isaac  de  Varennes,  Sieur 
d'Escoman,  serving  in  the  guards  of  Epernon's  province.  Lame 
and  almost  hunchbacked.  La  d'Escoman  had  entered  the  service 
of  Mme.  de  Verneuil  at  the  time  when  the  latter  was  detained 
under  surveillance  after  the  discovery  of  the  Entragues  con- 
spiracy, and  she  was  also  more  or  less  connected  with  the 
Duke  d'Epemon's  mistress,  Charlotte  du  Tillet.  She  asserted 
to  Queen  Marguerite  that  Henriette  had  been  personally 
acquainted  with  Ravaillac,  whom  she  had  met  more  than  once 
at  Bois  Malesherbes.  Her  suspicions  being  aroused  by  things 
she  had  heard  both  at  Mme.  de  Vemeuirs  and  at  Mile,  du 
Tillefs,  she  had  wished,  she  said,  to  warn  the  King,  and  had 
tried  to  see  Father  Cotton,  the  Jesuit  Superior,  with  that 
object.  But,  unhappily,  she  had  been  sent  to  prison  for  ex- 
posing, on  the  Pont  Neuf,  a  child  of  hers,  of  which  her  husband 
would  not  admit  the  paternity.  Thus  much  time  had  been 
lost  and  it  had  been  impossible  for  her  to  frustrate  the  King's 
assassination.  She  declared,  however,  to  Queen  Marguerite 
that  he  had  been  murdered  as  the  result  of  a  plot  by  which 
Mme.  de  Vemeuil's  son  by  Henri  was  to  be  raised  to  the  throne, 
she  marrying  the  Duke  de  Guise,  who  was  to  be  proclaimed 
Regent  during  the  new  King's  minority,  while  at  the  same 
time  M.  d'Epenion  was  to  be  appointed  Constable  of  France. 

La  d'Escoman   was  arrested  as  the  result  of  her  alleged 


XI  CONCLUSION  287 

"revelations/'  President  de  Harlay  thought  there  was  truth 
in  them.  Epernon  and  Henriette,  who  protested  vigorously 
against  the  charges,  urged  that  the  woman  should  be  tortured 
in  order  to  make  her  confess  her  imposture,  but  the  Queen- 
regent,  fearing,  it  is  said,  revelations  which  might  have  im- 
plicated other  great  personages,  and  possibly  have  led  to  civil 
war,  would  not  allow  it.  La  d'Escoman  was  brought  to  trial, 
however,  and  a  despatch  from  Giustiniani,  who  had  become 
Venetian  envoy  in  France,  states,  under  date  August  10,  1611, 
that  the  Court  absolved  the  Dukes  de  Guise  and  d'Epemon 
and  Mme.  de  Vemeuil  of  the  charges  preferred  against  them, 
and  that  as  for  the  prisoner,  who  was  convicted  of  false  denun- 
ciation, sorcery,  and  coining,  the  court  was  equally  divided  as 
to  the  sentence  to  be  passed  on  her,  nine  of  the  judges  pro- 
nouncing for  capital  punishment,  and  the  other  nine  favouring 
imprisonment  for  life.  The  latter  was  the  penalty  inflicted. 
The  unfortunate  woman,  according  to  Giustiniani,  was  not 
responsible  for  her  actions,  being  clearly  insane.  Nevertheless, 
she  w«is  "  walled  up  "  at  the  Convent  des  Filles  Repenties,  and 
there  dragged  out  a  miserable  existence  for  several  years. 

As  for  Henriette  d'Entragues  she  succeeded  in  making  her 
peace  with  the  Queen-regent,  though  the  latter  would  not  allow 
her  to  maiTy  the  Duke  de  Guise,  from  whom  she  had  certainly 
obtained  a  formal  promise  of  marriage,  even  as  La  d'Escoman 
had  asserted.  Nor  would  the  Queen  allow  the  ex-favourite"'s 
unfortunate  sister,  Marie  d'Entragues,  to  marry  Bassompierre, 
who  had  so  greatly  wronged  her.  Indeed,  when  Marie  took 
proceedings  against  that  brilliant  and  profligate  noble,  the 
Queen  so  influenced  the  judges  that  they  decided  against  her. 
However,  the  Regent's  vengeance  on  the  Entragues  family  went 
no  further.  She  was  satisfied  with  preventing  the  sisters  from 
rehabilitating  themselves  in  some  degree  by  marriage,  after  long 
leading  lives  of  shame;  and  that  was  certainly  a  form  of 
revenge  such  as  a  woman  might  well  take. 

Henriette,  whose  every  ambitious  scheme  had  failed  and 
who  never  secured  any  husband,  finally  retired  to  Vemeuil, 
where  she  ended  by  solacing  herself  with  good  cheer  to  such  an 
extent  that  she,  once  so  slender  and  sprightly,  became,  it  is 
said,  even  fatter  than  Queen  Marguerite,  whose  vertugadin  so 


288     FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE         xi 

often  blocked  up  the  doorways  of  the  Louvre.  Gaston  dc 
Verneuil  quan-elled  with  his  mother  as  he  grew  up,  and  ended 
by  scarcely  seeing  her.  At  last  her  so-called  "  Sardanapalian 
retirement'"'  came  to  a  close,  for  she  succumbed  to  apoplexy  on 
Pebruary  9,  1633.     She  was  then  only  fifty-four  years  old. 

As  for  the  Prince  de  Conde,  he  ended  by  recovering  his 
wife ;  and  an  imprisonment,  to  which  he  was  subjected  in  the 
new  reign,  inspiring  her  with  some  affection  for  him,  she  joined 
him  in  his  detention.  And  at  leist  she  gave  him  several  children, 
including  a  daughter,  who  became  the  famous  Mme.  de  Longue- 
ville,  and  a  son  renowned  as  the  Great  Conde.  For  the  rest, 
however,  the  beautiful  Princess  paid  little  heed  to  her  marriage 
vows  and  finished,  indeed,  by  glorying  in  the  number  and  the 
eminence  of  her  lovers.  ^Ve  may  meet  her  again  in  another 
volume. 

Of  the  Duke  de  Guise  we  need  only  say  here  that  instead 
of  marrying  Henriette  d'Entragues  he  espoused  in  1611  Hcn- 
riette  Catherine,  only  daughter  of  Henri  Duke  de  Joyeuse, 
Marshfd  of  France,  and  widow  since  1608  of  Henri  Duke  de 
Montpensier.  Mme.  de  Vemeuil's  volatile  firet  lover,  Claude, 
Prince  de  Joinville,  likewise  married  a  widow,  that  is  the 
beautiful  Marie  de  Rohan-Montbazon,  whose  first  husband 
was  the  Constable  de  Luynes,  the  well-known  favourite  of 
Louis  XIII.  Joinville  at  the  time  of  his  espousals  in  1622 
was  forty-four  and  his  bride  twenty-two  years  old.  Ten  years 
previously  he  had  been  created  Duke  de  Chevreuse,  Peer, 
Grand  Chamberlain  and  Grand  J'alconer  of  France,  and  it  was 
as  Duchess  de  Chevreuse  that  his  wife  became  famous  for  her 
conspiracies  and  her  amours.* 

On  the  career  of  Henri  de  Navan'e  as  a  whole  it  is  not 
necessary  for  us  to  pass  judgment.  Our  main  object  in  this 
volume  has  been  to  depict  that  side  of  his  character  and  dis- 
position which  so  often  supplied  the  mainspring  of  his  actions. 
Although  he  did  not  surrender  the  control  of  affairs  of  State 
to  women,  as  Louis  XIV  did  in  the  case  of  Mme.  de  Maintenon 

*  As  we  have  said  a  good  deal  of  M.  de  Joinvillc-Chevrouse,  it  may  interest 
the  reader  to  add  that  ho  was  Charles  I's  proxy  at  the  latter's  marriage  with 
Henrietta  Maria,  whom  ho  escorted  to  England.  He  was  at  the  siege  of 
La  Bochello  with  Richelieu  in  1628,  and  died  in  Paris  on  January  24, 1657. 


XI  CONCLUSION  289 

and  Louis  XV  in  that  of  Mme.  de  Pompadour,  it  is  certain 
that  feminine  influence  had  much  to  do  with  the  course  of 
Henri's  career  and  the  destinies  of  France  in  his  time.  This 
is  evidenced  first  by  the  consequences  of  his  unfortunate 
marriage  with  Marguerite  de  Valois,  which  so  repeatedly 
led  to  a  variety  of  trouble,  and,  in  part,  at  all  events,  to 
two  renewals  of  civil  war.  But  Corisanda  appears  upon  the 
scene  and  inspirits  her  royal  lover,  and  the  great  contest  for 
the  crown  of  France  becomes  keener  and  keener.  To  Corisanda 
succeeds  Gabrielle  d'Estrdes,  who  without  wielding  any  direct 
power  repeatedly  exercises  the  greatest  influence  in  politics. 
She  counsels  the  royal  abjuration,  she  reconciles  the  King  and 
Mayenne,  she  assists  in  bringing  about  the  submission  of 
Mercceur,  she  intervenes  in  favour  of  the  Huguenots  when  the 
Edict  of  Nantes  is  signed,  she  helps  to  raise  Sully  to  a  high 
position — all  those  actions  being  good  services  to  France  as  well 
as  to  her  lover.  Her  ambition  to  become  Henri's  wife,  and 
thus  Queen-consort,  was  at  least  justifiable  from  the  feminine 
standpoint,  even  though  its  realization  might  well  have  had 
disastrous  after-results.  She  dies,  however,  and  Henriette 
d'Entragues  takes  her  place.  Henriette's  ambition  is  similar 
to  Gabrielle's,  but  she  deliberately  sells  herself  for  the  purpose 
of  attaining  it,  and  for  years  nothing  stops  her  desperate 
attempts  to  win  the  day.  She  stirs  up  strife  on  every  side. 
She  turns  the  royal  household  into  an  inferno.  If  she  cannot 
be  Queen  her  son  at  all  events  shall  be  King  of  France.  There 
shall  be  rebellion,  Savoy  and  Spain  shall  be  called  in  to  support 
her  claims  for  her  boy,  and  at  certain  periods  the  very  fate  of 
France  is  at  stake.  Less  momentous,  no  doubt,  yet  at  times 
of  real  importance,  are  the  results  of  Henri's  other  amours. 
They  demoralize  the  Court,  they  stir  up  jealousy  and  enmity 
in  one  and  another  direction,  rendering  many  a  noble  only  too 
willing  to  embark  in  dangerous  intrigues.  Yet  amidst  all  his 
affaires  defemmes  the  King  never  ceases  giving  his  attention  to 
aflairs  of  State.  He  certainly  had  some  able  men  about  him, 
but  he  also  possessed  a  wonderful  personality.  Even  amidst 
that  last  passion  of  his,  that  almost  senile  passion  for  Charlotte 
de  Montmorency,  we  see  him  making  ready  for  another  great 
war,  preparing  for  battle  once  again.     It  is  in  his  striking 


290     FAVOURITES  OF  HENRY  OF  NAVARRE        xi 

virility,  his  thorough  manliness  even  when  one  and  another 
serious  ailment  is  laying  hold  of  him  and  old  age  seems  close 
at  hand,  that  one  finds  perhaps  the  best  trait  of  his  cha- 
racter. And  as  we  wrote  in  our  opening  pages  he  was  also 
a  clement  king,  and  a  ruler  solicitous  for  the  general  welfare 
of  his  subjects.  Thus  he  was  long  held  in  affectionate  remem- 
brance by  the  masses.  With  his  qualities  and  his  defects, 
moreover,  he  seemed  to  typify  the  French  race.  And  the 
popular  instinct  was  not  at  fault  when,  recalling  the  amorous 
side  of  his  nature,  it  associated  his  name  more  particularly 
with  that  of  Gabrielle  d'Estrees,  for  whatever  judgment  may 
be  passed  on  her  from  the  standpoint  of  the  present-day  code 
of  morality,  she,  more  than  any  other  of  Henri's  many  favourites, 
deserved  to  be  remembered. 


APPENDIX 


Women  associated  with  Henri  de  Navarre 

The  following  is  as  complete  a  list  as  can  be  given  of  the 
women,  both  high-born  and  low-born,  whose  names  have  been 
rightly  or  wrongly  associated  with  Henri  de  Navarre.  The 
list  is  based  on  one  supplied  many  years  ago  by  M.  de  Lescure, 
but  has  been  revised  in  various  respects.  The  chief  sources 
are  the  writings  of  Sully,  Aubigne,  Queen  Marguerite,  L'Estoille, 
Bassompierre,  Dreux  du  Radier,  Vanel,  Bascle  de  Lagreze, 
Sauval  and  Tallemant  des  Reaux,  the  King's  published  corre- 
spondence, and  the  romance  entitled  Les  Amours  du  Grand 
Alcandre.  In  many  instances,  however,  the  authority  is  only 
traditional;  whenever  there  is  genuine  historical  authority  we 
have  added  the  letter  "  H  '^  to  the  woman's  name.  It  should 
be  noted  that  all  the  women  mentioned  were  not  the  King's 
mistresses,  for  here  and  there  will  be  found  the  names  of  some 
who  rejected  his  addresses.  Briefly  the  list  may  be  taken 
rather  as  one  of  women  who  at  one  or  another  period  attracted 
the  attention  of  the  ever-amorous  monarch. 

I.  Charlotte  de  Beaune-Semblanpay,   Lady   of    Sauves 

and  M«u-chioness  de  Noirmoutier  (H),  1573-1576. 
II.  Jeanne  du  Montceau  de  Tignonville,  later  Countess 
de  Pangeas  (H),  1576. 

III.  Dayelle  the  Cyprian  (H),  1578. 

IV.  Catherine  du  Luc  of  Agen,  1578. 
V.  Anne  de  Balzac  de  Montaigu,  1578. 

VI.  Amaudine  of  Agen,  1578. 
VII.  Mile,  de  Rebours  (H),  1579. 


292  APPENDIX 

VIII.  Fleurette,  daughter  of  the  gardener  of  Nerac, 
and  sometimes  called  La  Jardiniere  d'Anet. 
Traditional. 
IX.  Franfoise  de  Montmorency-Fosseux  (H),  1579. 
X.  Mme.  Sponde. 
XI.  Mile.  Maroquin. 
XII.  Xaintes  (H),  maid  to  Queen  Marguerite. 

XIII.  Picotin    Pancoussaire,    sometimes    called    La 

Boulangere  de  St.  Jean  (Aubigne). 

XIV.  Mme.  de  Petonnlle. 
XV.  La  Baveresse. 

XVI.  Mile,  de  Duras. 
XVII.  Countess  de  Saint-Megrin. 
XVIII.  The  wet  nurse  of  Casteljaloux.     Traditional. 
XIX  and  XX.  Two  Demoiselles  de  TEspce. 
XXI.  Diane  d'Andouins,  Countess  de  Gramont  and 
de    Guiche,    "la    belle    Corisande"    (H), 
1582-1591. 
XXII.  Dame  Martine. 
XXIIL  Esther  Imbert,  of  La  Rochelle,  1587. 
XXIV.  Antoinette  de  Pons,  Marchioness  de  Guerche- 
ville  and  later  Countess  de  Liancourt.     In 
attendance     on     Marie    de'    Medici.    (H.) 
Rejected  (1589-90)    the    King's    advances, 
and  retained  his  respect  and  friendship. 
XXV.  Catherine  de  Verdun,  a  nun  of  Longchamp 
in  the  Bois  de  Boulogne,  later  abbess  of 
Vernon,  1590. 
XXVI.  Marie  de  Beauvilliers,  nun  and  later  abbess  of 

Montmartre,  cir.  1590. 
XXVII.  Gabrielle  d'Estrees,  "  la  belle  Gabrielle  ^' (H), 

1591-1599. 
XXVIII.  Angelique  d'Estrees,  abbess  of  Maubuisson  and 
sister  of  Gabrielle.     Doubtful. 
XXIX.  Juliette  Hippolyte  d'Estrees,  later  de  Villars. 

Doubtful. 
XXX.  Mme.  de  Montauban. 
XXXI.  La  Glandee. 
XXXII.  La  Kaverie. 


APPENDIX  293 

XXXIII.  Mile.  d'Harancourt. 

XXXIV.  Mile,  de  Senante  (Bassompierre). 
XXXV.  Henriette  d'Entragues  (H),  1599-1609. 

XXXVI.  Marie   Babou   de   la  Bourdaisi^re  (H),   later 
Viscountess  d'Estauges,  cousin  of  "la  belle 
Gabrielle."     Perhaps  the  same  as  LIX. 
XXXVII.  Countess  de  Limoux. 
XXXVIII.  Jacqueline  de  Bueil,  Countess  de  Moret  (H), 
cir.  1604-1608. 
XXXIX.  Charlotte  des  Essars  or  Essarts,  Countess  de 
Romorantin  (H),  cir.  1604-1608. 
XL.  Mme.  Lanery. 
XLI.  Mme.  de  Maupeou. 
XLII.  Charlotte  de  Foulebon,  later  Mme.  de  Barbe- 

zieres-Chemerault. 
XLIII.  La  Bretoline. 

XLIV.  Catherine,  Duchess  de  Nevers.    Repulsed  by  her. 
XLV.  Henriette  de  Joyeuse,  Duchess  de  Montpensier. 

Repulsed  by  her. 
XLVI.  Catherine  de  Rohan,  Duchess  de  Deux-Ponts. 
Repulsed  by  her. 
XL VII.  Mile,  de  Guise,  later  Princess  de  Conti.      Very 

doubtful. 
XLVIII.  Mme.  Clein,  or  Quelin,  wife  of  a  councillor  of  the 
Paris  Parliament. 
XLIX.  La  Fannuche. 

L.  Mme.  de  Boinville. 
LI.  Mme.  Aarssen.     Doubtful. 
LII.  Mme.  de  Sault.     Doubtful. 
LIII.  Mme.  de  Ragny.     Doubtful. 
LIV.  Mme.  de  Champlivault.     Doubtful. 
I^V.  Mme.  de  Pontcarre.     Doubtful. 
LVI.  Charlotte  de  Montmorency,  Princess  de  Conde 

(H).     Repulsed  by  the  Prince,  1609-1610. 
LVII.  Mile.  Paulet. 
LVIII.  Anne  Dudey,  wife  of  Oudart  du  Puy,  President 
of  the  Election  d'Epemay,  1592. 
LIX.  Mile,  de  la  Bourdaisiere.  )  (H).     See  pp.  218, 
LX.  Mile,  de  la  Chastre.  (       222,  231. 


294  APPENDIX 


B 

Natural  Children  of  Henri  de  Navarre  and  their 
Descendants 

The  following  is  a  list  of  the  offspring  of  Henri  de  Navarre 
by  his  mistresses,  with  some  particulars  respecting  the  posterity 
of  those  who  grew  up  and  married  : — 

I.  A  daughter,  stillbom  (Nerac,  1581),  by  Franjoise  de 
Montmorency,  born  in  or  about  1563,  daughter  of  Pierre  de 
Montmorency,  Marquis  de  Thury  and  Baron  de  Fosseux,  (from 
whom  sprang  the  Boutteville  branch  of  the  Montmorencys),  by 
his  wife,  Jacqueline  d'Avaugour,  who  was  descended,  through 
the  Penthifevres,  from  the  old  Ducal  House  of  Brittany. 

II.  A  son.  Christian  name  unknown,  by  Diane,  Countess  de 
Gramont  and  de  Guiche  (Corisanda),  died  1590,  aged  about 
two  years. 

Children  by  GahrieUe  d'Estrees,  Marchioness  de  Montceaux  and 
Duchess  de  Beaufort. 

in.  Cesar  de  Bourbon,  Duke  de  Vendome,  Etampes, 
Mercoeur,  Beaufort  and  Penthifevre,  Prince  de  Martigues,  Count 
de  Royannais,  Lord  of  Anet,  Peer  and  Admiral  of  France, 
Governor  of  Brittany,  Knight  of  the  King's  Orders,  etc.,  born 
at  the  chateau  of  Coucy,  in  Picardy,  in  June,  1594,  legitimated 
January  1595,  granted  the  Duchy  of  Vendome  as  an  appanage 
by  letters  patent  dated  Angers,  April  3,  1598,  married  on  July 
7,  1609,  at  Fontainebleau,  Franpoise  de  Loiraine,  Duchess  de 
Mercoeur,  Etampes  and  Penthi&vre,  Princess  de  Martigues 
(which  titles  in  their  masculine  form  she  conveyed  to  her 
husband),  only  daughter  and  heiress  of  Philippe  Emmanuel, 
Duke  de  Mercoeur,  etc.,  and  Marie  de  Luxembourg.  By  the 
marriage  contract,  signed  at  Angers,  April  5,  1598,  the  parents 
of  the  bride  granted  her  an  income  of  60,000  livres  per  annum, 
and   the   Duke  de  Mercoeur  transferred  his  governorship  of 


APPENDIX  295 

Brittany  to  his  intended  son-in-law,  whose  mother,  Gabrielle 
d'Estrees,  further  assigned  to  him  her  Duchy  of  Beaufort. 
Cesar  de  Vendome  often  played  a  prominent  part  in  the 
political  affairs  of  his  time.  In  1626  he  became  mixed  up  in 
the  Prince  de  Chalais'  conspiracy  and  was  arrested  and  sent  to 
the  castle  of  Vincennes,  where  he  remained  until  1630,  when 
he  secured  his  release  by  surrendering  to  Richelieu  his  claims  on 
the  governorship  of  Brittany.  On  again  conspiring  he  had  to 
flee  to  England,  where  he  resided  until  after  Richelieu's  death. 
In  conjunction  with  his  second  son,  the  Duke  de  Beaufort,  he 
afterwards  plotted  against  Mazarin,  but  was  pacified  by  his 
appointment  as  Governor  of  Burgundy  and  General  Superin- 
tendent of  Navigation.  He  served  the  Crown  faithfully  during 
the  Fronde.  In  1655,  as  Admiral  of  France,  he  defeated  a 
Spanish  fleet  off  Barcelona.  He  died  in  Paris  on  October  22, 
1665,  when  in  his  seventy-third  year ;  his  heart  was  buried  in 
the  church  of  the  Capuchins,  Rue  St.  Honore,  his  other  remains 
being  laid  to  rest  in  the  chapel  of  the  Fathers  of  the  Oratory 
at  Vendome.*     By  his  marriage  he  had  issue  as  follows  : — 

1.  Louis  de  Bourbon,  Duke  de  Vendomey  Mercoeur, 
Etampes  and  Penthievre,  Prince  de  Martigues,  Lord  of 
Anet,  Peer  of  France,  Governor  of  Provence,  etc.  Bom  in 
Paris  in  October,  1612,  he  was  known  in  his  earlier  years 
as  Duke  de  Mercoeur.  In  July,  1651,  he  married  at 
Briihl,  near  Cologne,  Laura,  daughter  of  Michele  Lorenzo 
Mancini  and  Geronima  Mazarini,  sister  of  Cardinal 
Mazarin.  After  the  death  of  his  wife  in  1657,  the  Duke 
took  orders,  and  on  being  raised  to  the  purple  in  1667 
became  known  as  the  Cardinal  de  Vendome.  He  died 
August  6,  1669,  at  Aix-en-Provence,  but  was  buried  in 
the  collegiate  chapel  of  St.  George  at  Vendome.  By 
his  marriage  to  I^ura  Mancini  he  had  three  sons  and  a 
daughter,  for  particulars  respecting  whom  see  post,  p.  299. 

2.  Francis  de  Bourbon-Vendome,  Duke  de  Beaufort^ 
Peer  and  Admiral  of  France,  etc.,  bom  in  Paris  in  1616. 

*  He  had  built  the  establishment  of  the  Oratorians,  which  is  now  the 
Lyc^o  of  the  town.  A  good  portrait  of  him,  attributed  to  Yondyck,  is  pre- 
served  there. 


296  APPENDIX 

Between  1630  and  1640  he  took  an  active  part  in  the 
wars  in  Savoy,  Flanders,  etc.,  but  having  become  involved 
in  the  conspiracy  of  Cinq-Mars  against  Richelieu,  he  was 
compelled  to  seek  an  asylum  in  England.  Returning  to 
France  soon  after  the  death  of  Louis  XIII,  he  acquired 
a  high  position  at  Court,  but  speedily  lost  it  by  his  pride 
and  vanity.  In  conjunction  with  the  Duchesses  de 
Chevreuse  and  de  Montbazon  (the  latter  of  whom  was  his 
mistress)  he  conspired  against  Mazarin  and  was  imprisoned, 
but  after  five  years''  captivity  succeeded  in  effecting  his 
escape  (May,  1648).  Siding  with  the  Parliament  against 
the  Court  he  became  very  popular  with  the  Parisians,  and 
after  contriving  to  get  some  convoys  of  provisions  into 
the  city  while  Conde  was  besieging  it,  received  the 
nickname  of  "  King  of  the  Markets.""  After  the  first 
Fronde,  the  Duke  de  Beaufort  became  reconciled  with 
Conde,  who  made  him  Governor  of  Paris.  Having  killed 
his  brother-in-law,  the  Duke  de  Nemours,  in  a  duel,  he 
was  excluded  from  the  amnesty  at  the  general  pacification, 
but  was  at  last  privileged  to  return  to  Court,  and  was 
appointed  acting  Admiral  of  France  under  his  father. 
He  commanded  (1664-65)  various  expeditions  against  the 
Algerine  pirates,  and  was  subsequently  placed  in  com- 
mand of  a  French  relief  force  despatched  to  Candia,  which 
the  Turks  were  besieging.  He  landed  in  Crete  in  June, 
1669,  and  nine  days  later  disappeared  in  an  engage- 
ment with  the  Turks.  It  has  been  supposed  that  he  was 
then  killed,  but  as  his  body  was  never  found  he  may 
have  been  reduced  to  slavery.  The  Duke  de  Beaufort 
never  married.  There  has  been  a  theory  that  he  was  the 
Man  with  the  Iron  Mask. 

3.  Elisabeth^  called  Mademoiselle  de  Veiidome^  and  later 
Duchess  de  Nemours^  born  in  1614,  married  July,  1643, 
to  Charles  Amadeus  of  Savoy,  Duke  de  Nemours,  G^nevois, 
Aumale,  etc.,  son  of  Henry  of  Savoy,  Duke  de  Nemours, 
and  Anne  of  Lorraine,  Duchess  d'Aumale.  The  Duchess 
Elisabeth  died  in  Paris,  of  the  smallpox,  on  May  19, 1664, 
and  was  buried  at  the  convent  of  the  Filles  de  Ste.  Marie 
in  the  Rue  St  Antoine.     No  issue. 


APPENDIX  297 

IV.  Alexandre  de  Bourbon,  Chevalier  de  Vendome,  and 
Grand  Prior,  born  at  Nantes,  April  19,  1598,  legitimated  in 
April,  1599,  admitted  at  the  Temple  in  Paris  as  a  Knight  of 
Malta  in  1604,  appointed  Prior  of  Marmoutiers  in  1610,  and 
subsequently  Grand  Prior  of  France  and  General  of  the  Galleys 
of  the  Knights  of  Malta.  Imprisoned  at  the  castle  of 
Vincennes  in  1626,  died  there  February  8,  1629,  buried  in  the 
chapel  of  the  Oratory  at  Vendome.     Never  married. 

V.  Catherine  Henriette  de  Bourbon,  called  Mademoiselle 
DE  Vendome,  and  later  Duchess  d'Elbeuf,  born  at  Rouen, 
November  11,  1596,  legitimated  in  March,  1597,  manied  to 
Charles  de  Lorraine,  Duke  d'Elbeuf,  Count  d'Harcourt,  Lisle- 
bonne  and  Rieux,  Lord  of  Rochefort,  Governor  of  Picardy,  etc., 
son  of  Charles  de  Lorraine,  Duke  d'Elbeuf  by  his  wife  Marguerite 
Chabot  de  Chamy.  The  Duke  d'Elbeuf  died  in  Paris  in  1663, 
the  Duchess  in  1633.     She  left  no  issue. 


Children   of  Henri   de   Navarre    by   Catherine   Henriette    de 
Balzac  d'Entragues^  Marchioness  de  Vemeuil.* 

VI.  A  son,  stillborn.     Fontainebleau,  July  2, 1600. 

VII.  Gaston  Henri  de  Bourbon,  sometime  Bishop  of 
Metz  and  Abbot  of  St  Germain-des-Pres,  Paris ;  subsequently 
Duke  de  Verneuil,  Governor  of  Languedoc,  Peer  of  France,  etc. 
Bom  October  27  (some  accounts  say  November  3),  1601,  at  the 
Chateau  de  Vemeuil,  he  was  legitimated  in  1603,  baptized 
December  9, 1607,  the  sponsors  being  the  Dauphin  (Louis  XIII) 
and  his  sister,  Mme.  Elisabeth  of  France  (later  Queen  of  Spain). 
The  Duke  de  Vemeuil  married  Charlotte,  dowager  Duchess 
de  Sully,  nee  Seguier  (see  a7i<^,  p.  242).  He  was  of  a  very 
affable  disposition,  fond  of  study  and  well  read  in  history.  He 
formed  a  famous  collection  of  antique  coins  and  medals.  Sport 
also  attracted  him,  and  he  entertained  freely  at  his  chateau  of 
Vemeuil.  He  was  on  particular  terms  of  friendship  with  the 
great  Conde,  and  was  often  at  Chantilly.  The  Duke  died  at 
Vemeuil  on  May  28,  1683,  and  was  buried  at  the  Carmelites 

*  Vemeuil  near  Triel.    Nothing  now  remains  of  the  ch&teau  which  the 
King  enlarged  and  beautified  for  his  favourite. 


APPENDIX 

at  Pontoise,  his  heart  being  inurned  at  St.  Germain-des-Pr6s. 
His  wife  survived  him  until  June  5,  1704.     No  issue. 

VIII.  Gabrielle  AxGELiauE  DE  Bourbon,  called  Made- 
moiselle DE  Verneuil,  and  later  Duchess  d'Epernon,  born 
in  Paris  on  January  21,1603,  baptized  at  St.  Germain-en-Laye, 
December  9,  1607,  the  sponsors  being  her  half-brother,  Cesar 
de  Vendome,  and  her  half-sister,  Mile,  de  Vendome.  On 
December  12,  1622,  Mile,  de  Verneuil  was  married  to  Bernard 
de  La  Valette,  who  became  Duke  d'Epernon,  Foix  and  Candale, 
Governor  of  Guienne,  and  Colonel-general  of  the  French 
Infantry,  he  being  the  son  of  Jean  Louis,  Duke  d'Epemon, 
by  his  wife  Marguerite  de  Foix  and  de  Candale.  Gabrielle 
Angelique  died  at  Metz  on  April  29,  1627,  and  was  buried  at 
Cadillac.     No  issue.     See  also  p.  251,  a7ite. 

Child  of  Henri  de  Navarre  hy  Jacqueline  de  Bueil^  Countess 
de  Moretf  and  subsequently  Marchioness  de  Vardes. 

Note. — We  find  there  are  conflicting  accounts  of  the  origin  of  Mme.  de 
Moret.  Some  authorities  say  that  her  parents  were  Gfeorges  Babou,  Lord 
of  Bueil  and  Madeleine  du  Bellay  (see  p.  2G3,  ante),  but  according  to  others 
she  was  the  daughter  of  Claude  de  Bueil,  Lord  of  Courvallon,  and 
Catherine  de  Montecler. 

IX.  Antoine  de  Bourbon,  Count  de  Moret,  bom  at  the 
chateau  of  Moret  on  May  9,  1607,  legitimated  January,  1608. 
His  half-brother,  Louis  XIII,  wished  to  give  him  a  high 
position  in  the  Church,  and  provided  him  with  several  bene- 
fices, but  he  abetted  Gaston  d'Orleans  in  conspiring  against 
Richelieu,  and  is  supposed  to  have  been  killed  at  the  engage- 
ment of  Castelnaudary  on  September  1,  1632,  when  Henri  de 
Montmorency  (afterwards  decapitated  at  Toulouse)  was  defeated 
by  the  Marquis  de  Schomberg.  The  question  of  Antoine  de 
Bourbon's  fate,  however,  has  never  been  fully  elucidated,  and 
there  is  a  legend  that  he  was  still  living  in  1689,  in  the  guise 
of  a  hermit  who  called  himself  Jean  Baptiste,  and  had  his  abode 
near  the  abbey  of  Asni&res  in  Anjou.  This  hermit  was  ques- 
tioned with  respect  to  his  identity,  but  would  neither  deny  nor 
acknowledge  the  truth  of  the  surmise  that  he  was  the  lost 
Count  de  Moret.  Writers  of  historical  romance  might  find 
a  theme  for  their  pens  in  the  above  mentioned  legend. 


APPENDIX  299 

Children    of   Henri    de    Navarre    by   Charlotte    des    Essars 
{sometimes  called  Mile,  de  la  Haye\  Countess  de  Komorantin. 

Note. — Mme.  de  Romorantin  was  the  daughter  of  Francois  des  Essars, 
or  Essarts,  Lord  of  Sautour,  an  equerry  of  the  royal  stables,  by  his 
marriage  with  Charlotte  de  Harlay-Champvallon.  Born  in  or  about  1580, 
Charlotte  de  Romorantin  became,  after  the  King's  death,  the  mistress  of 
Louis  de  Lorraine,  Cardinal  de  Guise  and  Archbishop  of  Reims,  by  whom 
she  had  five  children.  In  1630,  however,  she  married  Francois  du 
Hallier,  Marshal  de  I'Hopital.    By  the  King  she  had  : — 

X.  Jeaxxe  Baptiste  de  Bourbox,  Abbess  of  Fontevrault, 
born  in  or  about  January,  1608,  legitimated  March,  1608,  died 
and  buried  at  Fontevrault.  Maids  of  honour  who  misconducted 
themselves  at  the  Court  of  Louis  XIV,  were  from  time  to  time 
placed  in  her  charge. 

XI.  Marie  Henriette  de  Bourbon,  Abbess  of  Chelles,  in 
1627.  Date  of  birth  very  uncertain.  Died  and  buried  at 
Chelles  in  February,  1629. 

The  above  list  comprises  all  the  natural  children  of  whom 
Henri  de  Navarre  acknowledged  the  paternity.  The  only  one 
of  them  who  left  posterity  that  can  be  traced  was  Cesar  de 
Vendome  through  his  elder  son,  Louis  (see  p.  295,  ante)^  whose 
children  proved  to  be  the  last  generation  of  the  acknowledged 
illegitimate  descendants  of  Henri  de  Navarre.  To  complete 
this  summary  we  append  a  list  of  these  offspring. 

Children  of  Louisy  Duke  de  Venddme. 

1.  Loiiis  Joseph^  Duke  de  Venddme,  Mercoeur,  Etampes  and 
Penthievre,  Prince  de  Martigues,  Peer  of  France,  General  of  the 
Galleys,  Grand  Seneschal  and  Governor  of  Provence,  Viceroy  of 
Catalonia,  etc.,  born  in  Paris  July  1, 1654,  baptized  at  Vincennes, 
where  Louis  XIV  and  Anne  of  Austria  acted  as  his  sponsors. 
Louis  Joseph  de  Vendome  became  one  of  the  gi*eat  generals  of 
his  period,  gaining  several  important  battles  in  Flanders,  Spain 
and  Italy.  His  dearly-bought  victory  at  Brihuega  over  General, 
afterwards  the  first  Earl,  Stanhope  virtually  ensured  the  pos- 
session of  Spain  to  Louis  XIVs  grandson,  Philip  V.  Inclined 
to  be  somewhat  dissolute,  cynical  in  his    language,  careless  in 


300  APPENDIX 

his  habits,  naturally  indolent  and  often  negligent  in  regard  to 
details  even  in  his  chosen  profession  of  arms,  Vendome  none 
the  less  frequently  showed  at  critical  moments  that  he  was 
a  really  great  captain,  and  Prince  Eugene,  whom  he  defeated 
at  Cassano,  rendered  testimony  to  his  high  talents  and  remai-k- 
able  intrepidity.  In  an  age  when  nearly  every  man  wore  a  wig, 
Venddme  contented  himself  with  his  own  flaxen  hair  which 
streamed  over  his  shoulders,  rendering  him  very  conspicuous. 
He  stood  over  six  feet  high  and  was  broad  in  proportion,  in 
fact,  inclined  to  stoutness.  Severe  with  his  soldiers,  but  other- 
wise goodnatured,  he  was  quite  free  from  any  such  defects  as 
vanity  and  envy.  Without  doubt  he  showed  himself  to  be  the 
most  capable  of  all  the  descendants  of  Henri  de  Navarre.  He 
espoused,  at  Sceaux,on  May  15, 1710,  Marie  Anne  de  Bourbon, 
called  Mademoiselle  d'Enghien,  fifth  daughter  of  Henri  Jules, 
Prince  de  Conde  (son  of  the  great  Conde),  by  Anne  of  Bavaria, 
Princess  Palatine.  There  was  no  issue  of  this  marriage.  The 
Duke  de  Vendome  died  of  apoplexy  at  Vinaros  in  Spain,  in 
the  summer  of  1712,  and  by  command  of  Philip  V  was  buried 
in  the  Pantheon  de  los  Infantes  at  the  Escurial. 

2.  Philippe  de  Bourbon-  Vendome,  known  first  as  the  Chevalier 
de  Vendome,  and  later  as  the  Grand  Prior,  born  at  the  family 
mansion  on  the  site  of  the  present  Place  Vendome  in  Paris  on 
August  23,  1655,  became  a  Lieu  tenant-General,  and  shared 
several  of  the  campaigns  of  his  elder  brother,  whom  he  re- 
sembled in  physique  but  whose  talents  he  did  not  possess. 
Cowardice  even  has  been  imputed  to  him,  and  it  is  certain  that 
he  was  disgraced  either  on  that  account  or  for  incapacity  after 
his  brother's  victory  at  Ceissano  in  1705.  Owing  to  that  dis- 
grace Philippe  de  Vend6me  did  not  return  to  France  until 
Louis  XIV  had  passed  away,  when  he  ceded  his  office  as  Grand 
Prior  to  Jean  Philippe,  Chevalier  d'Orleans,  son  of  the  Regent 
by  Marie  Louise  de  S6ry,  Countess  d'Argentan,  and  gave  himself 
up  to  debauchery,  which  shortened  his  life.  He  was  even  more 
self-neglectful  in  his  habits  than  his  brother,  and  he  drank  and 
took  snuff  to  excess.  Nevertheless  Saint  Simon's  highly  coloured 
portrait  of  him  is  doubtless  exaggerated.  Saint  Simon  hated 
all  the  "  legitimated  "  offspring  of  the  royal  house  because  they 
took  precedence  of  himself  and  other  common  or  garden  dukes, 


APPENDIX  301 

and  he  libels  them  in  his  memoirs  as  often  as  he  finds  it  possible 
to  speak  of  them.  Philippe  de  Vendome  never  married.  He 
died  in  Paris  on  January  24,  1727,  and  was  buried  at  the 
Temple. 

3.  Jules  Cesar  de  Bourhon-Vendome^  born  in  Paris  on 
January  27,  1657;  baptized  March  18,  1657;  godfather. 
Cardinal  Mazarin ;  died  July  28,  1660,  buried  at  the  Church 
of  the  Capuchins  in  the  Rue  St.  Honore,  Paris. 

4.  An  illegitimate  daughter,  called  Fran^ise  cCAiiety  who 
married  a  certain  Arquier,  and  died  June  7,  1696.  Not  known 
to  have  left  issue. 

From  the  above  it  will  be  seen  that  the  posterity  of  Henri 
de  Navarre  and  Gabrielle  d'Estrees  became  extinct  in  the  third 
generation. 


Songs  attributed  to  Henri  de  Navarre 

As  mentioned  on  p.  105,  signs  of  a  poetical  instinct  may  be 
found  here  and  there  in  the  correspondence  of  Henri  de 
Navarre,  yet  it  is  very  doubtful  whether  he  wrote  any  of  the 
songs  commonly  ascribed  to  him,  although  he  certainly  sang, 
and  was  very  likely  fond  of  doing  so,  as,  indeed,  his  letter 
respecting  Marans  and  its  scenery  seems  to  indicate.  In  that 
connection  it  may  well  have  happened  that  people  came  to  look 
upon  songs  which  were  favourites  with  him  as  being  his  own 
work,  a  tradition  thus  arising  that  he  was  the  author  of  such 
effusions  as  Charmante  Gabrielle  and  Viens  Aurore. 

It  is,  of  course,  well  known  that  the  King's  grandmother, 
jNIarguerite  d'Angouleme,  wrote  verse,  though  mostly  of  a  very 
indifferent  kind,  and  that  his  father,  Antoine  de  Bourbon,  also 
trifled  with  the  muses.  In  regard  to  the  latter,  however,  it 
remains  doubtful  if  he  were  really,  as  some  have  said,  the  author 
of  the  well-known  song  beginning  : 

"  Si  le  roi  Henri  me  donnait 
Paris,  sa  grande  ville " 

a  song  attributed,  by  the  way,  to  Henri  de  Navarre  himself 


S02  APPENDIX 

both  by  Moliere  in  Lc  Misanthrope^  and  by  Beaumarchais  in 
Le  Manage  de  Figaro  ;  whilst  CoUe,  in  his  Partie  de  Chasse, 
assigned  its  authorship  to  one  of  the  characters  in  that  play, 
and  had  it  sung  in  presence  of  the  King,  who,  according  to 
others,  had  composed  it.  Ampere,  however,  in  his  Instructions 
relatives  aux  Poesies  populaires  de  la  France,  gave  the  authorship 
to  King  Henri's  father  on  the  strength  of  statements  made  in 
M.  de  Petigny's  Hisioire  archeologique  du  Venddmois.  Accord- 
ing to  that  account  the  song  was  composed  at  the  Chateau  de 
la  Bonnaventure,  near  the  hamlet  of  Le  Gue  du  Loir  (Loir-ford), 
a  property  belonging  to  a  M.  de  Salinet,  a  member  of  Antoine 
de  Bourbon's  household.  Antoine  and  others  often  met  there 
and  caroused  together,  many  a  gay  song,  we  are  told,  being 
composed  on  those  occasions,  on  some  of  which,  by  the  way, 
Ronsard,  the  poet,  whose  Manoir  de  la  Poissonniere  was  at  no 
great  distance  in  the  same  region,  figured  among  the  company. 
It  thus  came  to  pass  that  the  song  we  speak  of  was  composed, 
but  whether  it  were  Antoine's  own  work,  or  that  of  a  member 
of  his  set,  or  the  outcome  of  some  collaboration,  is  a  point  which 
cannot  well  be  elucidated.  It  may  be  recollected  that  there  ai'e 
two  distinct  forms  of  the  song's  refrain,  one  usually  running  : 

'*  La  bonne  aventure  0  gu6 1 
La  bonne  aventure  1 " 

whilst  the  other  runs : 

"  J'aime  mieux  ma  mie  0  gu^  I 
J'aime  mieux  ma  mie." 

In  both  cases  the  expression  O  gtie  !  is  simply  a  corruption  of 
an  gue  (at  the  ford),  the  first  refrain  being  a  play  on  the  name 
of  the  chateau  where  the  song  is  said  to  have  been  written, 
that  is,  "  La  Bonnaventure  at  the  ford  of  the  Loir  " ;  while  in 
the  second  instance  the  sense  is  "  I  prefer  my  sweetheart  at  the 
ford."  Strictly  speaking,  of  course,  via  mie  ought  to  be  written 
m'amie,  but  there  is  nothing  to  warrant  the  supposition  (in- 
dulged in  by  some  writere)  that  O  gue  is  simply  a  corruption 
of  O  gai.  As  for  the  King  Henri  who  figures  in  the  song, 
this  is  not  Henri  de  Navarre,  who  was  not  bom  at  the  time 
of  its  composition,  but  Henri  II,  the  son  of  Francis  I. 


APPENDIX  SOS 

With  respect  to  Charmante  Gabrielle,  the  most  famous  of 
the  songs  attributed  to  Henri  de  Navarre,  there  was  formerly 
much  discussion.  Edouard  Foumier  held  that  the  King  com- 
posed neither  the  words  nor  the  air,  the  refrain,  Cruelle  departie, 
etc.,  having  been  current  long  before  his  time.*  The  air  is 
nowadays  said  to  be  that  of  a  very  old  French  nowell,  and  to 
have  been  adapted  to  the  song  by  a  certain  Ducaurron,  some- 
time Master  of  the  King's  Chapel,  while  the  words,  it  seems, 
were  written  by  Jean  Bertaut,  a  native  of  Caen,  who  became 
secretary  and  reader  to  the  King,  and  was  appointed,  in  1594, 
Abbot  of  Aunay,  near  Bayeux.  He  contributed  to  Henri's 
abjuration  of  the  Huguenot  faith,  became  for  a  time  chaplain 
to  Marie  de'  Medici,  and  finally,  in  1606,  was  made  Bishop  of 
Seez.  After  that  event  he  tried  to  suppress  all  the  lighter 
verse  he  had  written,  for  he  had  long  courted  the  muses,  there 
being  considerable  tenderness  and  sweetness  in  some  of  his 
efforts.  Bertaut  studied  Ronsard  and  Desportes,  the  latter  of 
whom  was  his  uncle,  while  he  himself  was  uncle  to  Mme.  de 
Motteville. 

The  song  known  as  Viens  Aurore  may  also  have  been  written 
by  Bertaut.  Philarete  Chasles  was  strongly  of  the  opinion  that 
it  could  not  have  been  the  work  of  Henri  IV.  However,  both 
Charmante  Gahrielle  and  Fiens  Aurore  are  closely  associated 
with  the  King'^s  memory.  Both  were  certainly  sung  in  his  time, 
and  he  may  have  sung  them  himself.  The  words  being  little 
known  to  English  readers  we  here  reproduce  them : 

CHARMANTE  GABRIELLE. 


Charmante  Gabrielle, 

Perc^  de  mille  dards, 
Quaud  la  gloire  m'appelle 
A  la  Ruite  de  Mars, 
Cruelle  departie, 

^lalheureux  jour  I 
Que  ne  suis-je  sans  vie 
Ou  sans  amour  ? 

*  Foumier's  L'Esprit  dans  VHistoire,  2nd  edition,  1860.  Bulletin  de 
VAcadimie  de  Bruxelles,  vol.  xi.,  p.  380.  F^tis's  CuriosiUa  de  la  Musique, 
p.  376.  Philarete  Chasles  in  the  Revue  des  Deux  Mondes,  June  1,  1844, 
and  Ste.  Beuve,  Demiers  Portraits,  p.  63. 


304  APPENDIX 


II 

L'amour  sans  nullc  peine 

M'a,  par  vos  douz  regards, 
Comme  un  grand  capitaine, 
Mis  sous  ses  ^tendards. 
Gruelle  d^partie; 

Malheureuz  jour  t 
C'est  trop  peu  d'une  vie 
Pour  tant  d'amour  1 

xn 

Si  votro  nom  c61fcbre 

Sur  mes  drapeaux  brillait, 
Jusqu'au  dela  de  I'Ebre 

L'Espagno  me  craindrait. 

Gruelle  d^partie,  etc.,  as  in  verse  2. 

XV 

Je  n'ai  pu  dans  la  guerre, 

Qu'un  royaume  gagner ; 
Mais  sur  toute  la  terre 

Vos  yeux  doivent  r6gner  I 
Gruelle  d6partie,  etc. 

V 

Partagez  ma  couronne, 

Le  priz  de  ma  valeur ; 
Je  la  tiens  de  Bellone, 

Tenez-la  de  mon  ceeur  ! 
Gruelle  d^partie,  etc. 

VI 

Bel  astre  que  je  quitte, 

Ah,  cruel  souvenir  I 
Ma  douleur  s'en  irrite : 

Vous  revoir  ou  mourir  ! 
Gruelle  d^partie,  etc. 

VII 

Jo  veuz  que  mes  trompettes, 

Mes  ftfres,  les  6chos, 
A  tout  moment  r^p^tent 
Ges  douz  et  tristos  mots  : 
Gruelle  d^partio, 

Malheureuz  jour 
O'est  trop  peu  d'une  vie 
Four  tant  d'amour  1 


APPENDIX  305 


VIENS  AURORE. 

I 

Viens  Aurore, 

Je  t'implore, 
Je  suis  gai  quand  je  te  voi ; 

La  berg^re 

Qui  m'est  ch^re, 
Est  Termeille  conuue  toi  t 


Elle  est  blonde, 

Sans  seconde, 
Elle  a  la  taille  k  la  main ; 

Sa  pruneUe 

Etincelle 
Comma  I'astre  du  matin  I 


Pour  entendre 

Sa  voix  tendre, 
On  dSserte  le  hameau  ; 

Et  Tityre, 

Qui  soupire, 
Fait  taire  son  chalumeau. 

IV 

De  ros^e 

Arros^e, 
La  rose  a  moins  de  f ratcheur ; 

Une  hermine 

Est  moins  fine  ; 
Le  lis  *  a  moins  de  blancbeur. 


D'Ambroisie 

Bien  choisie, 
H6b6  la  nourrit  &  part ;  f 

Et  sa  bouche, 

Quand  j'y  toucbe, 
Me  parfume  de  nectar. 


*  Lait  is  given  instead  of  lis  in  some  versions. 

t  In  tbe  version  current  in  Champagne  (see  p.  183,  ante),  this  line  runs 
••  Du  Puy  86  nourrit  4  part." 

X 


INDEX 


Abjuration  of  Henri  de  Navarre,  134- 

137 
Agen,  Queen  Marguerite  at,  82,  86, 108 
Ailleboust,  Dr.,  141,  186 
Albret,    Amanieu    d',    58.      See   aho 

Sovereigns  of  Navarre  under  their 

Christum  names,  and  also  Miossens. 
Alcandre.     See  Amours. 
Aldobrandini,  Papal  Legate,  234,  235 
Alen^on,  Francois  de  Valois,  Duke  d', 

18,  19-21,  23,  24,  27-32,  38-44,  51, 

61,  64,  65,  75,  85 
Aligre,  Etienne  d',  117,  120 
Alincourt,  M.  d',  225,  232 
Amadis  de  Gaule,  9,  278 
Amiens,    surprise    and    siege    of,    165 

et  seq. 
Amours  du  grand  Alcandre,  Les,  93, 

98, 121,  203, 211 
Ancre,  Marshal  d'.    See  Concini. 
Andouins,  Paul  d',  91.  See  also  Gramont, 

Diane. 
Androuet  du  Cerceau,  158,  190 
Anet,  Frangoise  d',  301 
Ange,  Father,  74,  79,  259 
Angers,  182, 183 
AngoulSme,   Diane,    Duchess  d',   192, 

236, 278.     See  also  Auvergne,  Count, 

and  Marguerite,  Queen. 
Anjou,  Henri  de  Valois,  Duke  d'.    See 

Henri  III  of  France. 
Anne  of  Austria,  Queen  of  France,  299 
Aquaviva,  Anna  d',  50 
Archange,  Father,  74,  79,  259 
Archduke  Albert,  164,  168,  224,  281 
Argentan,  Countess  d',  300 
Armagnac,  Henri's  valet,  16,  34 
Arnaudine  of  Agen,  54 
Arques,  battle  of,  103,  104, 132 
Arros,  Baron  d',  90,  91 
Assassination  of  Henri  de  Navarre,  282 

et  seq. 
Astrie,  by  dlJrfe,  9,  115,  118,  278 
Aubiac,  M.  d',  109,  110 
Aubigne,  Agrippa  d',  33-36,  60-62,  72, 


73,  75,  81,  85,  90,  94,  99,  100,  129, 

148  et  seq.,  155,  176,  211,  277 
Aubigne',  Constant  d',  62 
Aure,  Menaud  d',  89,  92,  93 
Austria,  House  of,  coalition  against  the, 

279,  282,  283 
Auvergne,  Duchy  of,  160 
,  Charles  de  Valois,  Count  d',  166, 

213,  214,   248,  249,  255,    257-261, 

263-266,  268,  269 
Avaugour,  Jacqueline  d',  60,  294.    See 

also  Montbazon. 
Ayala,  Vittoria,  51 


Babou  de  la  Bourdaisi^e  family,  116, 

117,    262;   Francoise,  see    Estr^es; 

Georges,  262 ;   Jean,  see  Sagonne ; 

Marie,  Viscountess  d'Estauges,  131 ; 

Marie,  Countess  de  St.  Aignan,  106, 

117;  Marie,  218,  231 
Balagny,  Alexandre  Jean  de  Montluc, 

Marshal  de,  64,  118,  281 ;  Mme.  de, 

nie  d'Estrees,  118, 150,  201,  205 
Ballets:    Diana's    Nymphs,    277;    the 

Eight  Virtues,  247,  248 
Balzac,  Jean  de,  213 
Balzac  d'Entragues.    See  Entragues. 
Bar,  Henri  de   Lorraine,  Duke  de,  6, 

48,  59, 209 ;  Duchess  de.   See  Navarre, 

Catherine. 
Bassompierre,   Fran9ois  de,   119,   120, 

121,  201,  .205,  ;211,   215,  277,  278, 

287 
BastiUe,  the,  138,  249,  250,  261 
Batz,  Baron  de,  135 
Beaufort,  duchy  of,  159,  160,  295 

,  FranQois,  Duke  de,  295,  296 

,    Gabrielle,    Duchess    de.      See 

Estrees. 
Beaumont,  Henri,  Duke  de,  6 

,  M.  de,  ambassador,  265,  266 

Beaune.    See  Sauves  and  Semblan9ay. 
Beaurain,  Baron  de,  205 
Beauvais-Nangris,  M.  de,  155 


806 


INDEX 


Beanvilliers,  Claude  de,  Count  de  Saint 

Aignan,  106 ;  Claade  de,  abbess,  106 ; 

Fruifoise  de,  abbess,  106 ;  Marie  de, 

abbess,  106,  292 
Bellaj,  Madeleine  do,  262 
Bellegarde,  Roger  de  St.  Lary,  Duke 

de,  120-122,  124,  125,  137-140,  217, 

233,  235,  257 
Belli^vre,  Nicolas  Pompone  de,  64,  81, 

95,  205,  206 
Benoit,  Ren^,  204 
Bentivoglio,  Cardinal,  248 
Beraudi^e,  Mile,  de  la,  268 
Beringhem,  King  Henri's  valet,  138, 

205 
Bertaut,  Jean,  Bishop  of    S^ez,  248, 

267  303 
B^thune,  Mile,  de,  77,  78 
Birague,  Ben^  de.  Cardinal,  72 
Biron,  Armand  de  Grontaut,  1st  Marshal 

(Baron)  de,  59,  62,  63, 104,  133,  134  ; 

Charles.  2nd  Marshal  (Duke)  de,  187, 

198,  199,  224,  225,  228,  234,  235, 

242,  248-250,  265 
Blois,  the  Guises  at,  46,  47 
Bois-Malesherbes,  216,  217,  219,  221, 

274 
Bonciano,  Canon,  210 
Bouillon,  Henri  de  la  Tour  d'Auvergne, 

Duke  de,  183,  248,  250,  259,  260, 

272 ;  Duchess  de,  rUe  La  Marck,  232. 

See  alao  Turenne. 
Bourbon,  House  of,  4, 5.   For  its  Princes 

aee  under  their  remective  title$. 

Moret.    See  Moret. 

— —  •Bomorantin,  Jeanne  Baptiste  de, 

abbess,  299  ;  Marie  Henriette,  abbess, 

299 

Vend6me,    Bee  VendSme. 

VemeuiL    See  Vemeuil. 

Bourbonnais,  duchy  of,  160 
Bourdaisi^e  castle,  116,  118;  family. 

iSeaBabon. 
Bourgeois,  Mme.,  204 
Boursicr,  Mme.,  204 
Boutteville.    Sse  Montmorency, 
Brantume    Pierre  de  Bourdeilles,  Lord 

of,  17,  29,  30,  41,  52,  66,  97 
Brie,  Gabrielle   d'Estr^es'    estates   in, 

157,  158,  160 
Brissac,  Charles  Henri  de  Cossd,  Duke 

de,  140.    See  also  Coea4. 
Brittany,  subjection  of,  181,  182,  189 
Broc,  St  Marc  de,  69 
Brosse,  Salomon  de,  158 
Brou,  M.  de,  161 
Brulart,    Soe  Sillery. 
Budos,  Louise  de,  151,  277 
Bueil,  Anne  de,  140 ;  Claude  de,  298 ; 


Honord  de,  140 ;  Georges  Babou  de, 
262  ;  Jacqueline  de.    See  Moret. 
Busbecq,  Ghiselin  de,  72,  75,  76 
Bussy  d'Amboise,  Louis  de  Clermont, 
29,  30,  40,  41,  91 

Caen,  castle  of,  254 

Cajetano,  Legate,  132 

Candia,  296 

Canillac.    See  Montboissier. 

Capello,  Bianca,  232 

Carlat,  castle  of,  108,  109 

Catherine  de  Foix,  Queen  of  Navarre,  6 

Catherine  de'  Medici,  Queen  of  France, 

9,  11-18,  20-22,  25,  26,  29,  30,  88, 

84,  36-39,  42-45,  47,  49-51,  55,  59, 

62,  71,  108,  110,  156,  158,  175,  177 
Catherine,  Princess.     See  Navarre. 
Cayet,  Palma,  112,  176,  211 
CJecil,  Sir  Robert,  190 
C^y,  Count  de,  263 
Chabannes,  M.  de,  281 
Chalais,  Prince  de,  295 
Champvallon,  Charlotte  de  Harlay  de, 

299;    Francois    de  Harlay  de,    72; 

Jacques  de  Harlay  de,  72  et  seq.,  76, 

268 
Changy,  Mile,  de,  31 
Chantilly,  151,  279 
Charles  I  of  England,  251,  288 

V,  Emperor,  5,  89,  117 

IX  of  France,  7,  9,  12,  13,  15-18, 

20-24,  156,  213,  268 

X.    See  Vendome,  Cardinal  de. 

the  Bold,  97 

Charmante  Oabrielle,  248.     See  aito 

Songs. 
Charry,  M.  de,  11 
Chartrcs,  131,  140,  202 
Chastellas,  M.  de,  38 
Ch&tcau  Rouge,  Montmartre,  137 
Ch4tel,  Jean,  regicide,  140,  150,  207 
Ch&tre,  Claude  de  la.  Marshal,  161 ; 

Mme.  de  la,  161 ;  Mile,  de  la,  222, 231 
Chavignac,  priest,  196 
Chevemy,  Cnancellor  de,  117,  169, 175, 

211 
Chevillard,  259,  261 
Chevreuse,  Marie  de  Rohan,  Duchess 

de,  288,  296 
Children,    illegitimate,    of    Henri    de 

Navarre,  294  «(  teq.    See  aha  under 

their  retpeotive  names,  Moret,  Ven- 

d6me,  Vemeuil. 
Chretien,  Florent,  9 
Cinq-Mars,  Baron  and  Marquis  de,  69 
Clement    VII,    Pope,    117;    Clement 

VIII,  Pope,  187,  197,  198,  222,  231, 

243,  244 


INDEX 


309 


Clevcs,  Duke  of,  William,  4;  John 
William  III,  279 ;  Catherine  of,  lee 
Guise,  Duchess ;  Frances  of,  21 

Coconas,  Annibale,  Count  de,  Pied- 
montese,  21  et  seq. 

CoeflBer,  Councillor,  196 

Coeuvres,  castle  of,  119, 120, 121,  123 

,     Francois     Annibal     d'Estrees, 

Marquis  de,  117,  118,  199,  201,  206, 
281  282 

Coiffie'r  d'Effiat,  69 

Coligny,  Admiral,  9, 14,  17,  18 

Concini,  Concino,  Marshal  d'Ancre, 
178,  239, 240.  254 

Cond^,  Princes  de :  Louis  I,  4,  9 
Henri  I,  13,  18,  97,  101,  102,  214 
Henri  II,  277-282,  285,  288 
Louis  II  (the  Great),  288,  297 
Henri  Jules,  300 

,  Princesses  de:   Charlotte  de  la 

Tre'moille,  wife  of  Henri  I,  102,  262, 
278 ;  Charlotte  Marguerite  de  Mont- 
morency, wife  of  Henri  II,  248,  277- 
282,  288 

,    Marie    Anne   de,    Duchess    de 

Vendome,  300 

Contarini,  Francesco,  quoted,  203,  206, 
207,  210,  211,  237 

Conti,  Princess  de.  iSee  Guise,  Mlle.de,  93 

Corisanda.    See  Gramont,  Diane  de. 

Coronation  of  Henri  de  Navarre,  131, 
140 ;  of  Marie  de'  Medici,  283 

Cossd-Brissac,  Arthur,  Marshal  de,  21 ; 
Jean  de,  138.    See  also  Brissac. 

Courtomer,  M.  de,  285 

Coutras,  battle  of,  97 

Crete,  296 

Crillon,  Louis  de  Balbis-  Bertons  de, 
135,  167,  168 

Croj,  Antoine  de,  192 

Cyprus,  sack  of,  51 

Dahtille,  Charles  de  Montmorency, 

Duke  de,  56 
Dances  of  the  16th  century,  53 
Dauphin.    See  Louis  XIII. 
Davila,  quoted,  13 
Dayelle,  mistress  of  Henri  de  Navarre, 

44,  51,  55 
Denmark,  Anne  of,  112 
Divorce  of  Henri  de  Navarre,  142, 145, 

146,  180,  184,   185,   191,   197,   198, 

212,  222 
Dog  of  Orleans,  the,  134 
Dreux  du  Radier  quoted,  128, 129,  138, 

211 
Ducaurron,  musician,  303 
Dudey,  Anne,  133 
Du  Luc,  M.,  51 


Du  Lude,  M.,  215,  218 

Dunois,  Bastard  of  Orleans,  120 

Du  Perron  or  Duperron,  Cardinal,  130, 

184 
Du  Pin,  Lallier,  secretary,  55, 56 
Dupuy,  Mrae.,  midwife,  201,  204. 
Du  Puy,  Anne  and  Oudart,  133,  305 
Duras,  M.  de,  39,  109  ;  Mme.  de,  77, 

78,86 

Eauze,  Henri's  illness  at,  57,  58 

Effiat,  Marshal  d',  69 

Effigies,  wax,  207 

Elbfene,  M.  d',  281 

Elbeuf,  Charles  de  Lorraine,  Duke  d', 
297 ;  Charles,  his  son,  at  first  Mar- 
quis, then  Duke,  159,  217,  283,  297 ; 
Catherine  Henriette,  Duchess  d', 
see  Vendome;  Marguerite,  tUe  de 
Chamy,  Duchess  d',  297 

Eleanor,  Queen,  consort  of  Francis  I, 
89,  156 

Elizabeth,  Queen  of  Spain,  250 

,  Queen,  consort  of   Charles  IX, 

111,213 

,  Queen  of  England,  19,  43, 176, 

189, 190,  242 

Entragues  conspiracy,  the,  257  et  sea. 

,  Catherine  de  Balzac  d',  Ducness 

of  Lennox,  258 

,    Charles     de    Balzac     d'    (En- 

traguet),  11,  44,  213 

Entragues,  Frangois  de  Balzac  d',  11, 
213,  214,  218,  220,  221,  226,  254, 
255,  257-265.  For  his  wife,  see 
Touchet,  Marie. 

,  Henriette  de  Balzac  d'.  Marchion- 
ess de  Verneuil,  mistress  of  Henri  de 
Navarre,  her  confessor,  74 ;  is  sought 
by  Henri,212;  her  appearance  and  cha- 
racter, 215  ;  fascinates  Henri,  216-218 ; 
an  affray  about  her,  217 ;  puts  a  price 
on  herself,  218 ;  Henri's  promise  to 
marry  her,  218-220;  an  early 
letter  from  him,  220;  is  carried  to 
Marcoussis,  221 ;  is  removed  by 
Henri  and  made  a  Marchioness,  222 ; 
becomes  enoeinU,  222 ;  seeks  his 
advice  about  the  Medici  marriage, 
222,  223;  intrigues  with  the  Duke 
of  Savoy,  224,  231,  232,  235 ;  refuses 
to  restore  Henri's  promise,  225,  226 ; 
will  not  accompany  him  to  the  war, 
227 ;  gives  birth  to  a  stillborn  child, 
227,  228 ;  her  doleful  letter  to  Henri, 
228 ;  he  tries  to  console  her,  229 ; 
joins  him,  230,  231 ;  her  reproaches, 
231 ;  intrigues  with  Father  Hilaire, 
231,  232;  stays  at  Lyons,  234;  is 


310 


INDEX 


rejoined  by  Henri,  235 ;  presented  to 
Marie  de'  Medici,  236;  her  compact 
with  La  Galigai,  238-241;  birth 
of  her  son  Gaston  Henri,  242,  243 ; 
Villeroy  and  Mme.  de  Villars  try  to 
overthrow  her,  243-246;  retains 
her  favour,  244-247;  dances  as 
one  of  the  Virtues,  247,  248  ;  inter- 
cedes for  Auvergne,  250;  birth  of 
her  daughter  Gabrielle  Angflique, 
250,  251 ;  promises  the  Queen  amend- 
ment, 253;  has  a  financial  intrigue 
with  Soissons,  253;  solicits  a  place 
of  safety,  254 ;  keeps  the  King  at  a 
distance,  255-257;  speaks  insult- 
ingly of  the  Queen,  255,  272,  273  ; 
denies  knowledge  of  the  plot  in  her 
interests,  258,  259;  Henri's  promise 
to  her  restored  to  him,  261;  he  treats 
her  kindly,  then  sternly,  262 ;  she  is 
placed  under  arrest,  263;  is  interro- 
gated by  Harlay,  265  ;  is  to  be  sent 
to  a  convent,  266;  the  proceedings 
against  her  quashed,  266;  protests 
her  love  to  Henri,  266;  again  cor- 
responds with  him,  267;  alternate 
reconciliations  and  quarrels,  272- 
275  ;  is  suspected  of  Henri's  assassina- 
tion, 285  ;  denounced  by  La  d'Esco- 
raan,  286 ;  found  not  guilty,  287 ; 
is  forbidden  to  marry  Charles,  Duke 
do  Guise,  287;  her  last  da,ys  and 
death,  287,  288;  her  evil  influence, 
289 ;  her  children  by  Henri,  297,  298 

Entragues,  Marie  de  Balzac  d',  215, 266, 
287 

J^nvoutemerU,  charge  of,  22 

l;;pemay,  siege  of,  133,  134 

Epernon,  Jean  liOuis  Nogaret  de  la 
Valette,  Duke  d',  37,  118,  120,  259, 
260,  284-287,  298 ;  his  son  Bernard, 
Duke  d',  250,  251,  298;  Gabrielle 
Ang€lique,  wife  of  Bernard.  See 
Vemeuil. 

Escoman,  Isaac  d',  286 ;  Jacqueline  d', 
286,  287 

Espinay  St.  Luc,  Fran9ois  d',  175 

Essars,  Francois  des,  299;  Charlotte 
des.    See  Komorantin. 

EstoUle.    See  L'Estoille. 

Estr^es  family,  the,  117,  118 

,  Ange'lique   d',  Abbess   of  Mon- 

baisson,  llf,  118,  208 

,  Antoine,  Marquis  d',  117,  125, 

129,  175,  201,  206 

,  Denan  d',  120 

,  Diane  d'.    See  Balagny,  Mme.  de. 

,  Franfois  Annibal  d*.  aeeCavvres, 

Marquis. 


Estre'es,  Mile.  Francoise  d',  198 

,  Francoise,   Marchioness  d',    n6e 
Babou  de  la  Bourdaisi^e,  117-121 

,  Gabrielle  d',  Lady  of  Liancourt, 

Marchioness  de  Monteeaux,  Duchess 
de  Beaufort,  etc.,  favourite  of  Henri 
de  Navarre,  referred  to,  3,  106 ;  her 
birth  and  early  years,  118-120;  first 
seen  by  Henri,  121,  122;  snubs  and 
repulses  him,  122-124;  joins  him 
with  her  father,  125 ;  resents  Longue- 
ville's  treachery,  125 ;  her  disposition, 
126;  her  appearance,  127-129;  is 
unwillingly  married  to  M.  de 
Liancourt,  130;  is  separated  from 
him  by  Henri,  131 ;  journeys  with 
the  King,  131  et  $eq. ;  with  him  in 
Champagne,  133 ;  advises  his  abjura- 
tion, 135;  with  him  before  Paris, 
137;  is  accused  of  infidelity  with 
Bellegarde,  137-140;  birth  of  her 
son  C^sar,  140;  accused  of  com- 
passing the  death  of  Dr.  Ailleboust, 
147;  becomes  Marchioness  de  Mont- 
eeaux and  enters  Paris  with  Henri, 
141-143 ;  her  marriage  annulled,  142, 
143;  her  son  Cesar  legitimated,  143, 
144 ;  is  deputy  Queen  of  France,  146, 
190  ;  her  rdle  at  Court,  147 ;  friendly 
with  Princess  Catherine  and  the 
Princess  of  Orange,  148;  meets 
Aubigne  at  Chauny,  148,  149 ; 
witnesses  Chatel's  attempt  and  nurses 
Henri,    150;    her    good    sense    and 

f>olitical  shrewdness,  150-152;  her 
etters,  151 ;  accompanies  Henri  to 
Rouen,  153;  criticizes  his  speech 
there,  153;  gifts  she  receives  from 
him,  130,  147,  157  et  seq.,  159,  160, 
161,  108-170;  birth  of  her  daughter, 
Catherine  Henriette,  159;  is  created 
Duchess  de  Beaufort,  100 ;  is  publicly 
fondled  by  the  King,  161,  163,  190; 
is  contemned  and  unpopular,  162, 163, 
164, 166,  167 ;  hunts  with  the  King, 
162 ;  masquerades  with  him,  165 ;  her 
behaviour  after  the  surprise  of  Amiens, 
165,  166;  a  ferryman's  opinion  of 
her,  166,  167;  her  inventory,  170 
(«ee  also  ante,  under  gifts)  ;  becomes 
stout,  171,  188,  189,  193;  extracts 
from  Henri's  letters  to  her,  171,  172 ; 
their  projected  marriage,  174,  184  et 
tea.,  198-200,  205;  offends  Sully, 
174,  192-194;  favours  Zamet,  177, 
178;  helps  to  subdue  Mercceur,  182; 
her  son  Cesar  betrothed  to  Francoise 
de  Mercceur,  182,  183;  birth  o!  her 
son  Alexandre,   183;    her  marriage 


INDEX 


Sll 


with  Henri  discussed  by  him  and 
Stilly,  184  et  geq. ;  Henri's  tribute 
to  her,  186;  as  vice-reine,  190;  at  a 
function  at  the  Hotel  de  Ville,  190, 
191 ;  baptism  of  her  second  son,  191, 
192  ;  alleged  to  hare  offended  Henri 
and  Sully,  192,  194 ;  misfortune  pre- 
dicted to  her,  195,  196;  attacked 
from  the  pulpit,  186;  praised  by 
Queen  Marguerite,  196,  197  ;<  Henri's 
last  extant  letter  to  her,  197;  she 
receives  a  betrothal  ring  and  earrings, 
198 ;  orders  furniture  and  bridal  robes, 
198 ;  plans  for  her  support,  198,  199 ; 
quits  Henri  for  the  Holy  Days,  200  ; 
reaches  Paris,  201 ;  circumstances  of 
her  death,  201-206;  her  obsequies, 
206-208;  her  death  reviewed,  210, 
211 ;  referred  to,  227, 228 ;  particulars 
of  her  children  and  descendants,  294 
et  $eq. 

Estre'es,  Jean  d',  117 

-| — ,  Juliette  Hippolyte.    See  Villars. 

Etampes,  Anne  de  Pisseleu,  Duchess  d', 
138,  268;  duchy  of,  160,  196 

Eug^e  of  Savoy,  Prince,  300 

Fair  hair  in  fashion,  10,  126 
Favourites  of  Henri  de  Navarre,  list  of, 

291  et  »eq. 
Ferdinando  de'  Medici,  Grand  Duke, 

156, 222,  223 
Ferrand,  Queen  Marguerite's  secretary, 

84,85 
Ferry,  accident  at  the  Neuilly,  272 
Ferryman,  Gabrielle,  Henri,  and   the, 

166,  167 
Fervacques,  Guillaume,  Count  de,  35, 36, 

37, 168 
Fleurette  of  Ne'rac,  54,  292 
Foix,  house  of,  6 
Fontalnebleau,  192-202,  205,  227,  241, 

249,  253,  256,  279 
Force,  Marquis  de  la,  114,  285 
Fosseux    or    Fosseuse,    Fran9oise    de 

Montmorency,  mistress  of  Henri  de 

Navarre,  60  et  tea.,  65-70 
,  Pierre  de  Montmorency,  Baron 

de,  and  his  wife,  GO,  294 
Fouquet  de  la  Varenne.    See  Varenne. 
Francesco  de'  Medici,  Grand  Duke,  210, 

232 
Francis  I,  of  France,  1,  4,  5,  8,  25,  89, 

117,  138,  156 

II,  of  France,  7 

Fresne,  Pierre  Forget  de,  176 
Frontenac,  Count  de,  37,  56,  57,  84, 

232 
Funeral  of  Gabrielle  d'Estrees,  206  et  seq. 


Gabrielle,  la  belle,  $ee  Estrees ;  songs 

to,  303  et  seq. 
Galiga'i,  Leonora,  235,  238  et  teq.,  253, 

254 
Giovannini,  Baccio,  222 
Giustiniani,  287 
Gondi,  Albert  de.  Marshal    Duke  de 

Retz,  his  wife,  201,  205 

family,  169,  191,  210 

,  Fran9ois  de,  Archbishop,  261 

,  Pierre  de,  Cardinal  Axchbisbop, 

191,  210,  236 
Goyon,  Gillone  de,  31,  38 
Gramont,  Antoine  I  de,  89,  90,  91 

, II  de,  92,  94,  115 

,  Claire  de,  89 

,     Diane     (Corisanda)     de,     tiA 

d'Andouins,  favourite    of   Henri   de 

Navarre,    70,    80,    82-84,    90-108, 

111-115 

family,  88  et  seq. 

,  Fran9oise  de,  89 

,  Gabriel  de.  Bishop,  89 

,  Henri  de,  Count  de  Toulongeon, 

92 

,  Louise  de,  rufe  Eoquelaure,  92 

,  Philibert  I  de,  89-93 

, II  de,  92,  93 

Vachferes,  Jacques  de,  151 

Grand  Masters  of  France,  192 
Granson,  battle  of,  97 
Green,  Gabrielle  d'Estre'es  and,  162,  163 
Grey,  Henri  de  Navarre' s  colour,  142, 

162 
Groulart,  President  Claude,  152,  153, 

191,  194,  211 
Guast,  Louis  Berenger  du,  26  et  seq., 

40 
Gudin  de  la  Brenellerie,  2 
Guercheville,  Antoinette,   Marchioness 

de,  106,  292 
Guiche,  Count  and  Countess  dc.    See 

Gramont,  Philibert  I,  and  Diane. 
Guise,  Charles,  Duke  de,  son  of  Henri, 

134,  189,  224,  246, 286-288 

,  Fran^oise,  Duke  de,  17,  91,  236 

,  Henn  le  Balafre,  Duke  de,  son  of 

Fran9ois,  11-15,  18,  27,   35,  45-47, 

61,  71,  75,  110,  136,  217,  236 
,     Louis,    Cardinal    de,    son    of 

Fran9ois,  47,  120,  121,  236 
,  Anne  of  Este,  Duchess  de,  wife  of 

Fran9ois,  236.    See  also    Nemours, 

Duchess  de. 
,  Catherine  of  Cleves,  Duchess  de, 

wife  of  Henri,  11,  12,  190,  191,  201, 

205,  206,  255 
,  Mile,  de,  later  Princess  de  Conti, 

93,  199,  201,  203,  205 


312 


INDEX 


Haoetmau,  massacre  at,  90 

Harambure,  Jean,  Baron  d',  168 

Harlay,  Achilla  de,  President,  72,  264, 
287 

,  Frangois  de.  See  Champvallon. 

,  Jacques  de.    See  Champvallon. 

,  Philippe  de,  Count  de  Cesy,  263 

de  Sancy.    See  Sancy. 

Havard,  Catherine  de,  106 

Hermant,  Marie,  138 

Henri  II  of  France,  5,  9,  128 

II  of  Navarre,  4,  5,  90 

Ill  of    France,  previously  Duke 

d'Anjou  and  King  of  Poland,  13,  19, 
20,  26,  27,  29,  31,  32,  35-39,  41-44, 
46,  47,  49-51,  60,  61,  70,  71,  74-86, 
91,  97,  103,  110,  120,  121, 150,  177 

Henri  III  of  Navarre  and  IV  of 
France,  his  popularity,  1,2;  his  amor- 
ous inclinations,  3-5, 10 ;  his  parentage 
and  birth,  4  et  teq. ;  his  appearance, 
disposition,  and  habits,  8,  .44  ;  educa- 
tion and  youth,  9;  espouses  Mar- 
guerite de  Valois,  9-13,  18;  his 
early  relations  with  her,  10,  11, 13, 
14,  18,  20,  23,  24,  28,  29,  31,  32,  33, 
88,  39 ;  at  the  St.  Bartholomew  mas- 
sacre, 13  et  acq. ;  leads  a  gay  life,  19 ; 
joins  Alen9on  and  attempts  escape 
from  Paris,  19-23 ;  in  relation  to  La 
Mole's  plot,  21 ;  ensnared  by  Char- 
lotte de  Sauves,  20  et  teq.,  31,  33,  35, 
38,  44;  is  nursed  in  illness  by  his 
wife,  31,  57,  58 ;  exhorted  to  energy, 
S3  et  teq. ;  escapes  from  Paris,  35  et 
teq.;  wishes  his  wife  to  join  him,  38, 
39;  is  attracted  by  Jeanne  de  Tig- 
Donville,  48  et  teq. ;  rejoined  by  his 
wife,  49,  50 ;  takes  Fleurance,  50  ;  is 
enamoiu-ed  of  Dayelle,  51,  55;  some 
of  his  alleged  amours,  54,  55 ;  his 
self-neglect,  54 ;  quarrels  with  his 
wife,  56;  in  loye  with  Mile,  de 
Rebours,  56,  57;  falls  very  ill,  57, 
68;  his  Court  at  N^rac,  58,  59,  60; 
diplomatically  worsted  by  Catherine 
de'  Medici,  59  ;  in  love  with  Fran9oise 
de  Montmorency-Fosseux,  60  et  teq. ; 
engages  in  the  Lovers'  War,  61,  62, 
C3;  infringes  neutrality  at  Ne'rac, 
63,  64 ;  agrees  to  peace,  64  ;  his  child 
by  Foeseuse,  65-69  ;  forgets  Fosseuse. 
69,  70 ;  will  not  be  lured  to  Paris,  71, 
75 ;  resents  Henri  Ill's  treatment  of 
Marguerite,  79;  demands  a  separa- 
tion, 79  «<  teq. ;  takes  Marguerite 
back,  82 ;  treats  her  coldly,  82-8G ; 
she  quits  him,  86;  is  excommuni- 
cated, 86;    in  love  with  Diane  de 


Gramont  (Corisanda),  80,  82,  83,  88 
el  teq. ;  becomes  heir  to  the  French 
throne,  85 ;  his  son  by  Corisanda,  93,  • 
94,  99 ;  at  Coutras,  97 ;  at  a  skirmish 
with  Matignon,  101 ;:  relates  Conde's 
death,  102;  his  campaigns  in  Nor- 
mandy, 103,  104,  132,  133 ;  describes 
Marans  to  Corisanda,  104;  his  al- 
leged fidelity  to  her,  105, 106 ;  wishes 
to  be  rid  of  his  wife,  108 ;  desires  his 
sister  to  marry  James  I,  111,  112; 
angry  with  his  sister  and  Corisanda, 
11.3,  114;  expresses  respect  for  Cori- 
sanda, 115;  favours  her  son,  115; 
falls  in  love  with  Gabrielle  d'Estrees, 
111,  112,  115;  they  first  meet,  119, 
121,  122;  orders  Bellegarde  and 
Longueville  to  retire,  122,  125;  re- 
pulsed by  Gabrielle,  122;  hastens 
after  her,  123,  124;  constrains  her 
father  and  family  to  attend  him,  125 ; 
assents  to  Gabrielle's  marriage,  130 ; 
separates  her  from  Liancourt,  131 ; 
carries  her  in  his  train,  131  et  teq. ; 
besieges  Chartres,  131 ;  is  victorious 
at  Ivry,  132 ;  besieges  Paris,  132, 
133 ;  his  success  at  Caudebec,  133 ; 
besieges  Eperney,  133,  134 ;  is  fas- 
cinated by  Anne  da  Puy,  133 ;  still 
defied  by  the  League,  134;  decides 
on  abjuration,  134-137 ;  jealous  of 
Bellegarde,  137-140;  is  crowned 
King  of  France,  140  ;  attempts  made 
on  his  life,  140,  150;  disregards 
charges  against  Gabrielle,  141 ;  carries 
her  in  triumph  into  Paris,  141-143 ; 
creates  her  a  Marchioness,  141  ;  le- 
gitimates her  son  Ce'sar,  143.  144; 
seeks  a  divorce  from  Marguerite,  142, 

145,  146  ;  his  relations  with  Gabrielle, 

146,  147,  150,  152,  153,  161,  162, 
163,  167-171 ;  some  of  his  gifts  to 
her,  130,  147,  157-159,  101,  168- 
170 ;  is  reconciled  to  Aubigne',  148 
et  seq. ;  is  wounded  by  Ch&tel,  150 ; 
harangues  the  Notables  at  Rouen, 
153 ;  is  short  of  raiment,  etc.,  154 ; 
his  alleged  miserliness,  155-157 ; 
creates  Gabrielle  a  Duchess,  159 ; 
legitimates  his  daughter  Catherine 
Henriette,  159;  caresses  Gabrielle  in 
public,  161,  1G3,  164,  190;  hunts 
with  Gabrielle,  162;  wastes  time  at 
tennis,  164 ;  indulges  in  a  masquerade, 
164 ;  makes  ready  to  revenge  the 
surprise  of  Amiens.  165  ;  hears  Gab- 
rielle denounced  by  a  ferryman,  166 ; 
besieges  Amiens,  167;  his  famous 
letter  to  Crillon,  167,  168;  extracts 


INDEX 


818 


from  his  letters  to  Gabrielle,  171, 
172;  proposes  to  marry  her,  174, 
175 ;  reduces  Mercoeur,  181  et  seq. ; 
speaks  to  Sully  about  divorce  and 
marriage,  184-188 ;  speaks  to  Grou- 
lart  also,  191 ;  his  medical  household, 
186  ;  is  said  to  support  Sully  against 
Gabrielle,  192-195 ;  persists  in  his 
design  to  marry  her,  195 ;  applies  to 
the  Pope,  197;  his  last  letter  to 
Gabrielle,  197  ;  gives  her  his  corona- 
tion ring,  198  ;  his  plans  to  ensure  her 
supporters,  199 ;  parts  from  her  prior 
to  marriage,  200,  201 ;  alarmed  about 
her  and  starts  for  Paris,  205 ;  returns 
to  Fontainebleau,  206 ;  his  com- 
mands for  her  obsequies,  206;  goes 
into  mourning,  208;  writes  to  his 
sister,  209 ;  first  suggestions  of  his 
marriage  to  Marie  de'  Medici,  210, 
212 ;  in  love  with  Henriette  d'En- 
tragues,  212;  divorced  from  Mar- 
guerite, 212,  222 ;  first  meets 
Henriette,  215,  216;  becomes  infatu- 
ated with  her,  216,  217;  orders 
Joinville's  arrest,  217 ;  notices  Mile, 
de  )a  Bourdaisiere,  218,  222,  231  ; 
buys  Henriette  d'Entragues,  218, 
219;  his  promise  to  marry  her,  219, 
220 ;  carries  her  off  from  Marcoussis, 
221,  222  ;  has  noticed  Mile,  de  la 
Chatre,  222,  231 ;  creates  Henriette 
Marchioness  de  Vemeuil,  222;  par- 
dons Joinville,  222 ;  negotiations  for 
his  marriage  with  Marie  de'  Medici, 
212,  223  ;  his  dispute  with  the  Duke 
of  Savoy,  223  et  seq. ;  seeks  the  re- 
turn of  his  marriage-promise,  225, 
226;  invades  Savoy,  227,  228;  his 
stillborn  child  by  Henriette,  227, 
228 ;  tries  to  console  her,  229 ;  is 
joined  by  her,  230,  231 ;  in  relation 
to  Father  Hilaire,  231,  244 ;  his  love- 
letters  to  Marie  de'  Medici,  232,  233  ; 
joins  her  at  Lyons,  234,  235;  par- 
dons Biron  for  plotting,  234 ;  hurries 
to  see  Henriette,  235;  has  her  pre- 
sented to  the  Queen,  236,  237 ;  dis- 
likes Leonora  Galigai,  239,  240 ; 
makes  her  Mistress  of  the  Bobes, 
241 ;  delighted  with  his  sons  by  the 
Queen  and  Henriette,  242,  243; 
Henriette  denounced  to  him  by 
Mme.  de  Villars,  245 ;  her  innocence 
shown,  246,  247 ;  again  pardons 
Joinville,  247 ;  makes  Henriette 
dance  in  the  Queen's  ballet,  248 ;  his 
attitude  towards  Biron's  treason, 
248-250;   pardons   Auvergnc,  250; 


has  a  daughter  by  his  wife  and  one 
by  Henriette,  250;  legitimates 
Henriette's  children,  251 ;  is  curtain- 
lectured  by  his  wife,  251 ;  takes  her  to 
Metz  and  Nancy,  252  ;  his  ailments, 
252 ;  is  jealously  angry  with  Henri- 
ette, 253;  gives  her  a  house  at 
Fontainebleau,  253 ;  eludes  her  de- 
mands for  a  place  of  safety,  254; 
sends  Sully  to  treat  with  her,  255  ;  is 
again  incensed  with  her,  256,  257; 
invites  her  to  Fontainebleau,  257; 
hears  her  denounced  by  Auvergne, 
257,  258 ;  is  advised  of  the  Entragues' 
conspiracy,  258,  259;  proceeds 
against  the  plotters,  260;  recovers 
his  marriage-promise,  261 ;  orders 
Henriette  to  Vemeuil,  262 ;  his 
liai$on$  with  Mmes.  de  Moret  and 
Romorantin,  262,  263,  267;  sends 
Auvergne  to  the  Bastille,  264 ; 
places  Henriette  under  arrest,  264; 
commutes  the  sentences  on  the 
plotters,  266  ;  again  corresponds  with 
Henriette,  267 ;  receives  letters  from 
Queen  Marguerite,  268 ;  allows  her  to 
return  to  Paris,  268  ;  cautions  her 
against  prodigality,  269;  gives  her 
land,  270;  is  again  jealous  of  Join- 
ville, 272,  273 ;  his  alternate  quarrels 
and  reconciliations  with  Henriette, 
272-275;  falls  in  love  with  Char- 
lotte de  Montmorency,  276 ;  marries 
her  to  the  Prince  de  Conde',  277, 279 ; 
is  again  ill,  278 ;  prepares  for  war 
with  the  House  of  Austria,  279,  282, 
283 ;  makes  frantic  attempts  to  win 
the  Princess  de  Conde',  279-282 ;  has 
his  wife  crowned,  283  ;  programme  of 
his  last  days,  283;  is  assassinated, 
283-286 ;  his  career  from  the  stand- 
point of  his  amours,  288-290 ;  a  list 
of  women  associated  with  his  name, 
291  et  $eq. ;  his  illegitimate  children 
and  descendants,  294  et  $eq. ;  some 
songs  ascribed  to  him,  301  «^  eq. 

Henrietta  Maria,  consort  of  Charles  I, 
279,  280,  289 

Henry  VIII  of  England,  89 

Hilaire,  Father  (Alphonse  Travail),  231 ' 
232,  243-245,  259 

Hdpital,  Fran9ois  da  Hallier,  Marshal 
de  1',  299 

Humbert  with  the  White  Hand,  of 
Savoy,  223 


I>r7Ain'A  Isabella  Clara  Eugenia,  134, 
224,  282 


314 


INDEX 


Iron  Mask,  Man  with  the,  296 
Ivry,  battle  of,  132 

Jacob's  Altar  in  Paris,  270 

Taime  mieuz  ma  mie,  302 

James  I  of  England,  111,  112,  258, 266 

Jarnac,  Baron  de,  161 

Jean  (d'Albret),  King  of  Navarre,  6 

Jeanne  (d'Albret),  Queen  of  Navarre, 

4-10,  17,  58,  81,  90 
Jesuits,  the,  140,  150 
John,  Don,  of  Austria,  54 
JoinviUe,  Claude  de  Lorraine,  Prince 

de,  and  later  Duke  de  Chevreuse,  217, 

222,  245-247,  272,  273,  288 
Joyeuae,  Anne,  Duke  de,  Admiral   of 

France,  97,  120 
,  Frangois  de,  Cardinal,  brother  of 

above,  76,  183 
,  Henri  (Ange)  de,  Duke,  Marshal, 

and  Capuchin,  brother  of  the  above, 

206,  207 

,  Henriette  Catherine  de,  Duchess 

de  Montpensier  and  Guise,  288 

Kerchief  made  for  Gabrielle,  161 
Kejs  of  Rennes,  Henri  and  the,  183 

La  bo.y.ve  aventure  O  gui,  302 

La  Fin,  M.  de,  225,  249 

Lallier  du  Pin,  55,  56 

La  Mole,  Boniface  de,  of  Provence,  21 
et  teq. 

La  Roche-sur-Yon,  Princess  de,  widow 
of  Charles  de  Bourbon-Montpensier, 
40,43 

Lavardin,  Jean  de  Beaumanoir,  Mar- 
quis and  Marshal  de,  35,  285 

League,  the  Catholic,  44,  85,  86,  131, 
132,  134,  IGO,  164,  214 

Legitimation  of  Cesar  de  Vendoinc, 
143,  144,  294;  of  Catherine  Hen- 
riette de  Vendoine,  159,  297;  of 
Alexandre  de  Vendoine,  297  ;  of 
Gaston  Henri  de  Verneuil,  251,  297 ; 
of  Gabrielle  Angdlique  de  Verneuil, 
251;  of  Antoine  de  Moret,  298;  of 
Jeanne  Baptiste  de  Romorantin,  299 

Lennox,  Duke  of,  258,  259,  264-2G6 

Lesdi^  litres,  Francois  de  Bonne,  Duke 
de,  Marshal  and  Constable  of  France, 
228,  259,  272 

L'I'Istoille,  Pierre  Taisan  de,  quoted,  22, 
37,49,77,78,  80,  81,  91,  115,  142, 
143,  159, 161-lGG, 195, 190,201,206, 

207,  217,  246,  247 
Lczan,  M.  de,  15 

L'Uoete,  a  secretary,  257,  258 


Liancourt,  Nicolas  d'Amcrval,  Lord  of, 

119,  130,  142,  143 

,  M.  de,  royal  equerry,  285 

Lignerac,  M.  de,  108, 109 

Litter,  Queen  Marguerite's,  50 

Livarot,  M.  de,  44 

Lizza,  A.  de,  241 

Lodon,  M.  de,  77 

Lomenie,  Antoine  de,  secretary,  219, 

261 

,  Martial  de,  261 

Longueville,  Duke  de,  120, 121, 122, 125 

,  Duchess  de,  72 

,    Anne     Genevieve    de    Conde, 

Duchess  de,  288 
Louis  XII  of  France,  8,  237,  221 

XIII  of  France,  242,  261,  262, 

269,  296,  298 

XIV  of  France,  299,  300 

Louise  de  Lorraine- Vaudemont,  Queen 

of  France,  31,  35,  75,  156,  181,  218 
Louvigny,    Paul,    Viscoimt    de,    92 ; 

Roger,  Count  de,  92 
Louvre   Palace,  14-16,  30,  32,  33,  85, 

43,  75,  162,  194, 198,  207,  235,  236, 

241,  247,  277,  283,  284 
Lorraine,  Charles,  Cardinal  de,  136 
,  Claude  de  France,  Duchess  de,  14, 

15,16 
,  Princes  and  Princesses.    See  Bar, 

Guise,  Joinville,  Mayenne,  Mercosur, 

Nemours,  Vaudemont. 
Luxembourg,  Scbastien  de,  181 

,  Marie  de,  294 

Luynes,  Constable  de,  288 
Luz,  Baron  de,  249 
Lyons,  230,  234,  235 

Madrid,  ch&teau  de,  268 

Malherbe,  Francois  de,  92, 99, 100,  271, 

277,  280,  281 
Mancini,  Laura,  295 
Mantes,  121,  125 
Marans,  99,  104 
Marck,  Charlotte  de  la,  188 
Marcoussis,  castle  of,  213, 221, 222, 259, 

260-262,  266 
Marcil,  Gratienne,  a  maid,  196,  204 
Marguerite    d'Angoult^me,    Queen    of 

Navarre,  4,  5,  8,  58 

de    Valois,   Queen    of    Navarre, 

her  marriage  to  Henri  de  Navarre, 
her  appearance  and  early  affections, 
9-13;  her  account  of  the  St.  Bar- 
tholomew massacre,  13-16 ;  reveals 
her  husband's  first  design  to  escape, 
20  ;  her  alleged  undue  familiarity 
with  her  brothers,  20, 42 ;  her  alleged 
love  for  La  Mole,  21  el  seq. ;  prepares 


INDEX 


315 


a  memoir  for  Henri,  23;  wishes  to 
help  the  escape  of  Henri  and  Alen^on, 
23 ;  loses  her  brother  and  protector 
Charles  IX,  24;  has  a  weakness  for 
Bussy  d'Amboise,  29,  30 ;  her  intrigue 
with  him  renewed,  40,  41 ;  nurses 
her  husband,  31,  57,  58;  has  to  dis- 
miss a  confidante,  31 ;  passing  rupture 
with  Henri,  31,  32 ;  is  ill  and  neg- 
lected, 33 :  her  position  after  Henri's 
escape,  37 ;  mediates  between  her 
brothers,  39  ;  wishes  to  join  her  hus- 
band, 39;  goes  to  Spa,  40,  43;  said 
to  have  prompted  Du  Guast's  assas- 
sination, 40 ;  shares  AlenQon's  cap- 
tivity, 42 ;  helps  him  to  escape,  43 ; 
returns  to  her  husband,  44,  49,  50; 
her  splendid  litter,  50 ;  is  said  to 
favour  Turenne,  51,  58,  61;  flashes 
upon  Beam,  52,  53 ;  her  beauty, 
adornments  and  talents,  52,  53 ;  re- 
sents Henri's  self -neglect,  54;  her 
religious  difficulties  at  Pau,  55,  56; 
her  partiality  for  Ne'rac,  58  et  seq. ; 
her  troubles  with  Henri's  mistress 
Fosseuse,  60  et  seq. ;  accused  of 
fomenting  the  Lovers*  War,  61,  62; 
alarmed  by  Biron,  63 ;  helps  Alenpon 
to  restore  peace,  64 ;  angry  with 
Fosseuse  and  Henri,  65,  66 ;  helps 
Fosseuse,  67-69;  goes  with  her  to 
Paris,  69,  71 ;  sells  and  buys  property 
there,  72 ;  her  love  affair  with 
Champvallon,  72  et  seq. ;  her  alleged 
son  by  him,  74,  79,  80 ;  talks  and 
intrigues  against  Henri  III,  75,  76 ; 
ordered  to  quit  Paris,  76,  77 ;  treated 
with  great  indignity,  77  ;  denounced 
by  her  brother  to  her  husband,  87  et 
seq.;  taken  back  by  Henri,  82;  a 
wife  in  name  only,  83,  84 ;  accused 
of  poisoning  her  husband,  85  ;  flees 
from  Nerac  to  Agen,  86 ;  derided  by 
her  husband,  108;  flees  from  Agen 
to  Auvergne,  108;  at  the  castle  of 
Usson,  109   el   seq.,  142,  196,  198, 

267,  268  ;  her  divorce,  142,  145,  146, 
180,  184,  185,  191,  196,  197,  198, 
212 ;  nnwiUing  to  surrender  her  title 
to  Henriette  d'Entragues,  219;  re- 
turns to  Paris,  267  et  seq. ;  her  recep- 
tion there,  268 ;  her  Paris  residences, 

268,  270,  271 ;  her  changed  appear- 
ance, 268;  meets  Marie  de'  Medici, 
268,  269 ;  her  relations  with  Henri 
and  his  family,  269;  recovers  much 
property,  269 ;  one  of  her  favourites 
murdered,  269,  270 ;  her  vow  at 
Usson,  270;  her  charity  and  piety, 


270,  271 ;  her  «oton,  271 ;  her  death 
and  debts,  271 ;  Richelieu's  pro- 
nouncement on  her,  271 ;  receives 
revelations  respecting  Henri's  assas- 
sination, 286 
Marie  de'  Medici,  Queen  of  France,  her 
extravagance,  156,  157 ;  her  outlay  at 
Montceaux,  158;  negotiations  for  her 
marriage  with  Henri  de  Navarre,  156, 
210,  212,  222,  223,  225,  226,  231 ; 
her  appearance,  232  ;  her  love-letters 
from  Henri,  232-234 ;  is  married  at 
Florence,  234  ;  is  joined  by  Henri  at 
Lyons,  234,  235;  is  married  there, 
235 ;  journeys  to  Paris,  235,  236 ; 
Henriette  d'Entragues  is  presented  to 
her,  236,  237 ;  is  feared  by  Henriette, 
238;  her  favourite  La  Galigai,  239- 
241  ;  how  influenced  by  her,  241 ; 
gives  birth  to  the  future  Louis  XIII, 
241,  242;  angry  with  her  husband 
and  Henriette,  242,  243;  consults 
canonists  about  her  marriage,  244 ; 
sends  Father  Hilaire  to  death,  245 ; 
her  ballet  of  the  Virtues,  247,  248 ; 
birth  of  her  daughter  Elisabeth  (later 
Queen  of  Spain),  250 ;  is  again  in- 
censed with  Henriette  d'Entragues, 
251 ;  plays  the  part  of  Mrs.  Caudle, 
251 ;  goes  with  Henri  to  Metz  and 
Nancy,  252  ;  her  ambitious  nature, 
252 ;  Henri  falling  ill  promises  amend- 
ment, 252 ;  is  reconciled  with  him 
and  Henriette,  252,  253;  is  again 
incensed  with  Henrietta,  254  ;  Sully 
remonstrates  with  her,  255 ;  she  ex- 
plains her  grievances,  255, 256 ;  again 
quarrels  with  her  husband,  257 ; 
meets  Marguerite  de  Valois,  268, 269 ; 
is^  insulted  by  Henriette,  272 ;  has  a 
narrow  escape  at  the  Neuilly  ferry, 
273;  keeps  Henriette  from  Court, 
273 ;  birth  of  her  son  Gaston,  Duke 
of  Orleans,  274  ;  her  ballet,  "  Diana's 
Nymphs,"  277 ;  birth  of  her  daughter 
Henriette  Marie,  later  Queen  of 
England,  279,  280;  her  coronation 
and  regency,  283,  286 ;  will  not  have 
La  d'l^coman  tortured,  287 ;  her  re- 
venge on  the  sisters  d'Entragues, 
287 
Marivaux,  M.  de,  143 
Marot,  Clement,  58 
Martigues,  Princes  de,  11, 294,  295,299 

,  Mmes.  de,  201,  205,  206 

Mary,  Queen  of  Scots,  77,  111,  184 
Massacres,  of  Hagetmau,  90 ;  of  Pau,  9, 

17 ;  of  St.  Bartholomew's  Day,  13 
Mathieu,  Pierre,  3,  147 


316 


INDEX 


Matignon,  Jacques  de  Gojon,  Marshal 

de,  31,  83,  8i,  86,  97,  101 
Malta,  Charles  de  Bourdeilles,  Count 

de,  93 
Maabuisson,  abbey  of,  118,  208 
MaugiroD,  M.  de,  44 
Maurevers,  Louvier  de,  14 
Majenne,  Charles  de  Lorraine,  Duke 

de,  75,  103,  132,  152,  167,  177,  230, 

236,  246 
Mayneville,  Captain  de,  138 
Mazarin,  Cardinal,  295,  301 
Medical  household,  royal,  186 
Medici.     See    Catherine,    Ferdinando, 

Francesco,  Marie. 
Menaud  d'Aure,  89,  92,  93 
Mercoeur,  Philippe  Emmanuel  de  Lor- 
raine, Duke  de,  164,  181,  182,  183, 

247,  294 
,  Marie  de  Luxembourg,  Duchess  de, 

181,  182,  201,  205,  294 
,  Mile.  Fran9oise  de,  later  Duchess 

de  Vendome,  182,  183, 195,  199,  279, 

294 
M^r^,  Poltrot  de,  17 
Metz,  Bishop  of,  tee  Vemeuil,  Duke; 

rising  at,  252 
Mignons  of  Henri  III,  44,  54,  91,  177 
Miosscns,  Henri    d'Albret,  Baron  de, 

16,20 
Mirabeau,  Marquis  de,  285 
Miron,  Francois,  190,  206,  268  ;  Marc, 

186 
Mistresses  of  Henri  de  Navarre,  a  list 

of,  291  et  $eq. 
Mole.    See  La  Mole. 
Montaigne,  Michel  de,  83,  84,  98,  135, 

136 
Montbazon,  Hercule  de  Bohan-Gucme- 

ne'e,  Duke  de,  201,  203,  285 
,  Marie  de  Bretagne  d'Avaugour, 

Duchess  de,  29G 
Montboissier-Canillac,  Marquis  de,  109, 

110 
Montceaux,  title  and  estate  of,  141, 158, 

191 
Montecler,  Catherine  de,  298 
Montgomery,  Gabriel  de  Lorges,  Count 

de,  9 
Montigny,  M.  de,  120,  150 
Montluc,  Blaise  de,  9 ;  Alexandre  Jean 

de.     See  Balagny. 
Montmartre,  abbess  of,  106,  292 
Montmorency,    Charles    de,    Duke    de 

Damvillc,  56 

,  Francois,  Marshal  Duke  de,  21 

,  Henri  I,  Duke  de,  Marshal  and 

Conrtable  of  France,  21, 151, 163, 199, 

250,  278,  280,  282 


Montmorency,  Louise  de  Budos,  Duchess 

de,  wife  of  Henri  1, 151,  277 
,  Charlotte  Marguerite  de,  daughter 

of  Henri  I  and  Princess  de  Conde.* 

See  Cond6. 
Boutteville,  Louis  and  Claude  de, 

92 

Fosseux.    See  Fosseux. 

Montpensier,  Francois  de  Bourbon,  Duke 

de,  49 
,  Henri  de  Boiu-bon,  Duke  de,  224, 

288  ;  his  wife  Henriette  de  Joyeose, 

288 
,  Louis  de  Bourbon,  Duke  de,  161 ; 

his  wife  Catherine  Marie,  daughter  of 

FrauQois  de  Guise,  103, 132,  161 
Montsoreau,  Lord  and  Lady  of,  41 
Moret,  Antoine  de  Bourbon,  Count  de, 

2G3,  298 
,  Jacqueline  de  Bueil,  Countess  de, 

262,  263,  267,  272,  274,  298 
Morgan,  258,  263-265 
Momay,  Philippe  de  (du  Flessis),  78, 81, 

135,  145,  180 

Nanoat,  M.  de,  16 

Nantes,  183 ;  edict  of,  148,  260 ;  county 

of,  160 
Nassau.     See  Orange. 
Nau,  M.  de,  220,  221 
Navarre,    Kingdom    of,     6.    For   its 

sovereigns,  tee  Henri,  Jean,  Jeanne, 

Marguerite,  Sancho, 
,     Princess    Catherine    de,    later 

Duchess  de  Bar,  6,  48,  59,  60,  111- 

114,  148, 150,  176,  209,  252,  254 
Nemours,  Charles  Am^dSe  de  Savoie, 

Duke  de,  296 
,  Charles  Emmanuel  de  Savoie,  Duke 

de,  132 

,  Henri  de  Savoie,  Duke  de,  296 

,    Jacques   de    Savoie,    Duke    de 

(father  of  Charles  Emmanuel),  236 
,  Anne  of  Este  (widow  of  Francois 

de  Guise),  Duchess  de,  161,  217,  236 
,  Anue  de  Lorraine-Aumale,  wife 

of  Henri  de,  296 
,  Elisabeth  de  Vendome,  Duchess 

de,  296 
N6rac,  58  et  tea.,  63,  64,  67,  82,  84,  86 
Nerestang,  M.  de,  264 

•  We  omitted  to  mention  in  the  body 
of  our  work  that  it  was  Mile,  de  Mont- 
morency's marriage  with  Henri  II  de 
Cond6  which  made  the  latter 's  family 
so  extremely  wealthy.  Inter  cdia,  that 
marriage  eventually  conveyed  to  the 
Condds  the  famous  estate  of  Chantilly. 


INDEX 


317 


Neufville.    See  VUleroy. 

Nevers,  Charles  Gonzaga,  Duke  de,  229, 

260 ;  his  wife  Catherine  de  Lorraine- 

Mayenne,  230 
,  Francis  of  Cleves,  Duke  de,  21 ; 

his  wife  Marquerite  de  Bourbon,  21 
,  Louis  Gonzaga,  Duke  de,  21 ;  his 

wife  Henriette  of  Cleves,  21,  156 
Nogaret.    See  Epemon. 
Noirmoutier,  Fran<jois  de  la  Tr^moflle, 

Marquis  de,  46 
,    Marchioness   de.    See    Sauves, 

Mme.  de. 


O,  Francois,  Marquis  d',  154 
Offices  of  State,  192 
Olympus,  Queen  Marguerite's,  270 
Orange,  Princes  of,  259,  282 ;  Princess 

of,  148 
Orleans,  city  of,  214  ;  "  dog  "  of,  134 
,  Gaston,  Duke  of,  274, 298 ;  Regent 

of,  300 

,  Jean  Philippe,  Chevalier  d',  300 

Omano,  Alphonse,  Marshal  d',  205,  206 
Ossat,  Cardinal  Arnaud  d',  184, 185, 197, 

243,  244 

Palace,  Queen  Marguerite's,  in  Paris, 
270, 271 ;  of  the  Louvre.  See  Lou\Te. 

Pancoussaire,  Piootin,  54,  292 

Pangeas,  Count  de,  49,  113 

Parab^re,  Marquis  de,  115 

Paris,  St.  Bartholomew's  Day  in,  13  et 
ieq. ;  siege  of,  56, 132 ;  Henri  de  Navarre 
enters,  141-143 ;  royal  functions  and 
amusements  in,  19,  35,  161-166,  190, 
191 ;  worth  a  mass,  137 ;  Gbbrielle 
d'Estr^es'  residences  in,  137, 192, 194, 
198,  202,  207 ;  prelates  of,  268 

Parma,  Duke  of,  132,  133 

Pau,  ch&teau  of,  6,  9,  17,  55,  113,  138 

Paul  III,  Pope,  5 

Peichpeyroux,  Bernard  de,  205 

Penthi^vres,  the,  181 

Perreal,  J.,  207 

PhUip  II,  of  Spain ,  85, 86, 134, 176, 224 ; 
Philip  III,  248,  261 ;  PhUip  IV,  250 ; 
Philip  V,  299,  300 

Pibrac,     See  Pybrac. 

Poitiers,  Diane  de,  158, 160,  230,  268 

Pominy,  110 

Pompone.    See  Belli^vre. 

Porch^es,  128 

Portugal,  Dom  Sebastian  of,  10 

Praslin.  Charles  de  Choiseul,  Marquis 
de,  138,  281 

Predictions,  163, 195,  196 

Primaticcio,  the,  158^ 


Promise  of  marriage,  the  King's  to  Cori- 
sanda,  98 ;  to  Henriette  d'Entragues, 
220,  261,  262;  between  Princess 
Catherine  and  Soissons,  112,  114 

Pybrac,  Gui  du  Faur  de,  49, 72,  81 

QtiELCs,  Count  de,  44 

Baont,  M.  de,  150 

Ramboaillet,  M.  de,  217 

Bavaillac,  F.,  283-286 

Raverie,  La,  143 

Rebours,  Mile,  de,  mistress  of  Henri  de 

Navarre,  56,  57,  63,  66 

,  Montabert  de,  56 

Rennes,  181-183 

Retz,  Claude  Catherine  de  Clermont, 

Duchess  de,  201,  205 
Ribe'rac,  M.  de,  44 
Richelieu,  Cardinal,  251,  260,  271,  295, 

296, 298 
Rochefoucauld,  Fran(?ois  III  de  la,  9, 

18 
Rochelle,  La,  9 
Rodelle,  M.  de,  781 
Rodolph  II,  Emperor,  3 
Rohan,  Jacqueline  de,  213.    See  aUo 

Montbazon. 
Romorantin,     Charlotte     des     Essars, 

Countess  de,  mistress  of   Henri  de 

Navarre,  263,  267, 274,  299.    See  alto 

Bourbon-Romorantin. 
Ronsard,  Pierre  de,  9,  302 
Roquelaure,  Antoine  de  (later  Marshal), 

36,  37,  92;  perhaps  the  same,  285; 

Louise  de.    See  Gramont. 
Rothelin,  Mme.  de,  214 
Rouen,  the  King  at,  153 
Rousse,  La,  138 
Ruggieri,  Cosmo,  221 
Ruz^  d'Effiat,  69 

Sable,  Guillaume  du,  56, 127 

Sades,  Gabrielle  de,  25 

Sagonne,  Countess  de,  widow  of  Jean 

Babou,  killed  at  Arques,  164 
Saint  Aignan,  Count  and  Countess  de, 

106 
Bartholomew  Massacre,  13  et  seq., 

26,29 

Denis,  abbey  of,  royal  abjuration 

at,  136 ;  tombs  at,  208 

Germain  des  Pr^s,  abbey,  royal 

tombs  at,  208 ;  abbot  of,  297,  298 

Germain-en-Laye,  191,  217,  222, 

253,  254,  258,  262 

Julien,  Dat  de,  269 

•  Marc,  Baron  de,  69 

Mars,  Broc  de,  69 


318 


INDEX 


Saint  Martin,  M.  de,  36 

Megrin,  Paul  de  Stuer  de  Caussade 

Lord  of,  44 

Michel,  M.  de,  284,  285 

Simon,  Duke  de,  300 

Vallier,  Diane  de.    See  Poitiers. 

Sainte-Beuve  quoted,  73, 128,  129,  150 

Genevifeve,  abbey  of,  43 

Salisbury.    See  Cecil. 

Saluzzo,  Marquisate  of,  223-225 

Sancho  the  Csesarian,  89 

Sancy,  Harlay  de,  141,  154 

Satire  M^ipie,  La,  134 

Sauves,  Charlotte  de  Beaune,  Baroness 

de,  mistress  of  Henri  de  Navarre,  25- 

28,  31,  33,  38,  41,  42,  44-47,  51,  61 
Sauves,  Simon  de  Fize,  Baron  de,  25,  26, 

45,46 
Savoy,  Charles  Enmianuel,  Duke    of, 

223-225,  227,  228,  231,  234 
Schomberg,  Georges  de,  44 ;  his  brother 

Gaspard,  207;  Gaspard's  son  Henri. 

298 
Sedan  surrendered,  272 
S€ez.    See  Bertaut. 
Siguier,  Charlotte,  Duchess  de  Sully  and 

de  Vemeuil,  242,  297 
Semblan<;ay,  Jacques  de,  25 
Senantes,  Mme.  de,  106 
Sens,  Hotel  de,  268-270 
Setanaie,  Mile.,  45 
Sigognes,  M.  de,  258,  262 
Sillery,  Brulart  de,  President,  197,  225, 

264 
Simier,  Mme.  de,  155 
Sins,  the  seven  deadly,  118,  208 
Sixtus  V,  Pope,  86, 137 
Soissons,  Charles  de  Bourbon,  Count  de, 

48,  98,  111-114,  191,  253 
Songs  attributed  to  Henri  de  Navarre, 

133,  148,  301  et  seq. 
Sourdis,  Marchioness  de,  nie  Babou  de 

la  Bourdaisifere,  117,  131,  161,  164, 
169,  192,  202 
Spalungue,  Lieut.,  36 
Spinola,  Marquis,  281 ,  282 
Stanay,  M.  de,  121 
States-general,  46,  134 
Solly,  Maximilien  de  B^thune,  Baron 
de  Bosny  and  Duke  de,  45,  60,  94, 
98,  113,  115,  125,  137,  138,  140,  141, 
152,  154, 155, 157, 173-176,  179, 180, 
181,  183-187, 192-195,  199-201,  218, 
219,  227,  250,  251,  253,  255,  256, 
273,  284 


Tallemamt  des  R^aux,  138,  208 
T61igny,  M.  de,  18 


Tignonville,  Jeanne  du  Montceau  de, 

mistress  of    Henri   de    Navarre,  48 

etteq. 
— ^,  M.  de,  and  his  wife,  48 
Thou,  Jacques  Auguste  de,  135,  136, 

211,  280 ;  Emeric  de,  136 
Touchet,  Marie,  Duchess  d'Entragues, 

214,  215,  216,  218,  266 
Toulongeon,  H^lfene  de  Clermont  de, 

89 ;  Henri  de  Gramont,  Count  de,  92 
Tremblay,  Madeleine  du  (Mme.  Zamet), 

179 
Tr^moille,  Duke  de  la,  254,  259,  260 ; 

Duchess  de  la,  232 

,  Charlotte  de  la.     See  Cond6. 

Turenne,  Henri  de  la  Tour  d'Auvergne, 

Viscount  de,  51,  58,  61,  62,  99.     See 

alto  Bouillon,  Duke  de. 
Tuscany,  Grand  Dukes  of.     See  Ferdi- 

nando  and  Francesco. 

Unton,  Sir  H.,  189, 190 
Ussac,  M.  d',  50 
Usson,  castle  of,  109-111 
Uz6s,  Mme.  d*,  45 

Valette,  La.    See  ^pernon. 
Valois,  name  of,  159 
Yardes,  M.  and  Mme.  de,  263 
Varenne,    Guillaume    Fouquet    de   la, 

176,  199, 204, 205, 213,  215, 218, 220, 

230 
Vaudemont,  Nicolas  de  Lorraine,  Count 

de,  31,  181 ;  Louise  de.     See  Louise, 

Queen. 
Vaux,  Louis  de.  Capuchin,  74,  79 
Vendome,  Antoine  de  Bourbon,  Duke 

de,  and  King  of  Navarre,  4,  5, 8, 301, 

302 
,   Charles   de    Bourbon,   Cardinal 

de,  called  Charles  X  of  France,  4, 49, 

85, 132 
,*  Alexandre,  Chevalier  de,  127, 

183,  187,  191,   192,   194,   195,  204, 

297 
,  C6sar,  Duke  de,  127,   140,  141, 

143,  144,  149,  170,  174,  183,    187, 

199,  206,  268,  279,  294,  295 
,  Franpois  de,  Duke  de  Beaufort, 

295,  296 

,  Jules  C68ar  de,  301 

,  Louis,  Duke  and  Cardinal  de,  295, 

296 
,  Louis  Joseph,  Duke  de,  299,  300 

•  From  the  above  point  the  VendSmes 
enumerated  are  the  children  or  descend- 
ants of  Henri  de  Navarre,  or  else  their 
wives. 


INDEX 


819 


Vendome,  Philippe,  Chevalier  de,  300 
,  Catherine  Henriette  de,  Duchess 

d'Elbeuf,  159,  194,  209,  283, 297 
,  Franpoise  de  Mercoeur,  Duchess 

de.     See  Mercoeur. 

,  Laura  Mancini,  Duchess  de,  295 

,  Marie  Anne  de  Cond6,  Duchess  de, 

300 
Ventadour,  Duke  de,  188,  200,  250 
Verdun,  Catherine  de,  nun,  106 
Vergne,  Mile,  de  la,  51 
Vermond,  M.  de,  269,  270 
Vemde  (perhaps  Vergne),  Mile,  de  la, 

45 
Verneuil,  estate  of,  222 
,  Marchioness  de.     See  Entragues, 

Henriette  d'. 
,  Graston   Henri,  Duke  de,  son  of 

Henri  de  Navarre,  242,  243,  259,  261, 

262,  273,  285,  286,  288,  297 

,  Charlotte,  Duchess  de,  242,  297 

^i^^Gabrielle  Ang^lique  de,  Duchess 

d'Epernon,    daughter   of    Henri    de 

Navarre,  250,  251,  298 
Vemhyes,   President  de,   188,  200  et 

seq. 
Versailles,  lordship  of,  261 
Viens  Aurore,  133,  303,  305 
Villars,  Marquis  de,  59 
,  AndrS  de  Brancas,  Marquis  and 

later  Duke  de,  187,  217 


Villars,  Juliette  Hippolyte  d'Estr6e8, 
Marchioness  and  later  Duchess  de, 
118,  120,  122,  123,  131,  149,  245, 
246 

Villeroy,  Nicolas  de  Neufville,  Lord  of, 
64,  243,  244,  250,  257,  265 

Villers,  Jean  d'H6merita  de,  55 

Vincennes,  ch&teau  of,  21,  24,  297,  299 

Vinta,  Belisario,  239 

Virey,  M.  de,  280 

Voltaire,  119,  129,  167 

Walsingham,  Sir  F.,  10 

"War,  early  religious,  8,  9;  Lovers',  51, 
52,  61-64 ;  of  the  three  Henrys,  74, 
95,  96 ;  with  Savoy,  223  et  seq. ;  with 
the  House  of  Austria,  279,  283.  See 
also  Amiens,  Arques,  Chartres, 
Coutras,  Ivry,  Paris. 

Witteaux,  Baron  de,  40 

Women  associated  with  Henri  de 
Navarre,  291  e<  seq. 

Xaintis,  Queen  Marguerite's  maid,  54, 
61 

Zaust,  Jean,  general,  178 :  S^bastien, 
financier,  165,  177,  178,  201,  202, 
203,  210,  211;  S^bastiea,  bishop, 
179 


THE  END 


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